Chapter VII: Preface (6)

When the Americans were in possession of the town, orders for some months were strict. Lights were ordered extinguished at six o'clock in the evening, and no one was allowed to walk about after this hour. In the mountains near San Miguel were many Tagalog soldiers, and they often attacked the town of San Miguel. On account of these attacks the Americans set fire to houses in San Miguel. Night after night when the soldiers attacked, the houses were regularly set fire to. Our neighbors came to us every night to sleep with us, because in our house the danger from the bullets of the contestants was not so great. The doctor of the American soldiers who were in the town of San Miguel had become a friend of my father's, and for this reason our house escaped being burned. Once this doctor told Father that he often accompanied the patrols and told them not to burn down our house. Finally, as the Tagalog soldiers did not succeed in driving the Americans out of the town, they stopped their attacks, and the town became quiet.

II. GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS.

Note.--The following grammatical analysis of Mr. Santiago's speech can, of course, lay no claim to completeness: he surely uses some constructions and very many forms which I have not heard or have failed to note. Such fulness as will be found is due to Mr. Santiago's intelligence and patience under questioning and in conversation. A very few of the examples represent his form of sentences in MacKinlay's Handbook. The full representation of derivatives of the root pútol cut is due to Mr. Santiago's kindness in listing these forms, wherever they seemed possible to his speech-feeling, in accordance with my list of morphologic elements, and in then forming sentences to illustrate them.

In the use of accent-marks and of the symbol y I have deviated from the practice of the International Phonetic Association. Where roots did not occur as independent words, I have prefixed a hyphen and given a theoretical meaning. In the explanation of constructions I have allowed myself the use of distorted English; although this time-honored device does not really reproduce the foreign expression (substituting, as it does, impossible constructions for natural ones), it does enable the reader to follow the general trend of the foreign idiom.

A. PHONETICS.

1. Distinctive sounds.

1. The distinctive sounds are the following:

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Laryngeal

Stops: unvoiced p t k `
Stops: voiced b d g
Spirants (unvoiced) s h
Nasals (voiced) m n ng
Trill (voiced) r
Lateral (voiced) l

High vowels i(e,y) u(o,w)
Low vowel a

2. a is a low unrounded vowel, as in Standard English far, but more tense and with the corners of the mouth (lips) slightly drawn back: hàlamanàn garden.

3. i and u, in what may be regarded as the normal form, are about as high as the Standard (American) English vowels in pit and put, but more tense; moreover, the lips are well drawn back for i and well rounded for u: ínit heat, lutúin be cooked.

4. In the final syllable of a phrase (or of a word spoken alone) the tongue position of i and u is as a rule lowered, often all the way to mid position; the tenseness and lip position are, however, kept, so that the resulting sound often resembles French è and lower o.

5. u is nearly always so lowered: bágo new, buhòk hair. It is not lowered in pù` ten.

6. i is not lowered before dentals: káhit though, ákin my, pígil compulsion. It is usually kept high also before velars: sahìg flooring, singsìng ring. Some words ending in velars more or less regularly have the lowering: pútik, pútek mud; so especially some proper names: Intsèk Chinese, Lóleng Lola.

Even in other cases the higher variants of i are commoner than the lower; hindì` not, kamì we, gabì night, mulì` again are commoner than these words with e; a very few words, such as ulè` again have oftener e than i; others, such as itèm black are fairly regular in their variation.

7. Within a closely unified phrase the lowering is as a rule omitted: ulí sya again he (ulè`), Hintú na! Stop! (hintò`). In this regard the habits are variable; the form chosen depends mostly on the speaker's momentary attitude toward the closeness of joining of the words.

A dissimilative factor also seems to be involved: a following i or u favors the lowering:

Natùtúlug ang áso. The dog is sleeping.

Natùtúlog si Hwàn. Juan is sleeping.

8. o occurs in a number of words as the vowel in the last two syllables: in all of them the intervening consonant is the glottal stop: ó`o yes, do`òn there; bo`ò` whole has occasionally bu`ò`. The raised variant is not used within the phrase: Ó`o pò`. Yes, sir. Yes, ma'am. do`òn sya there he.

e occurs in the same way in le`èg neck, beside li`ìg.

9. In word-formation, when, by the addition of suffixes, the i or u is no longer final, it is not lowered: lúto` cook, lutúin be cooked; itèm black, itimàn be made black. Occasionally, however, the lowered vowel is retained: táo human being, ka-taó-han mankind, beside kataúhan, tao-taó-han manikin, pupil of the eye, beside tautaúhan.

The words with o`o (§ 8) keep the lowered vowel when uncontracted: pina-ro`on-àn was gone to (do`òn there); these words are also reduplicated with o: kinà-dò-ro`on-àn is been in.

10. e and o occur also in unassimilated loan-words: bèsbol baseball, Silà y nag-bè-bèsbol, They are playing baseball, estudiyànte, istudiyànte student, polìs, pulìs policeman, sipéro football player, bangkéro canoer (both with Spanish suffix -éro added to Tagalog words: sípa` football, bangkà` canoe).

For e see also § 29.

11. As the variation between i and e and between o and u is thus never distinctive, there is no need of indicating it in transcription; I have, however, used the characters e and o wherever I heard markedly lowered variants.

12. i and u occur also as non-syllabics; I use, respectively, the characters y and w: yaòn that, gáya like, wíka` speech, word, táwag call. In final position they are always lowered: thus in patày dead person, ikàw thou, y represents non-syllabic e, w non-syllabic o.

13. In word-formation before suffixes vowels are in certain cases lost, see Morphology: kánin be eaten, -káin eat with suffix -in.

14. The laryngeal (glottal) stop occurs as a distinctive sound only after a vowel at the end of words: báta` child, boy, girl, hindì` not, hintò` stop.

As a non-distinctive sound it is used as a vowel-separator wherever syllabic vowels follow each other without an intervening distinctive non-syllabic. In this use I shall not indicate it in transcription, as it may be taken for granted wherever vowels are written together. Such words as those in § 8 will therefore from now on be transcribed without the sign for glottal stop: doòn, óo, boò`. So táo (§ 9) means tá`o, etc. Cf. below.

