Chapter XIII: Front Matter (13)

Mr. BLOUNT said he wished to offer a resolution to the House, which, as he was certain there could be no opposition to it, would occupy little of their time. He should wish the Clerk to read it, and take the sense of the House upon it. It was in the following words:

"_Resolved_, That the thanks of this House be presented to
JONATHAN DAYTON, in testimony of their approbation of his
conduct in discharging the arduous and important duties
assigned him while in the chair."

The Clerk accordingly put the resolution, and it was unanimously carried; when--

The SPEAKER thus addressed the House:

"GENTLEMEN: I feel myself deeply impressed with this fresh
proof of your approbation of my conduct in the chair. The
confidence and support which you have in every instance
afforded me, in the station assigned to me, have alone
enabled me to discharge the important duty with
satisfaction to myself, and with advantage to the public."

_Adjournment of the Session._

A message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they had appointed a committee to join a committee of that House, to wait upon the PRESIDENT to inform him they had finished their business, and, except he had any further communications to make, they were ready to adjourn, without day.

The House then agreed to appoint a committee to join that of the Senate to wait upon the PRESIDENT, and Messrs. SITGREAVES, PARKER, and SHERBURNE being named, they accordingly waited upon the PRESIDENT; and--

Mr. SITGREAVES reported that the PRESIDENT had no further communication to make, except "that he wished them a happy return to their families and friends."

The SPEAKER then adjourned the House _sine die_, at about eleven o'clock.[14]

FIFTH CONGRESS.--FIRST SESSION.

BEGUN AT THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, MAY 15, 1797.[15]

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,--JOHN ADAMS.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

SENATORS.

_New Hampshire._--John Langdon, S. Livermore.

_Vermont._--Nathaniel Chipman, Elijah Paine.

_Massachusetts._--Benj. Goodhue, Theodore Sedgwick.

_Rhode Island._--Theodore Foster, Ray Greene.

_Connecticut._--James Hillhouse, Uriah Tracy.

_New York._--John S. Hobart, John Laurance.

_New Jersey._--John Rutherford, R. Stockton.

_Pennsylvania._--William Bingham, James Ross.

_Delaware._--Henry Latimer, John Vining.

_Maryland._--John E. Howard, James Lloyd,

_Virginia._--Stevens T. Mason, Henry Tazewell.

_North Carolina._--Timothy Bloodworth, Alexander Martin.

_South Carolina._--John Hunter, Jacob Read.

_Georgia._--James Gunn, Josiah Tattnall.

_Tennessee._--Joseph Anderson, Andrew Jackson.

_Kentucky._--John Brown, Humphrey Marshall.

REPRESENTATIVES.

_New Hampshire._--Abiel Foster, Jonathan Freeman, William Gordon, Peleg Sprague.

_Vermont._--Matthew Lyon, Lewis B. Morris.

_Massachusetts._-Bailey Bartlett, Stephen Bullock, Dwight Foster, Nathaniel Freeman, Samuel Lyman, Harrison G. Otis, John Read, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thompson J. Skinner, George Thatcher, Joseph B. Varnum, P. Wadsworth.

_Rhode Island._--C. G. Champlin, Thomas Tillinghast.

_Connecticut._--John Allen, Jona. Brace, Joshua Coit, Samuel W. Dana, James Davenport, O. Goodrich, Roger Griswold, Nathaniel Smith.

_New York._--David Brooks, John Cochran, Lucas Elmendorph, Henry Glenn, J. N. Havens, Hezekiah L. Hosmer, E. Livingston, John E. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, John Williams.

_New Jersey._--Jona. Dayton, James H. Imlay, James Schureman, Thomas Sinnickson, Mark Thompson.

_Pennsylvania._--David Bard, Robert Brown, John Chapman, William Findlay, Albert Gallatin, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Thomas Hartley, Joseph Heister, John W. Kittera, Blair McClenachan, Samuel Sitgreaves, John Swanwick, Richard Thomas.

_Delaware._--James A. Bayard.

_Maryland._--George Baer, William Craik, John Dennis, George Dent, William Hindman, William Matthews, Samuel Smith, Richard Sprigg.

_Virginia._--Richard Brent, Samuel J. Cabell, Thomas Claiborne, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Isaac Coles, John Dawson, Thomas Evans, Carter B. Harrison, David Holmes, Walter Jones, James Machir, Daniel Morgan, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Josiah Parker, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, A. B. Venable.

_North Carolina._--Thomas Blount, Nathan Bryan, Dempsey Burges, James Gillespie, William B. Grove, Matthew Locke, Nathaniel Macon, Joseph McDowell, Richard Stanford, Robert Williams.

_South Carolina._--Lemuel Benton, R. G. Harper, Thomas Pinckney, John Rutledge, William Smith, Thomas Sumter.

_Georgia._--A. Baldwin, John Milledge.

_Tennessee._--William C. C. Claiborne.

_Kentucky._--Thomas T. Davis, John Fowler.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.

The first session of the Fifth Congress, under the Constitution of Government of the United States, commenced at the city of Philadelphia, agreeably to the Proclamation of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, of the twenty-fifth day of March last, and the Senate accordingly assembled on this day, being

MONDAY, May 15, 1797.

