Chapter X: Preface (9)

The combination káy sa has so much unity that the sa is often repeated or used where unnecessary: so always before a proper name: Ang báta ng si Pédro ay mataàs nang kauntè` káy sa sa lamésa. Little Pedro is a bit taller than the table. lálu ng mabagsìk káy sa ríto more fierce than this; Ang báta ng si Pédro ay mataàs nang kauntè` káy sa kay Hwàn. Little Pedro is a bit taller than Juan. Sya y mabúte ng tumugtùg ké sa kay Hwána. She plays better than Juana. Si Hwàn ay magúlang káy sa kay Pédro. Juan is older than Pedro.

Owing to the construction described at § 120 this construction may be ambiguous: Lálo ng malakì ang gálit ni Hwàn káy sa kay Pédro. Juan's anger is greater than Pedro's.

282. lában against: ang gálit lában sa kanyà anger against him, Ang kapangyaríhan ay ginàgámit nya lában sa kanya ng manga kaáway. He uses his power against his enemies.

283. líban except: Ang manga karumáta ng itò ay upahàn, líban na lámang sa ilàn. These carriages are hired, except only for a few.

284. The particle mulà` from and its derivative magmulà` starting from: ang gitnà` mulá sa magkábila ng dúlo the middle from both ends; ang kanyà ng manga súgat mulá sa paà hanggàng úlo his wounds from feet to head; mulá ríto from here. With disjunctive attribute of time instead of local attribute: mulá noòn from then on, from that time.

285. Words of manner with prefix pa- (see Morphology): Ang manga táo ay nagsipagtakbúhan papalabàs sa simbáhan. The people ran leaving (i. e. out of) the church. Ipinatúluy nya ang paglalakàd papuntà sa isa ng báhay. He continued walking (directed) toward a certain house.

Commonest is patúngo directed towards, aiming for: Tumakbo syà patúngu sa ílog. He ran towards the river.

Regular construction: Sya y papuntà sa lángit. He was on the way to Heaven.

286. The particle parà, pára (Spanish) for, equivalent to úkol (§ 288): Nagbwàl sila nang isa ng báka pára sa fiyèsta. They slaughtered a cow for the fiesta. Humúkay sila nang malálim parà sa patày. They dug a deep pit for the corpse. Pumútol ka bà nang damò parà sa kabáyo? Have you cut any grass for the horse? Also as conjunctive attribute, modifying an object expression: Sulat nà ang líham na pára kay Hwána. The letter for Juana is written.

287. tungkòl about, concerning: Nasiyásat nang hukòm ang lahàt nang bágay tungkòl sa kanila ng úsap. The judge inquired into all the matters relating to their suit. Cf.: ang tungkùl sa súnog the details about the fire.

288. The particle úkol is synonymous with parà (§ 286) and tungkòl: Humúkay sila nang malálim úkol sa patày. This phrase as predicate: Iyò y úkol sa manga hírap sa infiyèrno. This was about the sufferings in Hell.

(6) words introducing subordinate phrases or predications.

289. Certain words precede words, phrases, and whole predications which are thereby subordinated to the main sentence as absolute attributes, loosely joined.

The syntactic relation of these words to the expressions which they introduce seems to be the peculiar one described in § 54. However, some of them are plainly joined to their phrase by na, ng, and others end in -ng or -t. Most of them merely precede the phrase, others are closely joined.

Finally, in a few cases predications apparently not introduced by any subordinating word are used as absolute attributes.

290. bagà (§ 216), in this sense always followed by màn (§ 221), although, is less used than káhit (§ 294). See also § 317. Baga màn nakapagpasyàl si Pédro, nátira kamì sa báhay. Although Pedro managed to take a walk, we staid home.

291. bágo, in this use before (in point of time), has closely joined position as regards its phrase: Ang manga kabáyo ng ginàgámit nang manga kanyunéros nang gubyèrno ay pinaíinum múna, bágo pakánin. The horses used by the artillery of the government are watered first, before they are fed. Nagkantáhan silà bágo naguwían. They sang together before they went home. Bágo sya y sumúlat ay makipagúsap ka sa kanyà. Before he writes have a talk with him. Magísip ka bágo ka sumagòt. Think before you answer. Balatan mò ang manggà bágu mo kánin. Peel the mango before you eat it. maluwat pà bágo mamatày ang mangkukúlam long before the sorcerer dies.

In normal constructions bágo has the sense of new, recent: ang bágu ng báhay the new house; ang bágo ng táo an unmarried man, a youth; ang manga manòk na bágo ng bilè the chickens just bought; Bágu ng gáling sya sa sakìt. He is recently recovered from an illness.

292. hábang throughout, during, while probably consists of hába` length plus ng. Hábang sya y natùtúlog ay nakaraàn ang susò`. While he was sleeping the snail passed. Hábang pinagusápan nilà itò ang ikapitù ng báta` ay nása isa ng bitàk nang bangkò`. While they were discussing this, the seventh child was in a crack of the bench. Nàlùlugmok syà hábang panahòn sa isa ng malálim na kalungkútan. She was sunk constantly (literally: throughout time) in a deep sadness. A short phrase with hábang may be closely joined: Hindí nya natagalà ng angkinìn hábang búhay nya ang birtùd na iyòn. He did not succeed in keeping this quality as his own throughout (his) life. [8]

293. hanggàng as far as, to, until may be hanggàn limit, end plus ng; instead of the absolute construction the phrase is, however, often in local form. For lack of ang in the phrase see § 68. Naghintày sya hanggàng katanghalían. He waited till noon. Ang púno` ay tumúbo` hanggàng sa magbúnga. The tree grew until (it) bore fruit. Silà ay nagtakbúhan hanggàng sa dumatìng sila sa kanila ng báyan. They both ran until they arrived in their town. As predicate: Ang kúlang nang gátas ay hanggàng sa leèg nang bóte. The lack of milk is as far as the neck of the bottle, i. e. The milk goes only up to the neck of the bottle.

294. káhit (§ 245), with or without na, in the sense of although, no matter (cf. §§ 290. 317). The subordinate word or phrase has usually the form of a question; when it is an entire predication the predicate stands first: Tinalaga nyà ng sumáma, káhit na saàn sya dalhìn. He decided to go along, no matter where he was carried. Káhit na anò ang iyútos nya ay sinúsunòd. No matter what it was he ordered, (it) was obeyed. Káhit na madilìm ang gabì ay nagpasyal dìn si Pédro. Though the night was dark, Pedro nevertheless took a walk. Káhit na bahagyà ang ulàn ay nakabasà` nang karsáda. Though the rain was scanty, it sufficed to wet the streets. Káhit ulòl ang áso ay áyaw nya ng patayìn. Although the dog was mad, he did not want to kill it.