15. The distinctive final glottal stop is usually lost before a following word in the phrase: hindí sya not he, Hintú na! Stop!

It is always lost before the words ng, t, and y: ang báta ng mabaìt the good child.

16. p, t, k are unvoiced fortis stops; they differ from the corresponding English sounds primarily in that they are only slightly aspirated. In sentence-final the implosion only is made.

t (in contrast with the English sound) is postdental, often near to interdental.

k is always articulated in back velar position (as in English coo), no matter what sound follows. The closure of k is occasionally imperfect, so that a rather open velar spirant (resembling Slavic x) is heard: malaxàs for malakàs strong; this variation has not been noted in transcription.

In word-formation p, t, k alternate, respectively, with m, n, ng; see Morphology.

17. b, d, g correspond in position to p, t, k. They are fully voiced lenis stops; in sentence-final often implosive only, and then weakly voiced.

The closure of b is occasionally imperfect, so that a bilabial spirant is produced: túVig for túbig water; this variation has been ignored in transcription.

In word-formation b alternates with m; see Morphology.

Final d in word-formation is always replaced by r before the vowel of a suffix: lákad walk, lakar-àn walking-party.

Initial d becomes r in the sentence frequently after the final vowel of a preceding word and occasionally even after a final non-syllabic, in the words daàn hundred (not in daàn road), damò, dàw, dìn, díne, díto, diyàn, doòn; e. g. ako rìn I too.

In word-formation some words frequently change d to r after the vowel of a prefix or a reduplication, and others do not: pa-raàn means (daàn road, way), but i-pa-dalà be sent (dalà bring, carry). The words (or roots) that have changeable d- are those mentioned in the preceding paragraph and daàn, -dáka, damdàm, dámi, dámot, dangàl, dapà`, dápat, dáti, -dátig, -datìng, dikìt, -dinìg, -díwang, -dúkit, -dumè, dúnong, dúsa.

18. s is the normal unvoiced sibilant, spoken in postdental position. Before y and iy it is somewhat palatalized (more, for instance, than Russian palatalized s),--a variation that is not distinctive and need not be noted in transcription: siyà, syà he, she, pronounced with palatalized s.

s alternates in word-formation with n; see Morphology.

In the affricate combination ts, which is felt and treated as a single sound, the s is always palatalized: Intsèk Chinese.

19. h is the unvoiced glottal spirant; as in English, it occurs only in syllable-initial: hindì` not, báhay house, mukhà` face.

In word-formation h is often spoken before the initial vowel of a suffix that is added to a final vowel: -bása read, basa-hàn reading room. See Morphology.

20. The nasals m, n, ng correspond in position to the stops. In word-formation they alternate, respectively, with p, t, k; m also with b, and n also with s; ng is often prefixed to an initial vowel; see Morphology.

Both in word-formation and in the phrase the nasals are occasionally assimilated in position to a following consonant: sà m pù` ten (m for ng), Saàng ka páparon? Where are you going? (for saàn).

In the sentence, final n is lost before the words ng, t, and y: ang áki ng amà my father (for ákin my).

21. r is the voiced tongue-tip trill, postdental. It occurs between vowels within simple, underived words: áraw sun, day,--no doubt as a substitute for d, which never occurs in this position; everywhere else r is merely a variant of d (§ 17).

22. l is postdental; the timbre is much as in Standard French or German, the mid-tongue not lowered.

23. f and v (both labiodental) occur in unassimilated foreign words; they are occasionally replaced (especially in derivatives) by p and b. Filipínas the Philippines, infiyèrno, impiyèrno Hell, fiyèsta, piyèsta fiesta, but always ka-piyestá-han day of a festival, sivìl, sibìl civil, provìnsiya province, bintána` window, báso drinking-glass.

r occurs freely in all positions in foreign words (cf. § 21): trèn train, trabáho work, krùs cross, relòs watch, sombréro hat, beside Tagalized sambalílo.

The occurrence of ts (§ 18) is probably limited to foreign words.

24. When in word-formation a vowel is lost before a suffix (§ 13), the non-syllabics thereby brought together are subject to various changes: sigl-àn be filled, silìd with suffix -an. See Morphology.

2. Syllabication.

a. In the word.

25. If a single non-syllabic follows a stressed vowel, the latter is spoken with open syllable accent, and the non-syllabic begins the following syllable: bá-hay house, sù-sú-lat will write.

If a single non-syllabic follows an unstressed vowel, the latter has close syllable accent,--that is, no stress-division is made between the syllables (just as in English): itò this, kasakimàn selfishness, sumú-lat wrote.

If two non-syllabics intervene between two syllabics, the syllable-division is made between the non-syllabics: luk-sò jump, muk-hà` face, In-tsèk Chinese. Stressed ay seems, however, to have open syllable accent: káy-lan when?

Syllabics never follow each other without an intervening non-syllabic. If no other non-syllabic intervenes, a non-distinctive glottal stop is spoken. I have not written the glottal stop in this position, as it may always be taken for granted (§ 14). Hence daàn road is pronounced da`àn, siìk young pig si`ìk, doòn there do`òn, táo human being tá`o.

Nor do more than two non-syllabics ever follow each other in a native word. The following are examples of unusual combinations in foreign words: An-drès, Pé-dro, beside Tagalized Píro, ká-tre bedstead, sèr-mon, trabá-ho work, but in reduplication mag-tà-trabá-ho will work, krùs cross, but in reduplication nag-kú-kurùs crosses himself, cf. baráso arm, lóbo balloon (Sp. globo).

26. In frequently used words, especially in more rapid speech, the intervocalic glottal stop is often lost.

If like vowels thus meet, they coalesce into a single vowel of no more than normal length: pumaròn went there beside pumaroòn. When oo is thus contracted, the resulting o may be raised to u (cf. § 9): pinarunàn was gone to, beside pinaronàn and pinaroonàn.

If unlike vowels meet, the non-syllabic corresponding to the higher vowel (i. e. y with i, e and w with u, o) takes the place of the glottal stop. So táwo beside táo. The combinations so resulting are treated in every way like those discussed in the next §.