PRESENT:

THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

JOHN LANGDON and SAMUEL LIVERMORE, from New Hampshire.

BENJAMIN GOODHUE, from Massachusetts.

THEODORE FOSTER and WILLIAM BRADFORD, from Rhode Island.

JAMES HILLHOUSE and URIAH TRACY, from Connecticut.

ISAAC TICHENOR, from Vermont.

JOHN LAURANCE, from New York.

WILLIAM BINGHAM, from Pennsylvania.

HENRY LATIMER, from Delaware.

JOHN E. HOWARD, from Maryland.

STEVENS T. MASON, from Virginia.

ALEXANDER MARTIN and TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, from North Carolina.

JOHN HUNTER, from South Carolina.

JOSIAH TATTNALL, from Georgia.

The Senators whose names are subjoined produced their credentials on the 4th day of March last, and took their seats in the Senate, viz: Mr. FOSTER, Mr. GOODHUE, Mr. HILLHOUSE, Mr. HOWARD, Mr. LATIMER, Mr. MASON, Mr. ROSS, and Mr. TICHENOR.

WILLIAM COOKE, appointed a Senator by the State of Tennessee, produced his credentials, and the oath required by law being administered, he took his seat in the Senate.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and acquaint him that a quorum of the Senate is assembled.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate, that a quorum of the House is assembled, and have elected JONATHAN DAYTON their Speaker.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have appointed a joint committee on their part, together with such committee as the Senate may appoint, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and inform him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be pleased to make to them.

_Resolved_, That the Senate do concur in the appointment of a joint committee, and that Messrs. LIVERMORE and LANGDON be the joint committee on the part of the Senate.

Mr. LIVERMORE reported, from the joint committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and had notified him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled; and that the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES acquainted the committee that he would meet the two Houses in the Representatives' Chamber, at 12 o'clock to-morrow.

TUESDAY, May 16.

WILLIAM BLOUNT, from the State of Tennessee; THEODORE SEDGWICK, from the State of Massachusetts; and JOHN VINING, from the State of Delaware, severally attended.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House are now ready to meet the Senate in the Chamber of that House, to receive such communications as the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES shall be pleased to make to them. Whereupon,

The Senate repaired to the Chamber of the House of Representatives, for the purpose above expressed.

The Senate returned to their own Chamber, and a copy of the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, this day addressed to both Houses of Congress, was read.

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives_:

The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate,
and of the House of Representatives, in leaving their
families and private affairs, at this season of the year,
are so obvious, that I the more regret the extraordinary
occasion which has rendered the convention of Congress
indispensable.

It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have
been able to congratulate you on a restoration of peace to
the nations of Europe, whose animosities have endangered
our tranquillity; but we have still abundant cause of
gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of national blessings,
for general health and promising seasons; for domestic and
social happiness; for the rapid progress and ample
acquisitions of industry, through extensive territories;
for civil, political, and religious liberty. While other
States are desolated with foreign war, or convulsed with
intestine divisions, the United States present the pleasing
prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal laws,
generally satisfied with the possession of their rights;
neither envying the advantages nor fearing the power of
other nations; solicitous only for the maintenance of order
and justice, and the preservation of liberty; increasing
daily in their attachment to a system of government in
proportion to their experience of its utility; yielding a
ready and general obedience to laws flowing from the
reason, and resting on the only solid foundation--the
affections of the people.

It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn
your thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us
that some of these felicities may not be lasting; but, if
the tide of our prosperity is full, and a reflux
commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us, that we
may meet our reverses with fortitude, and extricate
ourselves from their consequences with all the skill we
possess, and all the efforts in our power.

In giving to Congress information of the state of the
Union, and recommending to their consideration such
measures as appear to me to be necessary or expedient,
according to my constitutional duty, the causes and the
objects of the present extraordinary session will be
explained.

After the President of the United States received
information that the French Government had expressed
serious discontents at some proceedings of the Government
of these States, said to affect the interests of France, he
thought it expedient to send to that country a new
Minister, fully instructed to enter on such amicable
discussions and to give such candid explanations as might
happily remove the discontents and suspicions of the French
Government and vindicate the conduct of the United States.
For this purpose he selected from among his fellow-citizens
a character whose integrity, talents, experience, and
services, had placed him in the rank of the most esteemed
and respected in the nation. The direct object of this
mission was expressed in his letter of credence to the
French Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding
which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted
between the two nations, and to efface unfavorable
impressions; banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality
which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly
union;" and his instructions were to the same effect,
"faithfully to represent the disposition of the Government
and people of the United States (their disposition being
one) to remove jealousies and obviate complaints, by
showing that they were groundless; to restore that mutual
confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously
impaired, and to explain the relative interests of both
countries and the real sentiments of his own."