Note the following instance, in which káhit na precedes its phrase as a closely joined attribute: Nàramdaman kò ang kalabìt nya sa ákin, káhit na akò natùtúlog. I felt his touch against me, even though I was asleep.

Phrases with káhit may be closely joined to the main sentence: Nàpùpútol nya káhit na walá sya ng kasangkápan ang bákal nang kanya ng bìlanggúan. He managed, even though he had no tools, to cut the iron of his prison. ang táo káhit laláki o babáye na nagàári sa kanyà the person, man or woman, who owns it.

295. kaniyà`, kanyà` (§ 241) expressive of result, may with its phrase be subordinated. It then stands as a closely joined attribute of its phrase: Kanyá nya iníwan ang páyong ay sapagkàt nagtígil ang ulàn at lumiwánag ang lángit. The reason he left his umbrella (quasi-subject) was because the rain let up and the sky cleared. Accordingly we may analyze as subordinate such clauses as the following: Náupó sya sa tinìk, kanyá sya nápatindìg agàd. He sat down on a spine, so as to jump at once, i. e. that is why he jumped up at once. Cf., however, § 324.

296. The particle kapàg if, in case (of single events viewed as completed in the future, synonymous with pagkà, § 304), see § 300: Ang hiniràm nya ng kampìt ay iyo ng kúnin, kapag ipinùpútol na nyà nang káhoy. Take away the knife he borrowed if he uses it to cut wood.

297. kayà` (§ 219) is sometimes used exactly like kaniyà` (§ 295): Kayà` aku naparíto ay kùkúnin ku ang hiniràm mo ng librò. I am going to take the book you have borrowed, so that I have come here, i. e. I have come here to.... The act is expressed as a subordinate element, the purpose as the principal sentence. Nagpùpútol si Hwàn nang káhoy, kayá sya y wala ríto. Juan is cutting wood now, that is why he is not here.

298. The atonic particle kung preceding an expression of time states the time when of repeated occurrences: Gumàgámit kamì nang makapàl na damìt kung tagulàn. We use thick clothing in the rainy season. Nagtìtípon nang pagkáin ang manga langgàm kung tagáraw. The ants collect food in summer. Ang hùníhan nang manga íbon kung umága ay nakalìligáya. The chirping of the birds in the morning is gladdening. Ang iba ng táwo y mabúti pa ng makisáma káy sa isà ng kapatìd kung mínsan. An unrelated person is better to associate with than a brother at times. So: kung gabè at night, of nights, kung fiyèsta nang báyan during the (periodic) fiesta of the town, kung madilìm at dark, when it is dark, kung bahà` at flood-times, kung buwàn nang Húniyo in June.

Occasionally the phrase with kung is closely joined: Hindí hasà` kung mínsan ang manga bágu ng patalìm sa Filipínas. In the Philippines new cutlery is sometimes without an edge (i. e. sold without an edge, to be sharpened by the purchaser).

299. With phrases in the form of a question (minus bà § 215 or bagà § 216) kung expresses indirect question. The expression so formed stands as quasi-subject or quasi-object (cf. §§ 157. 158) or as predicate: Naalaála nya kung papáno ang paggawà` nang salamangkà. He managed to recall how the trick was done. Ipináyu nya na kung sínu sa kanilà ang pinkamahúsay na magsalità` nang Latìn ay siya lámang kàkáin nang itlòg. He advised that whoever (kung síno) among them was the best at speaking Latin should be the one who alone ate the egg. Si Pédro ay nagíisìp kung saàn nya naíwan ang kanya ng páyong. Pedro is trying to recall where he left his umbrella. Nàlàláman mo bà kung saàn sya nároon? Do you know where he is? Ang manga táo-ng-báyan ay nagsiyásat kung maàári sila ng magtayò nang isa ng mákina nang bìgásan sa kanila ng báyan. The townspeople considered whether they could put up a machine for thrashing rice in their town. Ang siyásat ni Hwàn sa kanya ng pagparíto ay kung ilà ng kúra ang nàrìritò sa áti ng báyan. Juan's inquiry when he got here was how many priests there are in our town.

300. Introducing other phrases kung has the sense of if, whenever (of non-actual occurrences viewed as unreal, hypothetical, or repeated); compare disjunctive attributes of time (§ 192, single actual occurrence), pag (§ 303, single non-actual occurrence, simultaneous), kapàg and pagkà (§§ 296, 304, single non-actual precedent occurrence), words with prefixes in p- (§ 274, single occurrence, actual or non-actual), tuwè` (§ 307, repeated actual): Kung dumatìng si Hwàn ay umalis kà. If Juan comes, go away. Kung dumatìng sya ay sabíhin mo ng maghintày. If he comes, tell him to wait. Kung úulàn ay gamítin mo ang kapóte. If it rains, use your raincoat. Bìbilhin kò ang kabáyo ng iyòn kung máy-roon akò ng marámi ng kwaltà. I should buy this horse, if I had enough money. Note: Kung sa pagaasáwa namàn, akò y nagkaroòn nang dalawà. And as to (literally if) taking a wife, I had two.

301. In the same sense kung with dì` (§ 237) or hindì` (§ 239) if not, precedes the second, positive member of a contrast: unless, but rather, beside, except (Cf. palà § 228): Hwag kà ng makàpakikáin-káin kung hindí ka inàanyáhan. Don't be taking meals with people unless you are invited. Walà ng ibà ng nagpàpahírap sa kanyà kung hindí kayò. There is no one else who causes suffering to him, beside you.

302. ngayòn (§ 262), when subordinating, is conjunctively joined to its clause: Ngayò ng áraw na yitò y dárating silà. On this very day they will arrive. Ngayò ng táo ng iyòn ay patay nà, bákit namàn...? Now that this man is dead, why...?

303. The atonic particle pag gives the time when of a single non-actual occurrence; cf. § 274 and see § 300. Pag akò ay pagòd, natùtúlug akò nang maluwàt. When I am tired, I sleep late. Pag paputòl mo ng hiníwa` ang pakuwàn ay hindí màbìbilì ang banda ng púno`. If you cut the watermelon crosswise, you will not be able to sell the stem-end. Magmùmurahàn sila ng dalawà pag nagkíta. The two will revile each other when they meet.