27. If the non-syllabic intervening between two vowels is y or w, the combination involves no peculiarity, provided that neither of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic: bá-yan town, pag-dirí-wang celebration, gayòn thus.

If, however, one of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic (i. e. i, e with y and u, o with w) and is not stressed, it is spoken shorter than a normal unstressed vowel: in such words as iyòn that, buwàn moon, month the i, u are spoken shorter than in other positions. So also in táwo (see preceding §) the o.

After consonants these short vowels are often entirely omitted: bwàn beside buwàn, syà he, she beside siyà. The syllable-division remains, however, as in the longer form: kápwà` fellow- beside kápuwà` is pronounced ká-pwà` (not kap-wa`).

Even in other positions these reduced vowels are often omitted, especially in frequently used combinations: Ano yòn? What's that? beside Ano iyòn?, occasionally táw for táwo, táo.

28. Conversely, one hears now and then a superfluous short i, e with a y, and an u, o with a w: iyaòn for yaòn that, máye for máy having, uwalà` for walà` without.

29. The combinations ay and ai are occasionally replaced by a long open e: kélan beside káylan when?, mé báhay beside máy báhay wife, housewife, me áre` beside may áre` master, owner, ténga beside taínga car.

b. In word-formation.

30. When in word-formation affixes or reduplicative syllables are added to a root, the syllabication is as in a simple word: sulá-tan be written to (súlat writing with suffix -an), sumú-lat wrote (same, with infix -um-), umuwè`, umwè` (§ 27) went home (-uwè` go home, with prefixed -um-).

When vowels meet, they are as a rule separated by the non-distinctive intervocalic glottal stop: maà-á-re` will be possible (áre` property reduplicated and with prefix ma-).

31. The intervocalic glottal stop is rarely reduced, except in certain much-used combinations, the commonest being those with the prefix i- and with the prefix ka- and the suffix -an in certain uses (see Morphology): iniútos was commanded (útos command with prefixes in- and i-), usually iniyútos; laruàn, toy (larò` play, game with suffix -an), usually laruwàn, larwàn, but (with a different use of the suffix -an) làrúan playground; kayibígan, kaybígan friend (íbig love, desire, with prefix ka- and suffix -an), but kaìbígan sweetheart and kaibigàn affection. For -íwan abandon with prefix i- only the contracted form íwan be abandoned is spoken. Cf. further ikaápat, ikápat fourth (ápat four with prefixes i- and ka-).

32. Conversely, an original y or w is sometimes under emphasis replaced by glottal stop; thus, for patayìn be killed (patày dead person, kill with suffix -in), occasionally pataìn.

33. When a word is doubled, when two words are united in a compound word, and after the prefixes that end in g, the syllable-division is however made as though separate words were meeting in a sentence,--that is, according to the rules in the following paragraphs.

c. In the phrase.

34. When words come together in the phrase, the word-division is maintained (as in English) as a syllable-division.

In the case of initial consonants the division is thus like that within a word: Sumúlat ka. Write (thou), Sumúlat siyà, Sumúlat syà. He wrote, Sumáma ka. Go along, Sumáma siyà, Sumáma syà. He went along.

Before a vowel-initial the word-division is maintained as a syllable-division by the use of a non-distinctive glottal stop (as in German): Sumúlat akò. I wrote, i. e. sumú-lat-`akò; Sumáma akò. I went along, i. e. sumá-ma-`akò.

Doubled words, compound words, and forms with prefixes ending in g (namely, mag-, nag-, pag-, tag-) are similarly treated (§ 33): agàd-agàd immediately (agàd at once doubled), i. e. agàd-`agàd; báhay-aklátan library-building (compound of báhay house and aklátan place for books), i. e. bá-hay-`ak-lá-tan; pagsúlat an act of writing (súlat writing with prefix pag-), i. e. pag-sú-lat; nagáral studied (áral teaching with prefix nag-), i. e. nag-`á-ral.

Occasionally, in emphatic speech, the same division is made within other formations: umakiyàt, umakyàt climbed (-akiyàt climb with prefixed -um-), occasionally, but rarely, um-`akiyàt, usually umakiyàt, umakyàt (by § 30).

35. Reduction of the glottal stop and contraction of vowels occur only in a few much-used combinations of words: si Andrès (si is the article of proper names), also siy Andrès, sy Andrès; Ano iyàn? What's that?, also Ano yàn? and even An yàn?; na itò this (na is a particle expressing attribution), also na yitò, na ytò.

36. Occasionally such reductions go even farther, as in anò in the preceding paragraph, and occur where the glottal stop is not involved: as, sà for isà one in sà m pù` ten, for isà ng pù`.

37. The words at, ay, and na have also a shorter form, t, y, and ng, respectively, which occurs only (but not always) after a final vowel, glottal stop, or n. When these forms are used, the final glottal stop or n is lost (§§ 15, 20) and the t, y, or ng is treated in every way exactly as though it were part of the preceding word: butò at balàt, butò t balàt bone and skin, i. e. butòt-balàt; Iyòn ay mabúti, Iyò y mabúti. That's good, i. e. iyòy-mabú-ti; ang báta` na mabaìt (clumsy, as in the speech of a child just learning to speak, for:) ang báta ng mabaìt the good child, i. e. ang-bá-tang-maba`ìt.

3. Accentuation.

a. Word-accent.

38. In a word of more than one syllable at least one syllable is normally spoken with a greater degree of stress than the others.

The unstressed syllables have short vowels (about as long as the vowel in English pit or put) and close syllable-stress (§ 25).

39. A non-final syllable ending in a non-syllabic (i. e. a closed non-final syllable) never has the stress; such words as luk-sò jump, muk-hà` face, ak-làt book are therefore always oxytone. The only exceptions are syllables ending in ay; this combination seems to be felt as a unit capable of open syllable-stress: káy-lan, ké-lan when; further, the words mín-san once, pín-san cousin, and nàn-don, by-form of ná-roòn is there; and, finally, unassimilated foreign words: bès-bol, sèr-mon, kwàr-ta, kwàl-ta money (Spanish cuarto), but also Tagalized kwaltà.

Words like ká-pwà` (beside ká-puwà`) are not exceptions, for the first syllable is not closed (§ 27).