A Minister thus specially commissioned, it was expected,
would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual
confidence between the two Republics; the first step of the
French Government corresponded with that expectation. A few
days before his arrival at Paris, the French Minister of
Foreign Relations informed the American Minister, then
resident at Paris, of the formalities to be observed by
himself in taking leave, and by his successor preparatory
to his reception. These formalities they observed; and on
the ninth of December presented officially to the Minister
of Foreign Relations, the one a copy of his letters of
recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence. These
were laid before the Executive Directory: two days
afterwards, the Minister of Foreign Relations informed the
recalled American Minister that the Executive Directory had
determined not to receive another Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States until after the redress of
grievances demanded of the American Government, and which
the French Republic had a right to expect from it. The
American Minister immediately endeavored to ascertain
whether, by refusing to receive him, it was intended that
he should retire from the territories of the French
Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the
intention of the Directory. For his own justification he
desired a written answer; but obtained none until towards
the last of January; when receiving notice in writing to
quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded to
Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instruction from
this Government. During his residence at Paris, cards of
hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with
being subjected to the jurisdiction of the Minister of
Police, but with becoming firmness he insisted on the
protection of the law of nations, due to him as the known
Minister of a foreign power. You will derive further
information from his despatches, which will be laid before
you.

As it is often necessary that nations should treat, for the
mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to
accommodate and terminate differences, and as they can
treat only by Ministers, the right of embassy is well
known, and established by the law and usage of nations; the
refusal on the part of France to receive our Minister is
then the denial of a right; but the refusal to hear him,
until we have acceded to their demands, without discussion,
and without investigation, is to treat us neither as
allies, nor as friends, nor as a sovereign State.

With this conduct of the French Government, it will be
proper to take into view the public audience given to the
late Minister of the United States, on his taking leave of
the Executive Directory. The speech of the President[16]
discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a
Minister; because more dangerous to our independence and
union; and at the same time studiously marked with
indignities towards the Government of the United States. It
evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United
States from the Government; to persuade them that they have
different affections, principles, and interests, from those
of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chosen
to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce
divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be
repelled with a decision which shall convince France, and
the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated
under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority,
fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign
influence; and regardless of national honor, character, and
interest.

I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these
transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them; but
they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the
face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances
of publicity and solemnity that they cannot be disguised,
and will not soon be forgotten; they have inflicted a wound
in the American breast; it is my sincere desire, however,
that it may be healed. It is my desire, and in this I
presume I concur with you, and with our constituents, to
preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and
believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the
United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances
for securing these desirable objects with France, I shall
institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and shall not
fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation, on terms
compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of
the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be
demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them. If we
have done injuries, we shall be willing, on conviction, to
redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right
to expect from France and every other nation.

The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and
France being at present suspended, the Government has no
means of obtaining official information from that country;
nevertheless, there is reason to believe that the Executive
Directory passed a decree, on the second of March last,
contravening, in part, the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, of
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, injurious to
our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our
citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.

While we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with
France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in
Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal
injuries to our citizens, and general complexion of
affairs, render it my indispensable duty to recommend to
your consideration effectual measures of defence.

The commerce of the United States has become an interesting
object of attention, whether we consider it in relation to
the wealth and finances, or the strength and resources of
the nation. With a sea-coast of near two thousand miles in
extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and
commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply
their industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious
and permanent injury to commerce, would not fail to produce
the most embarrassing disorders; to prevent it from being
undermined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive
an adequate protection.

The Naval Establishment must occur to every man who
considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the
insults offered to our citizens, and the description of
vessels by which these abuses have been practised. As the
sufferings of our mercantile and seafaring citizens cannot
be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable,
considering the neutral situation of our country, they are
to be attributed to the hope of impunity, arising from a
supposed inability on our part to afford protection. To
resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds of
foreign nations, and to guard against the degradation and
servility which they must finally stamp on the American
character, is an important duty of Government.

A Naval power, next to the Militia, is the natural defence
of the United States. The experience of the last war would
be sufficient to show, that a moderate Naval force, such as
would be easily within the present abilities of the Union,
would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable
transportations of troops from one State to another, which
were then practised. Our sea-coasts, from their great
extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by
a Naval force than any other. With all the materials our
country abounds; in skill, our naval architects and
navigators are equal to any; and commanders and seamen will
not be wanting.

But although the establishment of a permanent system of
Naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it
cannot be formed so speedily and extensively as the present
crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent
the sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East
Indies, where general usage, and the danger from pirates,
appeared to render permission proper; yet the restriction
has originated solely from a wish to prevent collusions
with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of
June, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and not
from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and
propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means of
defence, while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It
remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will
enable our seafaring citizens to defend themselves against
violations of the law of nations; and, at the same time,
restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the
powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for
defence by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary
to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of
inferior force to take under convoy such merchant vessels
as shall remain unarmed.

The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have
been most injurious, have been built, and some of them
partially equipped in the United States. Although an
effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I
have thought it my duty to present the subject generally
to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the
wisdom of Congress to prevent the resources of the United
States from being converted into the means of annoying our
trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the same view I
think it proper to mention that some of our citizens
resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have
voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them,
and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United
States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be
restrained only by severe punishments.

But besides a protection of commerce on the seas, I think
it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is
collected in our most important ports. The distance of the
United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude,
ardor, and courage of the people, in defence of their
country, happily diminish the probability of invasion:
nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory
incursions, the situation of some of our principal seaports
demands your consideration; and as our country is
vulnerable in other interests besides those of its
commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means
of general defence ought not to be increased by an addition
to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements
for forming a provisional army.