304. The particle pagkà (synonymous with kapàg, § 296) gives the time immediately after which of a single non-actual occurrence; cf. § 274 and see § 300. Pagka ikàw ay nahúlog ay masàsaktan kà. When you have taken a fall you will be hurt.

305. The particle patì including; cf. § 68. ang boò ng katawàn patì manga matà at taínga the whole body, including eyes and ears.

306. The particle sapagkàt (sa pagkà at ?) because, for: Sapagkàt ang pári ng itò ay nagakála ng manga walà ng pinagarálan ang kanyà ng sinèsèrmunan ay hindí sya nagpílit.... Because this priest thought his hearers were uneducated people, he took no pains.... Ipinapútol nya ang kanya ng dalíre`, sapagkàt tinubúan nang kànser. He had his finger amputated because there was a cancer on it. For a phrase with sapagkàt as predicate see example under kanyà`, § 241.

307. The particle tuwè` (§ 244) in this use tells the time when always of actual repeated occurrences: whenever, every time. It is conjunctively joined to its clause: Pinaghàhatdan nyà nang gátas ang báyan twì ng umága. He delivers milk in the town every morning. Pumàparíto ang médiko twi ng makalawà. The doctor comes every other day. Si Hwàn ay nakìkipagluksúhan twi ng idinàdáos ang manga palarò` kung fyèsta nang báyan. Juan takes part in the jumping contest whenever games are held in the fiesta of the town. Twì ng papásuk akò sa síne sa áki ng kúyang ay áyaw sya. Every time I ask my brother to take me to the moving-picture show, he refuses.

308. úpang in order to, so that (úpa pay, wages ?): Sila y naúupo pa lámang úpang mananghále`. They are just sitting down to eat the noon meal. Syà y tumayò` sa bubungàn nang báhay úpang tanawìn ang súnog. He stood up on the roof of the house to watch the fire. Kantahàn ninyò ang máy sakit úpang sya y malibàng. Sing for the sick man so that he may be cheered. Tináwag nilà ang isa ng kálaw úpang siya ng magìng hukòm. They called an owl so that (it) might be the one who served as judge.

309. yámang while, as: Ang púno nang unggò ay namatày yámang ang sa pagòng ay tumúbo`. The tree of the monkey died while that of the turtle grew.

310. Predications and similar phrases (impersonal or anaphoric) as absolute attributes, in the meaning of disjunctive attributes of time, are not uncommon: Madali-ng-áraw pa lámang ay nàròroòn na silà. (When) it was still but dawn, they were already there. Makása-m-pu ng táwag nà ay walá pa syà. (At) the tenth call he was still not there. Makaraàn ang ila ng sandalì` ay sinábi nya sa susò`.... (When) a few moments had passed, he said to the snail.... May ápat na pu ng taòn na sya sa lúpa ng Katagalúgan ay hindí pa nya nàtutúhan ... (When) he had already been in the Tagalog country for about forty years, he had not yet learned.... Mínsan pumásuk sya sa simbáhan ay nárinig nya.... Once (when) he went to church, he heard.... Other examples at 26,21. 28,11. 66,15. 9213.

4. Serial groups.

311. The serial relation is expressed in part explicitly by particles and in part by parataxis, parenthesis, and anacolouthic constructions.

(1) coordinating particles.

312. The most important of the coordinating particles is at, t; as some of the others end in -t, they may be felt to contain at; cf. the similar ending in other particles, § 213; t is used after syllabics, n, and ` (see Phonetics), but even here at is commoner.

When a sentence begins with a coordinating particle, the latter gives expression to the connection with the preceding sentence (as in English sentences beginning with And ... or But ...)

313. at, t and connects words, phrases, or entire predications. báro t salawàl blouse and trousers (native costume), ang tapunàn nang béha at upòs the place for throwing cigarette-ends and cigar-stubs, dalawa ng, pù t dalawà twenty-two, kung mínsan at malakì ang gálit nang amà ... sometimes, when the father's anger was great ... (kung goes with both of the members connected by at).

When more than two elements are connected, at is used generally between the last two: sina Pédro, Hwàn, at Andrès the group consisting of Pedro, Juan, and Andrés. isa ng líbo, walo ng daàn, walo ng pu t ánim 1886.

314. at is used in a few common phrases: isà t isà everyone ibà t ibà various: ang mangà taga ibà t iba ng báyan people from various towns; Iba t ibà ang kúlay nang kanya ng pananamìt. His clothes are of various colors. at ibà pà and so forth, and other; ang tsíko, súha`, santòl, ... at iba pà the custard-apple, grape-fruit, santol, and so forth; ang manga háyop at iba pà ng árì nang pàmahalaàn the live stock and other belongings of the government.

315. at has occasionally a decidedly adversative tone; so, for instance, at 78,31.

316. Frequently at has subordinative coloring, the second of the members joined expressing:

cause: Hintày ka múna t hindí pa akò nakapápahingà. Make a halt first, for I am not yet rested. Íbig mo bà ng kumáin sa ámin?--Salámat, áyaw ko t kakàkáin ko pa lámang. Do you want to eat with us?--Thank you, no, for I have only just eaten. Buksan mò ang pintò` at íbig ko ng pumások. Open the door, for I want to go in.

result: Ano t dí ka lumákad nang matúlin? Why don't you walk fast? Ano ang íbig mo t nàrìrito kà? What do you want that you have come here? i. e. What have you come here for? So especially: anò ang dáhil at...? what is the reason that...?

purpose: Umalìs sya t makìkipútol nang damò. He has gone to help cut grass.

temporal succession: Hindí sya nakaratìng nang ápat na pu ng taòn sa gúlang at sya y namatày. She had not reached forty years in her age, when she died.

a subordinate quasi-subject: Sinábi nang manghuhúla sa iyò t hindi maláyo ríto ang kawàwalan nang iyo ng singsìng. The fortune-teller told you that the place where you would lose your ring is not far from here. Sinábi ko nà sa iyò at hwag kà ng maíngay. I have told you already not to make any noise. [9]

317. The subordinating value of at appears especially in certain expressions which it forms with other particles:

(1) at bakà` lest (cf. § 235): Hwag kà ng magpatihúlog diyàn sa kátre at baká ka masaktàn. Don't throw yourself from that bed, for you might hurt yourself.

(2) at nang so that (cf. § 192 f.): Magiinùm ka nang gátas at nang ikàw ay tumabà`. Drink milk so that you may grow stout.