40. The stressed syllables fall into two grammatical classes which are only in part phonetically distinct; we may call them primary and secondary word-accent.

41. The primary word-accent on a final syllable or (in the cases mentioned in § 39) on a closed non-final syllable, consists merely in greater stress than that of an unaccented syllable, accompanied by a pitch-rise of about half a note. [4] I use the grave accent-sign: gabì night, hindì` not, kamày hand, buhòk hair, nàndon is there, sèrmon sermon.

42. On a non-final open syllable the primary word-accent involves an increase of stress (less than in English), a pitch-rise of two notes, lengthening of the vowel to about one and one-half times the duration of an unstressed vowel, and open syllable-stress (§ 25). I use the acute accent-mark: báhay house, báyan town.

So also, irregularly, syllables in ay: káylan, kélan when?, and even finally: káy, ké than, máy, mé having; also mínsan, pínsan.

If an unaccented syllable precedes, the pitch-rise really begins on the latter: in sumúlat wrote, for instance, the first syllable is spoken above the usual pitch, and the two-note pitch-rise is merely completed in the accented syllable.

43. The secondary word-accent on a final syllable has weaker stress than the primary accent in the same place, and ordinarily lacks the pitch-rise. Grammatically, it is recognizable by the presence of the primary accent on another syllable; I use the grave accent-mark: áakiyàt, áakyàt will climb, nárinìg was heard.

44. On a non-final open syllable the secondary accent differs from the primary accent in similar position in two respects: its pitch-rise is less marked, varying from three-quarters to one and three-quarters notes, and its vowel-lengthening is greater, reaching twice the length of an unstressed vowel. I use the grave accent-mark: sùsúlat will write.

When the primary accent is on the last syllable and therefore weak (§ 41), the secondary accent often approaches a non-final primary accent in character: the first syllable of a word like nàbuksàn came open is often phonetically the same as that of a word like nárinìg was heard.

If an unaccented syllable precedes the secondary accent, the pitch-rise really begins in the former: in such a word as sumùsúlat is writing the first syllable is spoken with higher than normal pitch, in the second syllable the pitch is brought up to a note and three-fourths above normal, and in the third the two-note rise is completed.

Of two secondary accents following each other the preceding is the more marked: nàràramdamàn is felt (nà- has more marked accent than rà-). This helps to make the primary accent distinct, for it is stronger than a preceding secondary accent: sùsúlat will write (the second su- is stronger, not weaker, than the first); nàlàláman is known (if the third syllable had a secondary accent, it would be less marked than the first and second, but its pitch and stress are actually higher).

b. Sentence-accent.

45. Certain words are atonic, i. e. are always spoken unstressed in the phrase: e. g. ang áso the or a dog, sa ákin to me.

The atonic words are: ang, at, ay, kay to (not káy, ké than), kung, na attributive (not nà already), nang, ni of (not nì nor), o or (not ò oh), pag, sa, si.

The short variants of at, ay, and na, namely t, y, and ng (§ 37), having no vowel, cannot be stressed; they are treated in every way as though they formed part of the preceding word.

46. In closely united phrases the last word keeps its accent, while the preceding ones often weaken theirs. Especially a final syllable often loses its accent before another word in the phrase:

dáhil díto on account of this, often: dahil díto,

ang mangà báhay the houses, often: ang manga báhay,

ang kanyà ng báhay his or her house, ang kanya ng báhay,

ang malakì ng báhay the large house, ang malaki ng báhay.

47. Opposed to the preceding rule is the treatment of certain words which we may call enclitics. These very frequently, to be sure, receive the normal treatment: that is, they are stressed and the preceding word either keeps its stress or, if oxytone, often loses it; but frequently, instead, the enclitic loses its accent:

Umakyàt siyà, Umakyat syà. He climbed, but also Umakyàt sya.

Áakyàt siyà, Áakyat syà. He will climb, but also Áakyàt sya.

Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now? (kà, nà, bà are all enclitic).

Enclitics have the further (and more easily recognized) peculiarity that they follow the first orthotonic (i. e. neither atonic nor pretonic, § 48) word of the expression to which they belong (either as modifiers or as subject):

ang mahahába nya ng paà his (niyà, enclitic) long legs.

When several enclitics come together the last one is often stressed. Monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic:

Nahánap na nyà ang sombréro. He has already looked for the hat. (nà and niyà are enclitics; the latter is treated as disyllabic even when in the contracted form nyà).

The enclitics are:

(1) always: the monosyllabic forms of the personal pronouns, namely kà, kò, mò, and the words (particles) bà, bagà, dàw, dìn, màn, múna, nà, namàn, nawà`, ngà`, pà, palà, pò`, sána, tulòy.

(2) frequently or in certain senses: the disyllabic forms of the personal pronouns (including siyà, syà and niyà, nyà) except ikàw (which is never enclitic), the demonstrative pronouns, and the words díne, díto, diyàn, doòn, kayà`, lámang, ulè`; occasionally short phrases (§ 88).

For details about these words see Syntax.

48. Opposed to the rule in § 46 are also certain words (particles) which we may call pretonics. Their treatment is often regular: that is, the pretonic as well as the following word keeps its accent, or the pretonic loses its accent before a following word; but sometimes the pretonic keeps its accent and the following word, if oxytone, is unaccented:

máy sakìt, may sakìt having sickness, i. e. sick, but also máy sakit. Only máy and nása actually appear with this accentuation.

The other pretonics are so classed because they share with these two words the peculiarity that an enclitic belonging to the phrase follows not the pretonic word, but the first orthotonic word:

Máy katawàn sya ng pára ng táo. He has a body like a human being. (siyà he, enclitic follows not máy, which is pretonic, but katawàn body, the first orthotonic word of the predicate).

The pretonics are the particles báwat, káhit, kapàg, kinà, mangà, máy, nagìng (together with its other forms, § 250), nása (together with its other forms, § 212), nì nor (not ni of), ninà, pagkà, sinà, tagà (tigà). See Syntax.

49. A final syllable ending in glottal stop (§ 14) often receives a higher degree of stress than a corresponding syllable with a different final.