With the same view, and as a measure, which even in a time
of universal peace ought not to be neglected, I recommend
to your consideration a revision of the laws for
organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, to render
that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious.
Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve
ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep
ourselves always distinct and separate from it if we can,
yet to effect this separation, early, punctual, and
continual information of the current chain of events, and
of the political projects in contemplation, is no less
necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is
necessary in order to the discovery of the efforts made to
draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations
against them. However we may consider ourselves, the
maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider
the United States of America as forming a weight, in that
balance of power in Europe, which can never be forgotten or
neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but
it would be doing wrong to one half of Europe, at least, if
we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It
is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be
neutral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same
studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures ought
to be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and
Sweden, one of which is expired, and the other near
expiring, might be renewed.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

It is particularly your province to consider the state of
the public finances; and to adopt such measures respecting
them as exigencies shall be found to require. The
preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment
of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any
extraordinary expenses, will of course call for your
serious attention. Although the imposition of new burdens
cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to
doubt that the American people will expect from you such
measures as their actual engagements, their present
security, and future interests demand.

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives_:

The present situation of our country imposes an obligation
on all the departments of Government to adopt an explicit
and decided conduct. In my situation, an exposition of the
principles by which my administration will be governed
ought not to be omitted.

It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world,
what has been before observed, that endeavors have been
employed to foster and establish a division between the
Government and people of the United States. To investigate
the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not
necessary; but to repel by decided and united councils
insinuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so
dangerous to the constitution, union, and even
independence, of the nation, is an indispensable duty.

It must not be permitted to be doubted, whether the people
of the United States will support the Government
established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by
their free choice, or whether by surrendering themselves to
the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in
opposition to their own Government, they will forfeit the
honorable station they have hitherto maintained.

For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned
the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my
life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly
witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my
fellow-citizens, on the most trying occasions, it is not
for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has
been so long engaged.

Convinced that the conduct of the Government has been just
and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal
regulations, which have been established by law for the
preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and that
they have been fairly executed; nothing will ever be done
by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon
principles, which have been so deliberately and uprightly
established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of
the Government. To enable me to maintain this declaration,
I rely upon God with entire confidence, on the firm and
enlightened support of the National Legislature, and upon
the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens.

JOHN ADAMS.

_Ordered_, That Messrs. TRACY, LAURANCE, and LIVERMORE be a committee to report the draft of an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech this day to both Houses of Congress.

WEDNESDAY, May 17.

RICHARD STOCKTON, from the State of New Jersey, attended.

THURSDAY, May 18.

HENRY TAZEWELL, from the State of Virginia, attended.

FRIDAY, May 19.

JOHN HENRY, from the State of Maryland, attended.

MONDAY, May 22.

JOHN BROWN, from the State of Kentucky, and JACOB READ, from the State of South Carolina, severally attended.

JOHN RUTHERFORD, appointed a Senator from the State of New Jersey, produced his credentials, which were read, and the oath required by law being administered to him, he took his seat in the Senate.

TUESDAY, May 23.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the committee of the draft of an Address, in answer to the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of the session.

On the motion to expunge the following paragraph, to wit:

"We are happy, since our sentiments on the subject are in
perfect unison with yours, in this public manner to
declare, that the conduct of the Government has been just
and impartial to foreign nations, and that those internal
regulations, which have been established for the
preservation of peace, are, in their nature, proper, and
have been fairly executed."

It was determined in the negative--yeas 11, nays 15, as follows:

YEAS--Messrs. Bloodworth, Blount, Brown, Cocke, Henry,
Hunter, Langdon, Martin, Mason, Tazewell, and Tattnall.

NAYS--Messrs. Bingham, Bradford, Foster, Goodhue,
Hillhouse, Howard, Laurance, Latimer, Livermore, Read,
Rutherford, Sedgwick, Stockton, Tichenor, and Tracy.

And the report being further amended, was adopted, as follows:

SIR: The Senate of the United States request you to accept
their acknowledgments for the comprehensive and interesting
detail you have given in your Speech to both Houses of
Congress, on the existing state of the Union.

While we regret the necessity of the present meeting of the
Legislature, we wish to express our entire approbation of
your conduct in convening it on this momentous occasion.

The superintendence of our national faith, honor, and
dignity, being, in a great measure, constitutionally
deposited with the Executive, we observe, with singular
satisfaction, the vigilance, firmness, and promptitude,
exhibited by you, in this critical state of our public
affairs, and from thence derive an evidence and pledge of
the rectitude and integrity of your administration. And we
are sensible it is an object of primary importance, that
each branch of the Government should adopt a language and
system of conduct which shall be cool, just, and
dispassionate, but firm, explicit, and decided.