(3) bagà màn at although (cf. § 290): Baga màn at umúulàn ay nagsísipaglarò silà. Although it is raining they are at play.

(4) kayà` at so that (cf. § 297): Napapúpunta nilà ang pelóta kayà t báwat isa sa kanilà ay nakaabàng. They direct the ball so that every one of them is on guard.

(5) káylan màn at every time that, whenever, synonymous with tuwè ng, § 307 (cf. káylan màn § 262): Si Hwàn ay táwa nang táwa káylan mà t márinig nya ang manga katatawanà ng bahági nang kwènto. Juan laughs and laughs every time he hears the funny parts of the story.

318. dátapuwat but is the commonest adversative coordinating particle. It is used also when the two members are not logically but only formally in contrast: Ang húni nang pipìt ay mahína`, dátapuwat mataàs ang tóno. The chirping of the stone-sparrow is weak, but high-pitched. Pùputúlin ko ang lúbid kung máy-roon akò ng laséta, dátapuwat walá ako. I should cut the rope if I had a knife, but I have none. Si Pédro ay hindí dumatìng, dátapuwat iba ng táo ang naparíto. Pedro did not arrive; it was someone else who came here.

319. The particles nì hindì` (§§ 253. 239) connect coordinate elements in the sense of nor: Sya y hindí nagsísimbà nì hindí nangúngumpisàl nì hindí rin nagmàmáno sa páre`. He neither went to church nor confessed nor kissed the priest's hand. The hindì` may, as an anaphoric element, be left off after another hindì`: Ang kanila ng kamày ay hindí nila máilabàs sa bútas nì ibig namàn sila ng bitíwan ang lamàn nang nyòg. They cannot take out their hands from the opening, nor are they willing to let go the cocoanut-meat.

320. The particle ngúnit is equivalent with dátapuwat, but is less common: Hindí sya nagísip, ngúnit sumagòt karáka-ráka. He did not reflect but answered at once.

321. The atonic particle o or (probably Spanish): isa ng malakì ng áso o báboy a large dog or pig; Dikdikìn kità sa lusòng o lunúrin kita sa ílog? Shall I bray you in a mortar or drown you in the river? Frequently the combination o kayà` (§ 219) is used; it is loosely joined: Ang kapangyaríha ng itò y gáling sa dimóniyo o kayà y mána sa magúlang. This power comes from a demon or else is inherited from one's parents.

322. The particle subálit but is less common than its equivalents dátapuwat and ngúnit: Aku sána y páparoon sa Balíwag, subálit hindí ako nátulòy, dahilàn sa isa ng karamdáman. I was going to Baliwag, but I did not keep on, on account of an illness.

(2) paratactic sentences.

323. A vocative joins another sentence: Hintú na kayò, manga báta`! Stop, children! Té na, baláe! or: Tara nà, baláe! Come on, old man!

324. Contrast, cause, result, detail, etc. are sometimes paratactically expressed; in some cases it seems uncertain whether the second element is paratactic or subordinate, so especially when it begins with kaniyà` (§§ 241. 295): Sina Pédro, Hwàn, at Andrès ay magkakasamahà ng nagtánod sa isà ng dúlo nang tulày; sina Felípe, Andùy, at Mariyáno sa ikalawà ng dúlo. Pedro, Juan, and Andrés are standing guard together at one end of the bridge; Felipe, Andoy, and Mariano at the other. Hindí ko gustò iyàn, ibà ang áki ng gustò. I don't like that, I want something else. Hwag kà ng umyàk, Maryà, baká ka himatayìn. Don't weep, Maria, you might have a fainting-fit. Ang kantà nang báta ng si Hwàn ay kanya ng nalimútan, kanyà hindi tulà` ang kanya ng kinantà. Little Juan forgot his song, that is why what he sang was disconnected. Siya ngà`, siyà ang nagbigày sa ákin nang bágo ng búhay. Yes, she; it was she who gave me new life. Sya y may famíliya; bukòd sa asáwa ay may dalawà sya ng anàk. He had a family; beside his wife he had two children.

(3) parenthesis.

325. Not infrequently explanatory elements are inserted into a sentence parenthetically: Tatlò ng magkakaybígan, isa ng páre`, isa ng manggagámut, at isa ng sundálo ... Three friends, a priest, a physician, and a soldier ... sa háyop namàn, karanyúwa y ang bábuy ... against animals, usually a pig ... wala ng ulàm, asìn at kánin lámang there was no meat, only salt and boiled rice. Further cases at 54,5. 86,21. 100,23. 108,29.

326. Often the parenthetic element is descriptive: malakàs kumáin, katimbàng nang dalawà katáo great at eating, a match for two persons; nang pinagkatamàn na walà ng patìd, ápat na pu ng paà ang hába` shavings without a break, forty feet in length. Similar cases at 80,39. 86,29. 118,43. 120,2.

327. Especially common are parentheses describing the temporary state or situation of something: Ang mànanalò ng pangkàt at ang kanila ng manga kaybígan, magkakasáma ng tinùtugtugàn nang kanila ng bànda nang músika, ay agad-agàd na nagpàpaséyo. The winning team and their friends, all together accompanied by the playing of their band, at once form a parade. Nakaratìng sila sa kanila ng báhay, dalà nila ang súpot nang kwaltà. They arrived at their house, bearing the bag of money. Other cases at 92,22. 98,21. 114,42.

(4) anacolouthon.

328. In other cases a breaking off of the construction rather than an insertion seems to take place: Ang manga hindí nagsísitugtòg ang katungkúlan ay kumantà. Those who do not play, their duty is to sing. Gáya ko, akò y paráti ng nàhàhábul nang manga áso. Like me, I am often pursued by dogs. Pabulòng lámang kung silà y magsàlitáan. In whispers only (predicate) when they talk together. The organic construction would probably be: Pabulòng lámang ang kanila ng pagsasàlitáan. Their conversation is only in whispers. Kung kanya ng pakánin ay wala ng ulàm. When (they, anaphoric) are fed it is without meat.