If the syllable ending in glottal stop has not the word-accent, it often receives an accent resembling the secondary accent on a non-final syllable; this is especially common if the glottal stop is lost before another word in the phrase: páre`, párè` priest, Párì Hwàn Father Juan.

If the syllable has a word-accent and the glottal stop is lost in the phrase, its accent is often spoken like a primary word-accent on an open syllable: Walá sya. He has none (walà`), Naglálarú sya. He is playing (naglálarò`).

If, however, the glottal stop is lost before t, y, or ng, this heightening of accent does not take place, since the syllable is then treated as ending in t, y, or ng: Syà y walà ng aklàt (i. e. walàng-`ak-làt), Sya y wala ng aklàt. He has no book or no books.

50. In a succession of otherwise unstressed syllables a rhythmical movement is usually produced by means of grammatically insignificant stresses weaker than a secondary word-accent; the distribution, and, indeed, the occurrence of these is so variable that I have not tried to indicate them in transcription, especially as they are never distinctive. Thus, in the phrases in § 46 an accent of this kind may fall on the next-to-last syllables of the words that lose their normal word-accent: ang mànga báhay, ang kànya ng amà his father, ang malàki ng báhay.

51. The successive accents in a sentence bear a well-marked relation to each other: the early and especially the middle ones have higher absolute pitch than the last; an accent on the last syllable of a sentence often entirely loses its pitch-rise. As a consequence of this rather fixed melody, the differences of pitch-movement between statements, questions, commands, and exclamations of various kinds are not so marked as in English; the higher stress of emotionally dominant (emphatic) words, also, is less marked than in English.

In exclamation or under emphasis the accent of a final syllable may be like that of a medial syllable, and may, in addition take on a falling accent after the rise: Hwán! (with rising-falling stress and pitch) Juan!, for normal Huwàn, Hwàn. Other disturbances of accent also occur in exclamation.

B. SYNTAX.

1. Sentence and word.

a. Syntactic relations.

52. The sentence consists of one or more words: Aráy! Ouch! Umúulàn. It's raining. Ina kò! Mother of mine! (as exclamation). Sya y sumùsúlat. He or she is or was writing.

53. The relations between the words in a sentence are the usual ones: (1) Attribution: Ina kò! Mother (of) mine! (2) Predication: Sumùsúlat syà. Literally: Is-writing he. (3) The serial relation: butò t balàt bone and skin.

54. Some of the particles (§ 55) seem, however, to stand in none of these relations, but rather to express these relations themselves. Thus the particle t and in the preceding example is expressive of the serial relation. So further: malakì ng báhay large house; the particle ng expresses the attributive relation; Sya y sumùsúlat. The particle y expresses the predicative relation.

It is to be remarked, further, that the sphere of attribution includes some cases in which the attribute markedly alters the sense: sakìt sickness: máy sakìt (máy is an attribute) having sickness, sick. [5]

b. Parts of speech.

55. Tagalog distinguishes two parts of speech: full words and particles.

The particles either express the syntactic relations between full words (as illustrated in § 54) or act as attributes of full words (so máy in the example in § 54): Hindí sya sumùsúlat. He is not writing. The particle hindì` not is an attribute of sumùsúlat.

In contrast with the particles, full words act not only as attributes, but also as subject or predicate, and any full word may, in principle, be used in any of these three functions:

(1) Subject: Ang sumùsúlat ay si Pédro. The person writing is Pedro. Ang pulà nang panyò ay matingkàd. The red of the handkerchief is intense.

(2) Predicate: Sya y sumùsúlat. He is writing. Pulà ang panyo ng itò. This handkerchief is red.

(3) Attribute: ang báta ng sumùsúlat the writing child, the child who is writing; ang pulà ng panyò the red handkerchief.

56. Independent of this classification into parts of speech are certain less important groupings of words and certain phrase types, some of which will appear in the course of the analysis. Others, however, demand mention at the outset.

c. Static and transient words.

57. Transient words express an element of experience viewed as impermanent, i. e. belonging to some limited portion of time, so sumùsúlat above, as opposed, e. g., to siyà, pulà, panyò, báta`, Pédro. Words which are not transient may be called static. Only a few particles are transient; among the full words the transient group is large and important.

d. Personal names.

58. Except in exclamations and in address, names of persons (or animals) are distinguished from other words by being always (but see § 78) preceded by the atonic particle si: Hwàn! Juan! si Hwàn Juan, si Salamìn Glass, Mirror (as name of a dog).

59. Many terms of relationship and titles may be used in place of the name of an individual and then belong to the personal name class: ang amà the father, ang áki ng amà my father, but: si Amà Father. Thus are used, further: si Inà Mother, si Tátay Papa, si Nánay Mama, si Kúya or si Kúyang Oldest brother, si Atè Oldest sister, si Ingkòng Grandfather, si Indà` or si Impò Grandmother, si Áli or si Tiyà Aunt, si Máma` Uncle; si Bathála` God, but: ang Dyòs.

So also phrases in which these and other titles as attributes precede a name, see § 256.

60. The particle sinà or silà, pretonic, in place of si forms an expression denoting the person named together with his family or group of adherents: sina Hwàn or sila Hwàn Juan and his family or Juan and his crowd. With a series of names sinà implies that those named form a group: si Hwàn, si Andrès, at si Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, Andrès, at Mariyáno the group consisting of Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, sina Andrès, at sina Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano, each with his group.

e. The object construction.

61. When a word or phrase denotes an element of experience viewed as an object, it is, with certain exceptions, preceded by the atonic particle ang: ang báta` the or a child, boy, girl; children, ang báhay the, a house; houses, ang báyan the, a town, ang kabàítan goodness, kindness; an act of kindness, ang kataúhan mankind, ang pagsúlat the or an act of writing, ang mabúte that which is good, the best thing.

The following are the exceptions:

62. Personal names preceded by si or sinà (silà) do not take ang; they always, of course, denote an object idea. See the examples in § 58 ff.

63. The personal pronouns (which always express an object idea) do not take ang. They are: akò I; kità we, i. e. thou and I, inclusive dual; táyo we, i. e. thou (or ye) and I (or we), inclusive dual and plural; kamì we (but not you), exclusive dual and plural; ikàw, kà thou (singular); kayò ye, you (dual, plural, and polite singular); siyà he, she; silà they.