We are equally desirous, with you, to preserve peace and
friendship with all nations, and are happy to be informed,
that neither the honor nor interests of the United States
forbid advances for securing those desirable objects, by
amicable negotiation with the French Republic. This method
of adjusting national differences is not only the most
mild, but the most rational and humane, and with
governments disposed to be just, can seldom fail of
success, when fairly, candidly, and sincerely used. If we
have committed errors, and can be made sensible of them, we
agree with you in opinion that we ought to correct them,
and compensate the injuries which may have been consequent
thereon; and we trust the French Republic will be actuated
by the same just and benevolent principles of national
policy.

We do, therefore, most sincerely approve of your
determination to promote and accelerate an accommodation of
our existing differences with that Republic, by
negotiation, on terms compatible with the rights, duties,
interests, and honor of our nation. And you may rest
assured of our most cordial co-operation, so far as it may
become necessary, in this pursuit.

Peace and harmony with all nations is our sincere wish;
but, such being the lot of humanity, that nations will not
always reciprocate peaceable dispositions, it is our firm
belief, that effectual measures of defence will tend to
inspire that national self-respect and confidence at
_home_, which is the unfailing source of respectability
_abroad_, to check aggression, and prevent war.

While we are endeavoring to adjust our differences with the
French Republic, by amicable negotiation, the progress of
the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the
personal injuries to our citizens, and the general
complexion of affairs, prove to us your vigilant care, in
recommending to our attention effectual measures of
defence.

Those which you recommend, whether they relate to external
defence, by permitting our citizens to arm for the purpose
of repelling aggressions on their commercial rights, and by
providing sea convoys, or to internal defence, by
increasing the establishments of artillery and cavalry, by
forming a provisional army, by revising the militia laws,
and fortifying, more completely, our ports and harbors,
will meet our consideration, under the influence of the
same just regard for the security, interest, and honor of
our country, which dictated your recommendation.

Practices so unnatural and iniquitous, as those you state,
of our own citizens, converting their property and personal
exertions into the means of annoying our trade, and
injuring their fellow-citizens, deserve legal severity
commensurate with their turpitude.

Although the Senate believe that the prosperity and
happiness of our country does not depend on general and
extensive political connections with European nations, yet
we can never lose sight of the propriety as well as
necessity of enabling the Executive, by sufficient and
liberal supplies, to maintain, and even extend, our foreign
intercourse, as exigencies may require, reposing full
confidence in the Executive, in whom the constitution has
placed the powers of negotiation.

We learn, with sincere concern, that attempts are in
operation to alienate the affections of our fellow-citizens
from their Government. Attempts so wicked, wherever they
exist, cannot fail to excite our utmost abhorrence. A
Government chosen by the people for their own safety and
happiness, and calculated to secure both, cannot lose their
affections, so long as its administration pursues the
principle upon which it was erected. And your resolution to
observe a conduct just and impartial to all nations, a
sacred regard to our national engagements, and not to
impair, the rights of our Government, contains principles
which cannot fail to secure to your administration the
support of the National Legislature, to render abortive
every attempt to excite dangerous jealousies among us, and
to convince the world that our Government, and your
administration of it, cannot be separated from the
affectionate support of every good citizen. And the Senate
cannot suffer the present occasion to pass, without thus
publicly and solemnly expressing their attachment to the
constitution and Government of their country; and as they
hold themselves responsible to their constituents, their
consciences, and their God, it is their determination, by
all their exertions, to repel every attempt to alienate the
affections of the people from the Government, so highly
injurious to the honor, safety, and independence of the
United States.

We are happy, since our sentiments on the subject are in
perfect unison with yours, in this public manner to
declare, that we believe the conduct of the Government has
been just and impartial to foreign nations, and that those
internal regulations which have been established for the
preservation of peace, are in their nature proper, and have
been fairly executed.

And we are equally happy in possessing an entire confidence
in your abilities and exertions in your station to maintain
untarnished the honor, preserve the peace, and support the
independence of our country; to acquire and establish
which, in connection with your fellow-citizens, has been
the virtuous effort of a principal part of your life.

To aid you in these arduous and honorable exertions, as it
is our duty, so it shall be our faithful endeavor. And we
flatter ourselves, sir, that the proceedings of the present
session of Congress will manifest to the world, that,
although the United States love peace, they will be
independent. That they are sincere in their declarations to
be just to the French, and all other nations, and expect
the same in return.

If a sense of justice, a love of moderation and peace,
shall influence their councils, which we sincerely hope, we
shall have just grounds to expect peace and amity between
the United States and all nations will be preserved.

But if we are so unfortunate as to experience injuries from
any foreign power, and the ordinary methods by which
differences are amicably adjusted between nations shall be
rejected, the determination "not to surrender in any manner
the rights of the Government" being so inseparably
connected with the dignity, interest, and independence of
our country, shall by us be steadily and inviolably
supported.

THOMAS JEFFERSON,
_Vice President of the United States,
and President of the Senate_.

_Ordered_, That the committee who prepared the Address wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and desire him to acquaint the Senate at what time and place it will be most convenient for him that it should be presented.

Mr. TRACY reported from the committee that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and that he would receive the Address of the Senate to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, at his own house.

_Resolved_, That the Senate will, to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES accordingly.

WEDNESDAY, May 24.

ELIJAH PAINE, from the State of Vermont, attended.