329. While direct quotations often enter into normal constructions as predicate (§ 114), as conjunctive complement (§ 159), or as disjunctive object (§ 186), they are often joined by a breaking off of construction. In this case their relation to the rest of a sentence may resemble that of a subject; this happens especially when the sentence begins with the quotation or with part of it. If ay, y were used many of these sentences would be regular: "Magáral ka ng mabúti," sinábi ni Hwàn sa kanya ng anàk. "Study well" was said by Juan to his son. "Dalawà!" isinigàw nang bulàg. "Two!" was shouted by the blindman. "Sa damdam kò," ang sagòt ni Dyégo, "ay akò ang pinakamakínis." "In my opinion," was Diego's answer, "I am the cleverest." Similarly their relation may resemble that of a disjunctive object (instrumental type, § 186), but nang is not used. This happens if the quotation follows active words of saying: Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: "Matàr!" Juan then answered: "Matar!"

330. This peculiar construction of direct quotations is extended to some cases that are not exactly quotations but may be viewed as such: Ang boò ng ása ko ang kandidáto ng si Manikìs ang nàgùgustuhàn nang manga táo; hindí palà, kung hindí ang kandidáto ng si Sàntos. It was my whole expectation that the candidate Maniquís would be the one chosen by the people; but no, it was the candidate Santos. Ang paniwála nang manga táo si Sang-Hwàn ay sya ng sànto ng nagpápaulàn. It is the belief of the people that San Juan is the saint who makes rain.

C. MORPHOLOGY.

1. Composition.

331. Compound words (i. e. words resembling in form a succession of two or more words, but diverging in meaning from such a succession) are treated phonetically like groups of words in the phrase (§§ 33. 34).

If the first member ends in syllabic, n, or glottal stop, the particle ng appears before the second member.

In meaning, compound words resemble a phrase in which the word corresponding to the first member is modified, in disjunctive attribution, by the word corresponding to the second: báhay-aklátan library-building: báhay nang aklátan. The meaning of the compound is, however, more specialized than that of the phrase.

Exceptions as to meaning are: (1) the copulative compound áraw-gabì, formed on the model of doubled words, such as áraw-áraw, gabi-gabì (§§ 258. 343.); (2) kapatìd-kongkristiyános, a foreign product; (3) máy-roòn, equivalent to máy, which has been viewed as a compound because its construction (§ 138) differs from that of the phrase máy roòn (which would not require the particle ng, §§ 252. 263).

Similar in form to compound words are words derived from a phrase (§ 332).

Examples of regular compounds: ang báhay-báta` the womb, báhay-gúya` the womb of an animal (gúya` the young of an animal), báhay-pàhayagàn newspaper office, publishing house, Báhay-Paníki Bat-House (name of a town, paníki a bat), báhay-pintáhan paint-shop; Itò y bigay-loòb lámang nya sa ákin. This is merely a concession he makes to me as a favor; ang lalawíga-ng-Pampàngga, ang provìnsiya-ng-Pampàngga Pampanga Province, cf. ang provìnsiya nang Pampàngga; pilìk-matà eyelash (pilìk fin, lash); ang Sàmáha-ng-Sumúlong the Sumulong Company; ang tánud-báhay the watchman of a house, tánud-pálay watchman of a rice-field.

A member of a compound may consist of an entire phrase (cf. § 332): Bìgása-ng-Sumúlong-at-Kasamahàn Rice-mill of Sumulong and Company (equivalent to Bìgásan nila Sumúlong at Kasamahàn); ang dúlo-ng-bandà-ng-kánan the right-hand end (ang bandà ng kánan the right).

Specialization and transference of meaning are especially marked in hampas-lúpa` (literally: beating of the ground) tramp, vagabond; kápit-báhay not only neighboring house, but also neighbor: Ang báhay ni Hwàn ay áki ng kápit-báhay, but also: Si Hwàn ay áki ng kápit-báhay; kápit-báyan neighboring town, but also person from a neighboring town; Sawi-ng-pálad siyà. He is unlucky (literally unhandy of the palm).

For the other occurrences of compounds see Index under báhay, bakàs, bànda, bantày, básag, báyad, báyan, búnga, bútas, daàn, hánap, ílog, kalabàw, kapuluàn, kasamaàn, kasawiàn, kasiraàn, kinamatayàn, lúpa`, médiko, paà, pamatày, pantày, piráso, púno`, sàmáhan, táo, trabáho, úbos.

2. General features of word-formation.

332. Many words are analyzed into (1) recurring affixes, (2) doubling, (3) reduplication, and (4) a recurring unanalyzable element bearing the material meaning, the root. The place of the root may be taken by a word in turn showing derivation by these processes, or by a compound word, or even by a phrase. Other words, root-words, contain only the unanalyzable element.

Other modifications affecting the meaning are shifting of the accent toward the end of the word, and the use of secondary accents.

Modifications not affecting the meaning, but merely accompanying those already named, are sound-variation and retraction of the accent toward the beginning of the word.

The same morphologic elements may be variously distributed; it is most convenient and corresponds most nearly to the speech-feeling to describe these differences as though they were due to different successions in which the modifications are applied: sumùsúlat is súlat reduplicated and with infix -um-; but (nag-)tùtumirà is tirà with infix -um-, then reduplicated (plus prefix nag-).

The part of a word to which a modification is (in this sense) said to be added will be called the underlying word (or phrase): in sumùsúlat the infix -um- is added to the underlying word sùsúlat, in (nag-)tùtumirà reduplication is added to the underlying word tumirà; in ikasa-m-pù` the tenth the prefixes ka- and i- are successively added to the underlying phrase sa m pù` ten.

Roots not actually occurring in this book as independent words will be written with a hyphen prefixed (-káin), except in unmistakable lists of roots.

333. The root. Except for some pronoun forms and particles, the roots have two or more syllables and are almost always accented either on the last (oxytone roots) or on the next-to-last (barytone roots): báhay house, kamày hand.

Some disyllabic roots are formed as though a single syllable were repeated: bitbìt, budbòd, bungbòng piece of unsplit bamboo, damdàm, dibdìb chest (part of body), dikdìk, dingdìng (dindìng, § 20), gága, hinhìn, ladlàd, laglàg, lingkìng, lublòb, mangmàng, ningnìng, padpàd, pangpàng, pukpòk, satsàt, siksìk, singsìng, sísi, súso breast, nipple, sutsòt, tadtàd, tiktìk, tingtìng (tintìng), tugtòg, tuktòk, tungtòng (tuntòng), ulòl.

Of the roots of more than two syllables some similarly repeat one or two syllables: alaála, babáye (see § 345), bulaklàk, lipumpòn (beside lípon).