All of these except ikàw are often enclitic; kà is always so: Ikàw ay talúnan. You are defeated. Sumúlat ka. Write (thou).

Siyà is used only of living beings, except for a single peculiar construction to be described below (§ 106 f.).

Kità in the sense here given is not much used, táyo being commoner: Palìt kità nang sombréro. Let's trade hats. Kità ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Or, more commonly: Táyo ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Let us go to the theatre. Kità is more used in another meaning, as we shall see (§ 182).

Kamì differs from these two words in excluding the person or persons addressed: Kàkáin táyo. We shall eat. Nakitúluy kamì kina Pédro. We asked hospitality of Pedro's. In both of these sentences (as also in that with táyo already given) two or more people may be meant. It will be seen, therefore, that the distinction between dual and plural is not categoric (obligatory).

That between singular and plural is categoric in these pronouns; everywhere else it is not obligatory; the idea of plurality is inherent in many words and forms, but these are used only where the idea of plurality is explicitly prominent.

64. The demonstrative pronouns as object expressions also reject ang. They are: irè this (on the person of the speaker or within his immediate reach); itò this (more generally, of anything nearer to the speaker than to the person addressed); iyàn, yàn that (nearer to the person addressed); iyòn, yaòn, yoòn, yòn that (of things distant from both speaker and person addressed).

Itò and iyòn are used also anaphorically: the former--the latter.

The demonstrative pronouns are often enclitic.

Ang is omitted also before an object expression in which a demonstrative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see § 130.

65. Similarly before object expressions in which an interrogative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see §§ 131.168.

66. The use of ang is optional before the numerative pronouns. The use of ang seems sometimes to lend these greater definiteness, sometimes to be indifferent.

The numerative pronouns used as object expressions are: ibà other, ilàn few, karamíhan most, lahàt all. (The other numerative pronouns, namely boò` whole and the particles bála any and báwat every are not used as object expressions).

ibà others; ilàn a few; Ang ilàn ay malalakàs at ang ibà ay mahihína`. Some are strong and others are weak. Lahàt nang táo sa báya ng itò ay dápat umalìs. All people (who are) in this town ought to leave (nang táo of people, of the people is an attribute of lahàt). Ang lahàt nang táo sa báya ng itò ay máy sakìt. All the people in this town are diseased. karamíhan sa kanilà most of them; ang karamíhan the majority.

The use of ang is optional also before object expressions in which a numerative pronoun stands first as an attribute, see § 132.

67. The use of ang is optional before the cardinal numerals: isà sa kanilà, or: ang isà sa kanilà one of them.

The simple cardinal numerals are: isà one, dalawà two, tatlò three, ápat four, limà five, ánim six, pitò seven, walò eight, siyàm, syàm nine.

Similarly, the use of ang is optional before an object expression in which a cardinal numeral stands first as a modifier, see § 133.

In dates and for the hours of the day the Spanish numerals are commonly used; these demand ang: ang abéynte-kwátru nang Húnyo the twenty-fourth of June.

68. Ang is omitted, further, before object expressions beginning with the particle nì (§ 253) and optionally before those beginning with the particle káhit (§ 248). All object expressions lack ang when forming an indefinite object predicate (§ 109), in expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69), when used indefinitely after pára (§ 275), hanggàng (§ 293), patì (§ 305), and in exclamation or address (§§ 75.78). [6]

f. Expressions of indefinite quantity.

69. Object expressions are used (without ang, § 68) to express indefinite objects (roughly speaking such as would lack the article the in English) or indefinite quantities of objects, when preceded by certain modifiers. These modifiers are the pretonic particle máy, expressing existence or forthcomingness (§ 252), and the full words máy-roòn, equivalent with máy; walà` the negative of these; malakì great; maláon long; marámi much, many (§ 138). The phrases so formed may be described as expressions of indefinite quantity. Beside the omission of ang before the object expression, they have the peculiarity that in certain constructions they express (without further accompaniments) the possessor of that designated: may súngay there are horns or having horns, horned; máy-roo ng aklàt there are books or having a book, books; wala ng aklàt there are no books or without a book, having no books; malakì ng kagamitàn great usefulness, there is great use, or having great usefulness; maláo ng panahòn long time or taking a long time; marámi ng salapè` much money, there is much money or having much money; marámi ng kaybígan many friends, there are many friends or having many friends.

Máy expresses also approximateness (where the object expression is one of number): may ápat na pu ng paà about forty feet or having, measuring about forty feet.

70. An expression of indefinite quantity may, as a unit, stand in object construction; in this case the first three have possessive value, but not the others: ang máy sakìt the or a person having sickness, the or a sick person; ang máy-roo ng aklàt the (a) person who has a book or books; ang wala ng hiyà` the (a) shameless person; but: ang malakì ng báhay the, a large house; ang marámi ng bágay the many things.

71. Marámi may by itself stand in object construction; it then has the meaning: ang marámi the many, the crowd, the people, hoi polloi.

2. Subject and predicate.

72. Most sentences consist of a subject and a predicate, showing the construction of Sumùsúlat syà, Sya y sumùsúlat (§§ 53, 54). Indeed, this goes farther than in English; many commands, for instance, have the subject-and-predicate structure: Sumúlat ka. Write thou, i. e. Write.

Nevertheless, much of the syntax is determined by the use of constructions which lack subject-and-predicate structure.

a. Non-predicative sentences.

73. The sentences which lack subject-and-predicate structure are of two general types: (1) exclamatory, and (2) impersonal-anaphoric.

74. To the exclamatory type belongs the use in independent sentences of certain particles, the primary interjections: Abà! Ah! Aráy! Ouch! Ó! Oh!

As in other languages, some of these violate the normal phonetic structure, that is, are "inarticulate": Sss! Whew!, uttered when the weather is very hot. One whistles when one wants the wind to blow.

75. To the exclamatory type belong, further, words and phrases used as secondary interjections: Anò! What! (unpleasant surprise). Inà ko! or: Ina kò! Mother of mine! Ano ng hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are!