Agreeably to the resolution of yesterday, the Senate waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and the VICE PRESIDENT, in their name, presented the Address then agreed to.

To which the PRESIDENT made the following reply:

_Mr. Vice President, and Gentlemen of the Senate_:

It would be an affectation in me to dissemble the pleasure
I feel on receiving this kind Address.

My long experience of the wisdom, fortitude, and patriotism
of the Senate of the United States, enhances in my
estimation the value of those obliging expressions of your
approbation of my conduct, which are a generous reward for
the past, and an affecting encouragement to constancy and
perseverance in future.

Our sentiments appear to be so entirely in unison, that I
cannot but believe them to be the rational result of the
understandings and the natural feelings of the hearts of
Americans in general, on contemplating the present state of
the nation.

While such principles and affections prevail, they will
form an indissoluble bond of union, and a sure pledge that
our country has no essential injury to apprehend from any
portentous appearances abroad. In a humble reliance on
Divine Providence, we may rest assured, that, while we
reiterate with sincerity our endeavors to accommodate all
our differences with France, the independence of our
country cannot be diminished, its dignity degraded, or its
glory tarnished, by any nation or combination of nations,
whether friends or enemies.

JOHN ADAMS.

The Senate returned to their own Chamber, and adjourned.

FRIDAY, May 26.

HUMPHREY MARSHALL, from the State of Kentucky, attended.

MONDAY, May 29.

JAMES ROSS, from the State of Pennsylvania, attended.

SATURDAY, June 24.

The following confidential Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives:_

The Dey of Algiers has manifested a predilection for
American built vessels, and, in consequence, has desired
that two vessels might be constructed and equipped, as
cruisers, according to the choice and taste of Captain
O'Brien. The cost of two such vessels, built with live oak
and cedar, and coppered, with guns and all other equipments
complete, is estimated at forty-five thousand dollars. The
expense of navigating them to Algiers may, perhaps, be
compensated by the freight of the stores with which they
may be loaded on account of our stipulations by treaty with
the Dey.

A compliance with the Dey's request appears to me to be of
serious importance. He will repay the whole expense of
building and equipping the two vessels; and as he has
advanced the price of our peace with Tripoli, and become
pledged for that of Tunis, the United States seem to be
under peculiar obligations to provide this accommodation;
and I trust that Congress will authorize the advance of
money necessary for that purpose.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _June_ 23, 1797.

_Ordered_, That it lie for consideration.

SATURDAY, July 1.

JAMES GUNN, from the State of Georgia, attended.

WEDNESDAY, July 5.

The VICE PRESIDENT obtained leave of absence for the remainder of the session.

THURSDAY, July 6.

The VICE PRESIDENT being absent, the Senate proceeded to the choice of a President _pro tempore_, as the constitution provides, and the Hon. WILLIAM BRADFORD was duly elected.

FRIDAY, July 7.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have passed a resolution, that the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, be authorized to close the present session, by adjourning their respective Houses on Monday, the 10th day of this month; in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate.

MONDAY, July 10.

_Ordered_, That Mr. TRACY and Mr. READ be a joint committee on the part of the Senate, with such as the House of Representatives may appoint on their part, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and notify him that, unless he may have any further communications to make to the two Houses of Congress, they are ready to adjourn.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have appointed a joint committee on their part to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and notify him that, unless he may have any further communications to make to the two Houses of Congress, they are ready to adjourn.

Mr. TRACY reported from the joint committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, agreeably to order, who replied, that he had no further communication to make to Congress, except a respectful and affectionate farewell.

The PRESIDENT then adjourned the Senate without day.

FIFTH CONGRESS.--FIRST SESSION.

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

In pursuance of the authority given by the constitution, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, on the 25th day of March last, caused to be issued the Proclamation which follows:

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the Constitution of the United States of America
provides that the President may, on extraordinary
occasions, convene both Houses of Congress; and whereas an
extraordinary occasion exists for convening Congress, and
divers weighty matters claim their consideration, I have
therefore thought it necessary to convene, and I do by
these presents convene the Congress of the United States of
America, at the City of Philadelphia, in the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, on Monday the fifteenth day of May next,
hereby requiring the Senators and Representatives in the
Congress of the United States of America, and every of
them, that, laying aside all other matters and cares, they
then and there meet and assemble in Congress, in order to
consult and determine on such measures as in their wisdom
shall be deemed meet for the safety and welfare of the said
United States.

[Sidenote: [L. S.]]

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United
States of America to be affixed to these presents, and
signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of
Philadelphia the twenty-fifth day of March, in the year of
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the
twenty-first.

JOHN ADAMS.

By the President: TIMOTHY PICKERING, _Secretary of State_.

MONDAY, May 15, 1797.

This being the day appointed by the Proclamation of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, of the 25th of March last, for the meeting of Congress, the following members of the House of Representatives appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats, to wit:

_From New Hampshire._--ABIEL FOSTER and JONATHAN FREEMAN.

_From Massachusetts._--THEOPHILUS BRADBURY, DWIGHT FOSTER, NATHANIEL FREEMAN, Jr., SAMUEL LYMAN, HARRISON GRAY OTIS, JOHN READ, SAMUEL SEWALL, WILLIAM SHEPARD, GEORGE THATCHER, JOSEPH BRADLEY VARNUM, and PELEG WADSWORTH.