Others appear as though a syllable -al- or -ag- were infixed (or prefixed) before the first syllabic: alagàd (cf. agàd`), balahíbo fur, hair on the body, balíkat, balíta`, Balíwag, balúbad, baluktòt, dalága, dalamháte`, dalandàn, dalanghíta`, dalángin, halakhàk, haláman, halíge, halimbáwa`, halimhìm, kalabòg, kalákal, kalasìng, kalaykày, kaluskòs, palakà`, salakàb, salákay, salakòt a rain-hat of palm-leaves, salapè`, salawàl, salaysày, salità`, salúbong, salúkoy, talastàs, talungkò`,--bagábag, bagáso bare stalk, of sugar-cane or corn (Spanish brazo, whence Tagalog baráso arm, assimilated to this type?), Hagúnoy, lagablàb, lagánap, pagakpàk, sagása`, sagitsìt.

In some instances roots of the same or similar meaning resemble each other in form. This is commonest in loan-words, where different degrees of assimilation exist side by side: biróke, bitóke blow-gun bullet (Spanish bodoque); palànsa, pirìnsa flatiron (Spanish plancha). It occurs also, however, in native (or anciently assimilated) roots: aniyáya`, yáya`; ánib, sánib (for sa ánib?); balíta`, salità`; bitàw, bitìw; bugòk, bulòk; bungánga` mouth, maw (nang hurnò of the oven, nang kalàn of the stove), sungánga` a blow on the mouth; dinìg, kinìg; ípon, lípon (lipumpòn, above), típon; laàn, taàn; luhòd, túhod; manghà`, tanghà`; matày, patày; hantày, hintày.

When syllables of a root resemble affixes, there is always possibility that the root may be interpreted as a derived word by the speech-feeling, no matter whether historically it be such or not. Thus the Index will show many roots whose initial syllables are identical with prefixes; the other cases will be mentioned under the various affixes.

334. Affixation. Prefixes are added to the initial of the underlying word: nag-tirà; infixes before the first syllabic: t-um-irà, um-alìs; suffixes to the end: tìrá-han.

Affixes are occasionally accompanied by retraction of accent: itò, d-íto. See §§ 343,c. 358,c.e. 481,c. 485,a. 523. 528,d.

In the following cases affixes are accompanied by sound-variation:

(a) prefixes:

(1) The prefixes ending in g are treated phonetically as though they were separate words; this happens occasionally with other prefixes (§ 34).

(2) Initial d of the underlying word becomes r after the syllabic of a prefix in the roots listed in § 17. The change is constant only in the commonest formations: always pa-raàn, but naká-daàn beside naká-raàn. Striking irregularities at §§ 407,a. 468.

(3) The prefix i- and in some formations the prefix ka- contract with a following syllabic (§ 31): iy-ánib (for i-ánib), íwan (for i-íwan), ka-yibíg-an (for ka-ibíg-an), kàwáwa` (for ka-áwa-áwa`). See §§ 368. 401. 421. 426,b. 475,a. 481,c. 485,a.

(4) The prefixes ending in ng (mang-, nang-, pang-) alter a following initial, always in much-used words, frequently in others.

Before an initial syllabic the ng is treated as though it belonged to the underlying word and not to the prefix. This appears in reduplication (§ 336).

Initial p, b, t, d, s, are often, initial k is always changed to the corresponding nasal: pamálo` (pálo` with pang-), but also pang-pa-rikìt; pamilmìt (bilmìt), but also pang-bambò; panáli` (táli`), but also pang-takìp; panalángin (dalángin), but also pang-dilìg; na-naríwa` (saríwa`), but also pang-sakày; nangapà` (kapà`). Where the change is not made, the ng may be assimilated to dentals (§ 20): mandurúkit beside mangdudúkit.

Before nasals the ng is usually lost: namahála` (mahála` with nang-).

See pang- and mang- in List of Formations.

(5) The prefix hin- and its compounds give rise to a few similar changes, see §§ 357,b. 376,a. 518.

(6) For occasional irregularities of prefixes see §§ 347,b. 481,d. 528.

(b) infixes:

(1) Where -in- is infixed in a word beginning with l, w, or y, this initial is usually interchanged with the n, so that, practically, we have a prefixed ni- instead of an infixed -in-: ni-lúto` (beside less common l-in-úto`), ni-walìs (beside w-in-íka`), ni-yáya`. See §§ 359 ff. 374 ff.

(2) Where words beginning with syllabic, h, l, w (and y) have the prefix i- and the infix -in-, the latter is almost always used as a prefix, preceding the i-: in-iy-útos, in-íwan (for in-i-íwan), in-i-hatìd, i-ni-lúto` (beside less common i-l-in-úto`), in-i-wisìk. See § 368.

(3) On -um- see § 348,b.

(c) suffixes:

(1) The suffixes (-an and -in) after a syllabic take an initial h: luksú-han.

(2) Final d always becomes r before a suffix: lakar-àn (lákad).

(3) When used in the formation of transient derivatives, as well as in some other of their uses, the suffixes are accompanied by irregular modifications of certain roots.

Some roots ending in syllabic are treated as if they ended in glottal stop; they are amà, kíta, matà: ama-ìn, kitá-an, matá-an.

Others are treated as though they ended in n; they are paà, tálo, táwa: paa-nàn (beside regular paa-hàn), talú-nan, tawá-nan.

Other roots lose the syllabic of the last syllable, as well as a final glottal stop which may follow this; if the syllabic is final, the suffix adds h: asìn asn-àn, bigày bigy-àn, bilì bil-hàn, mulà` mul-àn. The roots so treated are: asìn, bigày, bilì, bukàs, dalà, hatìd, higà`, ibà (but also regular iba-hàn), eskuwéla, gawà`, káin, kamìt, lagày, lakì, likòd, masìd, mulà`, punò`, pútol (but also regular putúl-an), sakày, sákit, subò, sunòd, tángan, tibà`, tingìn, tirà (but also regular tirá-han), ulì`, upò`, walà`.

Still other roots add assimilation, dissimilation, or metathesis of consonants to the loss of vowel: ának angk-àn, atìp apt-àn, danìw (? see § 421) ka-raniyúw-an, datìng datn-àn, gílid ta-ligd-àn (beside regular ta-gilír-an), halìk hagk-àn, hanggà hangg-àn (i. e. the h of -han is lost), kinìg kingg-àn, silìd sigl-àn, tanìm tamn-àn, tuwìd ka-tu-tur-àn.