As the second example shows, object expressions are here used without ang (§ 68).

76. Certain words with the prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology), with their attributes: Kaitìm nang gabi! What-blackness of-the night! i. e. How black the night is!

77. Certain words with the prefix ka- and reduplication expressing recent completion of an act (see Morphology), with their modifiers: Karárating ko pa lámang! Just-arriving by-me still only! i. e. I have only just arrived.

78. Vocatives, in calling or address: Kayò ng manga makasalánan! Ye sinners! In this use personal names lack si and all object expressions lack ang (§ 68): Hwàn! Juan! Máma`! Sir! Áli! Madam! Wala ng hiyà`! Shameless one!

79. Commands of certain brusque or familiar types, used, e. g., to children, servants, animals, in haste or excitement: Hintú na! Stop! Ílag na! Get out of the way! Súlong! Go ahead! Hurry up! Panáog nà sa báhay! Come down from the house! Come on out! Tàbí po` Look out please! (Cry of drivers to people on the street. The accent is irregular by § 51 for tabì).

80. Certain set expressions, such as greetings: Maganda ng áraw pò`! Good-morning! Salámat. Thanks. Salámat sa iyò. Thank you.

81. Expressions of affirmation and negation: Óo. Yes. Oo ngà`. Yes indeed. Táma`. That's right, Exactly. Hindì`. No. Walà`. None, Nothing, There isn't.

82. The mere naming of an idea, as in counting or giving the title of a story: Isà, dalawà, tatlò, ápat, limà.... One, two, three, four, five....

83. (2) Of the impersonal-anaphoric type are many answers to questions or continuations of dialogue: Kahápon. Yesterday. Akò. I, It's I, It was I. (Never "Itò y akò," or the like).

84. Certain occurrences, especially meteoric phenomena, are not analyzed into subject and predicate: Umúulàn. It's raining. Kabilúgan nang bwàn. Roundness of-the moon, i. e. There is a full moon. Bumábahà`. There is a flood. Naàáre`. It is possible, allowable. Hindí nalaúnan. It did not take long, It was not long. Taginit nà. It is summer already.

85. Very common in impersonal construction are expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they express existence or forthcomingness (or the opposite) of indefinite objects: Mày manga babáye. There are women. Máy-roo ng aswàng sa báyan. There was a vampire in the town. Walà ng papèl. There is no paper. Walà ng anu màn! There is nothing. Also: Not at all! You're welcome! Malaki ng twà` nang iba ng táo. There was great rejoicing by the other people. Sa dalága ng itò y marámi ng manglilígaw. For this young woman there were many suitors.

86. Less common in impersonal construction are expressions of occurrences involving indefinite or indifferent persons or things: Humúkay. One should dig. Nagumpisa nà nang pagsábuy. "They" have already begun to throw.

87. There is great freedom as to presence or absence of anaphorically determined elements (i. e., such as have been recently mentioned or, less commonly, are about to be mentioned), including the subject; when this is wanting, the subject-and-predicate structure is, of course, lost: Hiníla nya sa pasígan. Was-dragged by-him to-the shore, i. e. He dragged it or the tree (sc. itò, or: ang púno`, from the preceding sentence) to the shore. Hindí makabùbúti sa kanilà. (It, the scheme mentioned) will do them no good.

Many constructions later to be noticed depend on this habit of omitting anaphorically determined elements, cf. e. g.: Ang púno` ay tumúbo hanggàng sa magbúnga. The tree grew until (sc. it) bore fruit. Pagdatìng niya ay sabíhin mo ng maghintày. At-the-coming of-him be-said (impersonal) by-you that (sc. he) should-wait, i. e. When he comes, tell him to wait.

b. The subject.

88. The subject of a sentence is always an object expression. The only exceptions are complex sentences with entire predications (§ 115) or quotations (§ 329) as subject.

89. The subject may have two positions:

(1) Non-enclitic: it precedes or follows the predicate; in the former case the predicate is introduced by the atonic particle ay, y (y often after syllabic vowel, n, or `; see Phonetics): Sumùsúlat ang báta`. The child is writing; or: Ang báta` ay sumùsúlat. Ang báta y sumùsúlat. Siyà ay sumùsúlat. Sya y sumùsúlat. He, she is writing. Here siyà, syà is not enclitic.

(2) Enclitic: it follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate: Hindí sya sumùsúlat. Not he is-writing, i. e. He is not writing. Sumùsúlat sya nang líham. He is writing a letter, letters. In these examples siyà is enclitic.

Not only enclitically used pronouns (§§ 63. 64), but even short phrases are thus used: Pinapútol nila si Hwàn nang káhoy. Was-ordered-to-cut by-them Juan (subject) some wood, i. e. They ordered Juan to cut wood. Here the position of si Hwàn after the first orthotonic word of the predicate (pinapútol) but before the rest of the predicate (nang káhoy) shows it to be (like nilà) an enclitic element. With the same subject not enclitically used the sentence would be: Pinapútol nila nang káhoy si Hwàn, and this, indeed, is the more usual locution.

90. On the use or non-use of an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) see § 87.

c. The predicate.

91. The predicate may be (1) a transient word with its modifiers, (2) a static word with its modifiers, or (3) an object expression.

(1) Transient predicate.

92. Transient words fall into four classes according to the four relations which a subject may bear to them when they are used as predicate. We may designate these classes by the following names:

1. active: the subject is viewed as an actor: Sumùsúlat sya nang líham. He (subject) is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol nang káhoy. He (subject) cut some wood. Umalìs syà. He went away.

2. direct passive: the subject is viewed as an object fully affected or produced: Sinúlat nya ang líham. Was-written by-him the letter (subject), i. e. The letter was written by him, He wrote the letter. Pinútol nya ang káhoy. Was-cut by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut the wood.

3. instrumental passive: the subject is viewed as a means, an instrument, something given forth or parted from: Isinúlat nya ang kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story (subject), i. e. He wrote the story. Ipinútol nya ang gúlok. Was-cut-with by-him the bolo (subject), i. e. He used the bolo for cutting, He cut with the bolo.