_From Rhode Island._--CHRISTOPHER G. CHAMPLIN and ELISHA R. POTTER.

_From Connecticut._--JOSHUA COIT, SAMUEL W. DANA, JAMES DAVENPORT, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, ROGER GRISWOLD, and NATHANIEL SMITH.

_From Vermont._--MATTHEW LYON.

_From New York._--DAVID BROOKS, JAMES COCHRAN, LUCAS ELMENDORPH, HENRY GLENN, JONATHAN N. HAVENS, HEZEKIAH L. HOSMER, EDWARD LIVINGSTON, JOHN E. VAN ALLEN, PHILIP VAN CORTLANDT, and JOHN WILLIAMS.

_From New Jersey._--JONATHAN DAYTON, JAMES H. IMLAY, and MARK THOMPSON.

_From Pennsylvania._--DAVID BARD, JOHN CHAPMAN, GEORGE EGE, ALBERT GALLATIN, JOHN ANDRE HANNA, THOMAS HARTLEY, JOHN WILKES KITTERA, BLAIR M'CLENACHAN, SAMUEL SITGREAVES, JOHN SWANWICK, and RICHARD THOMAS.

_From Maryland._--GEORGE BAER, Jr., WILLIAM CRAIK, JOHN DENNIS, GEORGE DENT, WILLIAM HINDMAN, WILLIAM MATTHEWS, and RICHARD SPRIGG, Jr.

_From Virginia._--SAMUEL JORDAN CABELL, THOMAS CLAIBORNE, MATTHEW CLAY, JOHN CLOPTON, JOHN DAWSON, THOMAS EVANS, WILLIAM B. GILES, CARTER B. HARRISON, DAVID HOLMES, WALTER JONES, JAMES MACHIR, DANIEL MORGAN, ANTHONY NEW, JOHN NICHOLAS, ABRAM TRIGG, and ABRAHAM VENABLE.

_From North Carolina._--THOMAS BLOUNT, NATHAN BRYAN, JAMES GILLESPIE, WILLIAM BARRY GROVE, MATTHEW LOCKE, NATHANIEL MACON, RICHARD STANFORD, and ROBERT WILLIAMS.

_From South Carolina._--ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER, JOHN RUTLEDGE, Jr., and WILLIAM SMITH, (of Charleston District.)

_From Georgia._--ABRAHAM BALDWIN and JOHN MILLEDGE.

And a quorum, consisting of a majority of the whole number, being present,

The House proceeded, by ballot, to the choice of a SPEAKER; and, upon examining the ballots, a majority of the votes of the whole House was found in favor of JONATHAN DAYTON, one of the Representatives for the State of New Jersey: whereupon,

Mr. DAYTON was conducted to the chair, from whence he made his acknowledgments to the House, as follows:

"Accept, gentlemen, my acknowledgments for the very
flattering mark of approbation and confidence exhibited in
this second call to the chair, by a vote of this House.

"Permit me, most earnestly, to request of you a continuance
of that assistance and support, which were, upon all
occasions, during the two preceding sessions, very
liberally afforded to me; and, without which, all my
exertions to maintain the order, and expedite the business
of the House, must be, in a great degree, unsuccessful."

TUESDAY, May 16.

Several other members, to wit: from New Jersey, JAMES SCHUREMAN and THOMAS SINNICKSON; from Virginia, JOHN TRIGG; and from South Carolina, THOMAS SUMPTER, appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats in the House.

_President's Speech._

It being near twelve o'clock, the SPEAKER observed that it had been usual on similar occasions to the present, to send a message to the Senate, to inform them that the House is now ready to attend them in receiving the communication of the PRESIDENT, agreeably to his appointment: such a message was agreed to, and sent accordingly.

Soon after, the members of the Senate entered, and took the seats assigned them; and a little after twelve, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES entered, and took the chair of the SPEAKER, (which he vacated on the entrance of the Senate, the President and Clerk of the Senate being placed on the right hand of the chair, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Clerk on the left.) After sitting a moment, he rose and delivered the following Speech. [See Senate proceedings, _ante_.]

Having concluded his Speech, after presenting a copy of it to the President of the Senate, and another to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the President retired, as did also the members of the Senate; and the Speaker having resumed his chair, he read the Speech: after which, on motion, it was ordered to be committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

WEDNESDAY, May 17.

Several other members, to wit: from New Hampshire, WILLIAM GORDON and JEREMIAH SMITH; from Pennsylvania, ANDREW GREGG; appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats.

_The President's Speech._

The House then went into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. DENT in the chair, on the President's Speech. It was read by the Clerk.

Mr. CRAIK then moved a resolution, which, he observed, was merely a matter of form, as there had been one to the same effect, on every similar occasion. It was, "that it is the opinion of this committee, that a respectful Address should be presented to the President in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, containing assurances, that this House will take into consideration the various and important matters recommended to their consideration." The committee agreed to the resolution. They rose, and it immediately passed the House in the common form.

On motion, it was _Ordered_, That a committee be appointed to prepare an Answer to the Speech.