Entirely irregular are the following: alaála alala-hánin (-hánin for -hin), aniyáya anyá-han, hári` ka-hariy-àn ka-hary-àn (beside regular pag-harí-an), íhip híp-an, ílag inlag-àn (for ilag-nàn? but also regular ilág-an), kawáyan kwayan-àn (beside regular kawayan-àn), kilála kilan-làn (for kilal-nàn?), kúha kú-nin, larò` laruw-àn larw-àn (beside regular laru-àn), pulò` ka-puluw-àn ka-pulw-àn (beside regular ka-pulu-àn), sála sang-làn (for sal-nan? also ka-salá-nan and regular salá-han), sundò` pagkà-sunduw-àn (beside regular -sundu-àn), táo ka-taw-àn (? see § 422, also regular ka-taú-han), totoò tòto-hánan (-hánan for -hàn).

335. Doubling. In certain formations the underlying word, if disyllabic, is repeated; the phonetic treatment is the same as that of successive words in a phrase (§ 34): agad-agàd, gabi-gabì, ápat-ápat, pa-lígid-lígid.

If the underlying word has more than two syllables, only the beginning of it, inclusive of the second syllabic, is repeated, and the final syllabic of this repeated part has a primary accent: kaní-kaníno, kaní-kanilà, nag-kagá-kagalìt (underlying word ka-galìt).

336. Reduplication. In some formations the beginning of the underlying word, including the first syllabic, is repeated, sù-súlat, á-akiyàt. Words with reduced i or u (§ 27) reduplicate with i, u: maka-sí-siyà, maka-sí-syà.

Note the foreign words: krùs nag-kú-kurùs, trabáho nag-tá-trabáho.

Initial d of the roots listed in § 17 often becomes r after the reduplication: k-in-à-dò-roon-àn (doòn), nag-dá-daàn (daàn).

When a prefix which involves change of initial comes before a reduplicated form, the latter has the changed initial both in the reduplicative syllable and in the underlying part: nà-rò-roòn (doòn), pa-ngu-ngumìt (umìt with pang-, § 334, a, 4; also: pang-u-umìt) pútol pa-mu-mútol (pútol with pang-).

337. Accent-shift. In certain formations the accent is displaced one syllable toward the end of the word: súlat sulàt. This is especially the case before suffixes forming transient words: súlat sulát-an. In some formations with suffixes the accent moves two syllables toward the end of the word: súlat sulat-àn.

Certain roots are especially given to this change and show it in formations where it is not regular. In these roots the accent-shift is more or less clearly and regularly connected with a modification of meaning. The roots are: ábot overtake, with shift: reach for, take hold of, pass, hand; e. g. pa-ábot let oneself be overtaken, pa-abòt something caused to be handed, ákay, álam, áwa`, áyaw, bába`, báhay, báya`, búlag, gálit, gísing, háyag, húli, lápit, láyo`, múra, sákit, sáma, síra`, tálo, táma`, táwa, túloy, úna. See Index. A few pairs of roots differing only in accent may possibly belong here, e. g. -ának family and anàk child.

338. Secondary accents. (1) In some formations a secondary accent is spoken on the initial syllable of the underlying word: alìs àlís-an, ka-galìt kàgalít-an, iyàk ìyák-an. If the first syllable is closed, the secondary accent is omitted: luksò luksú-han; so also if it is followed by consonant plus reduced vowel (§ 27): taniyàg tanyàg tanyág-an; and also if its own vowel is reduced: niyòg nyòg niyúg-an nyúg-an. There are some irregularities. See §§ 377,b. 383. 421. 421,b. 426,b.

(2) Prefixes and reduplications often take a secondary accent: nà-pútol (different in meaning from na-pútol), sù-súlat.

These secondary accents have phonetically the quality of primary accents when they come before short oxytone underlying words: ná-rinìg, á-akiyàt. If, however, the word is accented on a suffix, the accent on this is more audible and the secondary accent remains: nà-buks-àn. So also if there are two secondary accents: nà-rì-rinìg. Longer oxytone words not accented on a suffix vary; they have been transcribed as heard in each case: nag-sì-si-pag-larò` nag-sí-si-pag-larò`.

339. Indications. In the following description formations will be indicated as follows:

prefixes thus: nag-; infixes: -um-; suffixes: -an; secondary accent on prefixes: nà-;

doubling by "D", e. g. nag- D -an represents the formation seen in nag-aswàng-aswáng-an;

reduplication by "r", with secondary accent by "R", e. g. pag- r (pag-pu-pútol), nag- R (nag-pù-pútol), -um- R (s-um-ù-súlat), nag- R -um- (nag-tù-t-um-irà);

secondary accent on the first syllable of the underlying word by "S", e. g. S -an (àlís-an);

accent-shift by "(1)" or "(2)", e. g. (1) describes the formation of sulàt from súlat; (1) -an (sulát-an); (2) -an (sulat-àn).

340. Summary of formations. The various formations group themselves into eight classes: 1. simple formations without characteristic prefix, expressing simple actions, objects, etc.; 2. formations with characteristic prefix pag-, expressing chiefly transitive actions; 3. characteristic prefix pang-, deliberate actions; 4. si-, action by more than one actor; 5. paki-, action along with others; 6. ka-, reciprocal, involuntary, and accidental; 7. pa-, causative; 8. pati-, reflexive.

These indications are a mere rough guide: neither the characteristic prefix nor the meaning indicated runs through the entire group. The first three groups are the most important, and, to a large extent, each formation of the other five groups belongs also to one of the three primary groups.

In each group there are four types of words: simple static, transient, abstracts of action, and special static. The simple static words involve no idea of active or passive; the transients are accompanied by abstracts, in which the transient occurrence is viewed as a static concept, and by special static words, which, though static, involve the idea of voice: simple static súlat a document, writing, letter; transient sumúlat wrote, sulátan is to be written to; abstract pagsúlat an act of writing; special static sulatàn a writing-desk (with idea of local passive).

Each (active or passive, § 92) transient formation exists in two modes, actual and contingent, and each of these has two aspects, punctual and durative; the durative always has accented reduplication. The actual mode envisages the occurrence as actually having taken place or taking place: in the punctual aspect the occurrence is viewed in its entirety, without regard to duration, and hence always as past: nagáral studied, learned; in the durative aspect of the actual the occurrence is viewed as a process going on in time, past or present: nagàáral was studying, is studying, used to study, studied (repeatedly), studies. The contingent mode views the occurrence as not having actually taken place: the punctual aspect views it as possible, hypothetical, or commanded: magáral should study, study (as command); the durative as future from the point of view of the past or present: magàáral will study, was going to study. The punctual contingent form is used not only in commands and hypothetical clauses, but in subordinate predications and complements generally, even, for instance, after nang (§ 192 f.), and often, in such constructions, in competition with actual forms. It is often used, further, after hindì` (§ 238). When objectivized with ang, it expresses the possibility or circumstance of the occurrence: ang magáral a hypothetical studier, the circumstance that one might study.