4. local passive: the subject is viewed as an object partly or less fully affected, as a place or sphere: Sinulátan nya akò. Was-written-to by-him I (subject), i. e. He wrote me. Pinutúlan nya ang káhoy. Was-cut-from by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut a piece off the wood.

For a detailed description of these classes of transient words, see Morphology.

93. In general the choice between these four constructions is made in accordance with the logical situation: the definite, known object underlying the predication as starting-point of discourse is chosen as subject: Binigyàn nya akò nang aklàt. Was-given-to (local passive) by-him I (enclitic subject) a book, books, i. e. He gave me a book, books. Ibinigay nyà sa ákin ang aklàt. Was-given (instrumental passive) by-him to me the book (subject), i. e. He gave me the book. In the first example the speaker is talking about himself, in the second about a certain book.

94. However, the active construction is avoided whenever any object other than the actor is available as subject. Especially are active constructions with an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) avoided wherever a passive construction is at hand. Thus, in the instance in § 93, even if "he", the actor, were the real subject of discourse, one would rarely use the active construction: Sya y nagbigày sa ákin nang aklàt. He (subject) gave (active) me a book, books. Even elements which we should look upon as somewhat indefinite are preferred as subjects to an actor: Kinúha nya ang isa ng aklàt. Was-taken (direct passive) by-him a book (subject), i. e. He took a (certain) book (he knew, or I know which one or what kind).

The active construction is thus confined to instances in which the object-ideas other than the actor are entirely vague and undetermined or lacking: Umalìs syà. He went away. Sya y kumúha nang aklàt. He took a book, some books (no matter to him or to me which one or what kind). Sumùsúlat sya nang líham. He is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol nang káhoy. He cut some wood. Kumáin sya nang kánin. He ate some boiled rice; but: Kináin nya ang kánin. Was-eaten (direct passive) by him the boiled rice (subject), i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

If, in spite of the presence of other definite objects, the actor is very decidedly emphasized, a different construction (§§ 104.107.) is used.

(2) Static predicate.

95. The predicate may consist of a static word with its modifiers: Ang bátà ay mabaìt. The child is good. Iyà y masamà`. That's bad, wrong. Pulà ang panyo ng itò. This handkerchief is red.

96. This type of predicate is regular in word-questions: the question word is used as predicate; it precedes the subject: Páno ang pagkágusto ninyò sa trabáho-ng-kanyunéro? How (predicate) your liking for (i. e. How did you like) the artillery-service? Papáno ang pagsasábi sa wíka ng Tagálog nang salità ng Inglès na "scissors"? How (predicate) the saying in the Tagalog language of the English word "scissors"? i. e. How does one say "scissors" in Tagalog? Gaáno ang pagkakagalìt nila? How great, How serious was (predicate) their quarrel?

97. This is the construction of the interrogative pronouns in questions asking for the identity of an object,--unless, indeed, these belong rather under type (3). The interrogative pronouns are the following:

(a) síno who? (singular and plural), síno-síno (explicit plural, § 63, end) is used of persons only, and then only when the answer expected is a name or the equivalent; it asks for the identity of a person: Sínu ka? Who are (predicate) you (subject)? Sínu yàn?--Akò. Who's that? i. e. Who's there?--I. Sínu ya ng tumútuktók? Who's that knocking? Síno ang nagbigày sa iyò? Who (predicate) the one-who-gave (sc. it, anaphoric) to you (subject)? i. e. Who gave it to you? Síno ang nagsábi sa iyò? Who told you? Who told you so? Síno sa kanila ng dalawà ang nagnákaw? Which of the two committed the theft? The two are known by name or, at any rate, as personalities. Síno-síno sa manga báta` ang iyo ng nàhúle sa panguumìt? Which ones of the children (predicate) did you catch pilfering? literally: the ones caught by you at pilfering, subject.

(b) anò what? what kind of? how?, explicit plural anò-anò, asks for the identity of a thing or for the description, character, condition of a person or of a thing: Ano yàn?--Itò y librò. What (predicate) is that you have there (subject)?--This is a book. An yòn?--Yo y súnog. What's that over there?--It's a fire. Anò ang ngálan mo? What is your name? Ano ang sábi mo? What do you say? Ano ang íbig mo? What do you want? Ano-anò ang pinagsabè ni Hwàn sa iyò? What things did Juan tell you?, literally: What things (predicate) the things said by Juan to you? Anu kà? What sort of person are you? Anò ang lagày nang manga báta`?... nang asáwa mo? ... nang mé báhay? What (or How) is the condition of (i. e. How are) the children? ... your husband or wife? ... your wife?

(c) alìn which? which one? which ones?, explicit plural alìn-alìn, is used of persons and things; it asks neither for identification (persons, síno; things, anò) nor for characterization (anò), but for indication, by pointing or by description of the place or some other unessential feature, of persons or things: Alìn ang gustu mò? Which one, Which ones do you want? Alìn sa kanila ng dalawà ang nagnákaw? Which of the two (e. g., of these two strange men) committed the theft? Alin-alìn sa manga púnu-ng-káhoy ang iyo ng tinagà`? Which ones of the trees did you cut down?

98. Of the numerative pronouns (§ 66), boò`, ibà, and ilàn (in this use interrogative) are used as static predicates: Itò y buò`. This is entire, complete, unbroken. Hindí ko gusto iyàn; ibà ang áki ng gustò. Not by-me wanted (static predicate) that (subject); different (predicate) that by-me wanted (subject), i. e. I don't want that; what I want is different, I want something else. Ilàn ang manglilígaw? How many are the suitors?

99. Of the modifiers of indefinite quantity (§ 69) several are used as static predicates: Sya y walá na. He is or was gone already. Itò y walà`. This does not take place, does not appear, falls away. Malakì ang súnog. The fire was great. Marámi ang nagsàsábi nitò. Many are they who say this.

100. For the disjunctive forms of personal pronouns and of síno as static predicates, see § 169. For local expressions, see § 211. For entire predications as static predicates, § 112 f., quotations, § 114.

(3) Object expression as predicate.

101. If the predicate is an object expression, it may have three different forms: (A) definite, (B) circumlocutory definite, and (C) indefinite.