Mr. VENABLE, Mr. KITTERA, Mr. FREEMAN, Mr. RUTLEDGE, and Mr. GRISWOLD, were nominated to report the Answer.

FRIDAY, May 19.

RICHARD BRENT, from Virginia, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

_Documents Referred to in the President's Speech._

The SPEAKER informed the House that he had received a communication from the Department of State, containing sundry documents referred to by the President in his Speech to both Houses, numbered from 1 to 18. He proceeded to read No. 1, viz:

1. A letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, December 20, 1796, giving an account of his arrival at Bordeaux; of his journey from thence to Paris, in which, from the badness of the roads, he broke three wheels of his carriage; of the ill treatment he received from M. Delacroix, &c. He remarks, that it is not surprising that the French Republic have refused to receive him, since they have dismissed no less than thirteen foreign Ministers; and since they have been led to believe by a late emigrant, that the United States was of no greater consequence to them than the Republics of Genoa or Geneva. He also mentions, that it seemed to be the opinion in France, that much depended on the election of the President, as one of the candidates was considered the friend of England, the other as devoted to France. The people of France, he observes, have been greatly deceived, with respect to the United States, by misrepresentation, being led to believe that the people and Government have different views; but, adds he, any attempt to divide the people from the Government, ought to be to the people of the United States, the signal for rallying. Gen. Pinckney several times mentions Mr. Monroe in this letter with great respect; and says that before his arrival the Directory had been very cool towards him, but, since that time, they had renewed their civilities to him.

2. Is a report of Major General Mountflorence to General Pinckney, dated December 18, 1796, on the subject of American vessels brought prizes into the ports of France.

3. Extract of a letter from Gen. Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, January 6, 1797, in which he mentions the distressed situation of American citizens, arriving in the ports of France, who were immediately thrown into prison, and could not be released, until an order was got from the American Minister, countersigned by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs; and no Minister being acknowledged there at present, no relief could be afforded. He, however, applied to M. Delacroix on their behalf, by means of the secretary, Major Rutledge, and got them attended to through the Minister of General Police. General Pinckney gives a further account of conversations which passed between his secretary and M. Delacroix, on the subject of his quitting Paris, in which he told him he must do so, or be liable to the operation of the police laws; but refused to commit his orders to writing. He mentions Barras's answer to Monroe's address as a curious production; but says it was not particularly calculated as an answer to what was said by Mr. Monroe, as he had it prepared, and was unacquainted with what would be said by Mr. Monroe.

4. Extract of a letter from Gen. Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, February 18, informing him, that, having had official notice to quit the French Republic, he had gone to Amsterdam.

5. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, March 5, in which he observes, that before he left Paris, it was rumored that the Dutch were determined to treat American vessels in the same manner as the French had done. He now believes that the French wished them to do so, as he had lately received intelligence that the Dutch had objected to do this, alleging that it would be a great injury to them, as they should then lose their trade with this country, and if so, they would be deprived of furnishing that support to the French which they then gave them. France acquiesced because she saw it was her interest; and having 25,000 troops in Batavia, it was generally known that they could do what they pleased with that country. The General adds, with detestation, that there are American citizens who fit out privateers to cruise against the trade of this country.

6. Extract of a letter from Major General Mountflorence to General Pinckney, dated Paris, February 14, mentioning the capture of a vessel from Boston, and another from Baltimore, by an American citizen on board a privateer: adding, that American citizens of this class are continually wishing for more rigorous laws against American commerce.

7. Extract of a letter from the same to the same, dated Paris, February 21, giving an account of two more American vessels being brought into L'Orient by the same man, and of another vessel taken by a French privateer.

8. Extract of a letter from General Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated Amsterdam, March 8, mentioning the capture of several American vessels; he also speaks of the disagreeableness of his situation; and was of opinion that the new third of the French Councils would determine whether this country and France were to remain at peace or go to war. Though the former was desirable, he wished the measures of our Government to be firm.

9. Speech of Barras, President of the French Directory, on Mr. Monroe's recall.

10. The decree of the Executive Directory of March 2, relative to the seizure of American vessels.

11. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams, Esq., Minister Resident of the United States, near the Batavian Republic, to the Secretary of State, dated at the Hague, November 4, 1796, giving an account of the disposition of the people of that country towards this, which he states to be friendly; and this he attributes to its being their interest to be so. This country, he remarks, is the only quarter from which they receive regular payments. He adds, however, that they have no will in opposition to the French Government.

12. Extract of a letter from the Committee of Foreign Relations of the Batavian Republic, to the above Minister, dated September 27, 1796, making it appear very desirable that the United States should join them in their common cause against Great Britain, reminding him of the many services which they had rendered to this country.

13. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams in answer to the above, wherein he says he shall not omit to forward their letter to this country.

14. Extract of a letter from John Quincy Adams to the Secretary of State, dated Hague, February 17, 1797, representing the French Republic as paying as little attention to other neutral powers as to the United States. He alludes to their conduct towards Hamburg, Bremen, Copenhagen, &c.

15. Extract of a letter from Rufus King, Esq., to the Secretary of State, dated London, March 12, 1797, to the same effect.