The abstracts of action are much used in the construction described at § 274.

In addition to these more or less regular and systematized forms, there are various isolated formations, which will be discussed after the others.

A systematically arranged list of formations precedes the Index.

3. Description of formations.

I. Primary groups (zero, pag-, pang-).

A. Simple static forms.

(1) Root-words.

341. The uses of root-words cover a wide range of meanings, the diversity of which is due to the various material meanings of the roots. The rough grouping here made is a matter of convenience; the speech-feeling seems not to distinguish classes of roots or diverse employments of root-words.

While a complete list of the examples occurring in the Texts and illustrative sentences will be given for nearly all other formations, the root-words are so numerous that it will be expedient merely to refer to the Index.

(1) Root-words in many cases express object-ideas which are viewed as simple: ang báhay house, ang táo human being.

(2) If the words containing a root have in common the idea of a quality rather than of an object, the root-word may express either the quality itself, or an object possessing the quality.

(a) In the former case, it is generally a single occurrence of the quality that is expressed, not the quality in general, which is expressed rather by a collective with ka- and -an (§ 421 ff.), but this distinction is not fully carried out. The root-word generally stands in object construction. Examples: Ang búte ni Hwàn ay walá sa kanya ng úlo, dátapuwat násàsa kanya ng púso`. Juan's good quality lies not in his head, but in his heart. Si Pédro ay táo ng wala ng dangàl. Pedro is a person without honor. ang ínit nang tagáraw the heat of summer. Ang lálim nang balòn ay isà ng pantay-kawáyan. The depth of the well is the length of a bamboo-tree. Ang lamìg sa Amérika ay masyádo. The cold in America is excessive. Ang ligsè nang usà ay hindí gáya nang sa áso. The speed of the deer is not equal to that of the dog. Ang samá nang ságing na itò ay nása ugàt. The trouble with this banana-tree is at the root. ang taàs nang káhoy the height of the tree.

(b) When expressing an object endowed with a quality, the root-word is in competition with words formed with the prefix ma- (§ 454). It usually stands as a predicate or as conjunctive attribute of another word. ang túbig na álat salt-water, ang dágat na álat the salt-sea, the ocean. Ang páko` ay baluktòt. The nail is crooked. Ang patalìm ay báwal sa manga báta`. Children are not allowed to have sharp tools. Ang itlùg na yitò y bugòk (or: bulòk). This egg is rotten. Sya y bugòk. He is crazy. ang buwísit na alíla` a repulsive servant. Ikàw ay bwísit. You are a bore. Manga gíliw ko ng ginoò! Honored sirs! isa ng táu ng hámak a no-account person. ang táu ng lasìng the drunken man. Sya y lasìng. He is drunk. ang pulúbe ng lumpò the lame beggar. Sya y lumpò. He is lame. Si Hwàn ay isa ng mahàl na báta` sa kanya ng manga magúlang. Juan is a child dear to his parents. Múra ang manga síle sa panahò ng itò. Peppers are cheap at this time. Hindí pansìn ang piklàt sa mukhà nang dalága ng si Maryà. The scar on young Maria's face is not noticeable. ang táo ng panòt a bald-headed man. isa ng báya ng payápa` a tranquil town. Sya y pípe. He is dumb. Ang pintà nang bintána` ay putè`. The window is painted white. Sagàd ang kanya ng gupìt. His hair-cut is close. Sina Hwàn ay salàt sa pananamìt. Juan and his family are short of clothing. Akò y sawí sa pagsusúbo` sa báta`. I am in an awkward position for feeding the child. Sáyang ang báta ng si Hwàn. Little Juan is to be regretted. Isa ng táo ng sinungáling si Pédro. Pedro is a liar. Si Hwàn ay isa ng táo ng tanyàg. Juan is a renowned man. Tanyàg sya sa kanya ng kláse. He is at the head of his class. ang tigàs nang káhoy the hard part of the log. ang daà ng tumpàk the right road. si Untè` Shorty (as nickname).

(3) If the words containing the root refer rather to an action or occurrence, the uses of the root-word are more varied.

(a) The root-word may refer to the action itself; it is used of a single instance rather than of the action in general, which is expressed rather by abstracts of action, though the distinction is not always clear. The root-word so used is mostly in object construction. Examples: Ang anyáya sa ákin ni Hwána ay áki ng tinanggàp. I accepted Juana's invitation. May bálì` ang kawáyan. The bamboo has a break in it. May búhay pa ang púsa ng itò. This cat is still alive. Ang dalamhátì nang kanya ng inà ay malakì. His mother's grief is great. Sa damdam kò y nagumpisa nà ang malalamìg na áraw. I think (literally: In my feeling) the cold days have begun. Si Hwàn ay sya ng pumáyag sa hilìng nilà sa kanya ng sasakyàn. Juan was the one who acceded to their request for his vehicle. Ang húgas nang pinggàn ay marumè. The washing of the dishes is dirty, i. e. The dishes have been poorly washed. Ang kantà nang íbon ay maínam. The bird's song is pleasant. Ang kasàl ni Pédro at ni Maryà ay sa linggò. The wedding of Pedro and Maria will be on Sunday. ang áki ng lúlan sa trén my embarking (with all my goods) on the train. Ang pagakpàk nang manga táo ay nakabíbingi. The applause of the people was deafening. Ang páso` sa paà ni Pédro ay malakì. The burn on Pedro's foot is large. Ang pútol nang buhòk ni Hwàn ay bakìl-bakìl. Juan's hair-cut is uneven. Sa lúnes ang tagpú nila sa daà-ng-Balíwag. They are to meet on the Baliwag road next Monday. ang tahòl ni Batò ng Bákal the barking of Iron Stone (name of a dog). Ang támà nang báta` ay sa úlo. The child was struck on the head. Binigyàn ni Hwàn nang isà ng tapìk ang kaybígan nya ng si Pédro. Juan gave his friend Pedro a nudge. Ang kanya ng túlog ay mabábaw. His sleep is light. Ang upú nang Intsìk ay patalungkò`. The Chinese sit squatting. Butíhan mo ang yárì nang sambalílo. Put a good finish on (the making of) the hat.