Chapter M: X. again called upon us. He said M. Talleyrand was (1)

extremely anxious to be of service to us, and had requested
that one more effort should be made to induce us to enable
him to be so. A great deal of the same conversation which
had passed at our former interviews was repeated. He said
that, without this money, we should be obliged to quit
Paris; and that we ought to consider the consequences: the
property of the Americans would be confiscated, and their
vessels in port embargoed. We told him that, unless there
was a hope of a real reconciliation, these evils could not
be prevented by us; and the little delay that we might
obtain would only increase them; that our mission had
induced many of our countrymen to trust their vessels in
the ports of France; and if we remained at Paris, that very
circumstance would increase their number; and,
consequently, the injury which our countrymen would
sustain, if France could permit herself so to violate her
own engagements and the laws of nations. He expressed a
wish, that M. Y. should see us once more. We told him that
a visit from M. Y., as a private gentleman, would always be
agreeable to us; but if he came only with the expectation
that we should stipulate advances of money, without
previously establishing a solid and permanent
reconciliation, he might save himself the trouble of the
application, because it was a subject we had considered
maturely, and on which we were immovable. He parted with
us, saying, if that was the case, it would not be worth
while for M. Y. to come. In the evening, while General
Pinckney and General Marshall were absent, M. Y. and M. X.
called, and were invited by Mr. Gerry to breakfast with us
the next morning.

OCTOBER 30.

Immediately after breakfast the subject was resumed. M. Y.
spoke without interruption for near an hour. He said that
he was desirous of making a last effort to serve us, by
proposing something which might accommodate the differences
between the two nations; that what he was now about to
mention, had not, by any means, the approbation of the
Directory; nor could M. Talleyrand undertake further than
to make from us the proposition to the Directory, and use
his influence for its success; that, last week, M.
Talleyrand could not have ventured to have offered such
propositions; but that his situation had been very
materially changed by the peace with the Emperor; by that
peace he had acquired, in a high degree, the confidence of
the Directory, and now possessed great influence with that
body; that he was also closely connected with Buonaparte
and the Generals of the Army in Italy, and was to be
considered as firmly fixed in his post, at least for five
or six months; that, under these circumstances, he could
undertake to offer, in our behalf, propositions which,
before this increase of influence, he could not have
hazarded. M. Y. then called our attention to our own
situation, and to the force France was capable of bringing
to bear upon us. He said that we were the best judges of
our capacity to resist, so far as depended on our own
resources, and ought not to deceive ourselves on so
interesting a subject. The fate of Venice was one which
might befall the United States.

The American Ministers determined to have no more of these conferences, and broke them off altogether; but shortly after, they were approached indirectly and in a new way, as thus detailed by General Pinckney to his Government:

On the 14th of December, M. X. called on me, in order, as
he said, to gain some information relative to some lands in
* * *, purchased by * * *, for whom * * *. Soon afterwards,
General Marshall came in, and then Mr. Gerry's carriage
drove into the yard. Here is Mr. Gerry, said General
Marshall. I am glad of it, said M. X., for I wished to meet
all of you gentlemen, to inform you that M. Y. had another
message to you from M. Talleyrand. I immediately expressed
my surprise at it, as M. Talleyrand, M. Y., and he, all
knew our determination to have no further communication on
the subject of our mission with persons not officially
authorized. He replied, that determination was made six
weeks ago; and it was presumed that we had changed our
opinion. I said that I had not, and I did not believe my
colleagues had. At that moment Mr. Gerry entered the room,
and I privately acquainted him with the object of M. X.'s
visit. General Marshall, Mr. Gerry, and myself, then
withdrew into another room, and immediately agreed to
adhere to our former resolution. M. X. was then called in;
when I acquainted him, in a few words, with our
determination; and Mr. Gerry expatiated more at large on
the propriety of our acting in this manner, and on the very
unprecedented way in which we had been treated since our
arrival.

On the 20th of December, a lady, who is well acquainted
with M. Talleyrand, expressed to me her concern that we
were still in so unsettled a situation; but, adds she, why
will you not lend us money? If you would but make us a
loan, all matters would be adjusted; and, she added, when
you were contending for your revolution, we lent you money.
I mentioned the very great difference there was between the
situation of the two countries at that period and the
present, and the very different circumstances under which
the loan was made us, and the loan was now demanded from
us. She replied, we do not make a demand; we think it more
delicate that the offer should come from you: but M.
Talleyrand has mentioned to me (who am surely not in his
confidence) the necessity of your making us a loan; and I
know that he has mentioned it to two or three others; and
that you have been informed of it; and I will assure you
that, if you remain here six months longer, you would not
advance a single step further in your negotiations without
a loan. If that is the case, I replied, we may as well go
away now. Why that, possibly, said she, might lead to a
rupture, which you had better avoid; for we know we have a
very considerable party in America, who are strongly in our
interest.

The American Envoys having repulsed all these attempts, and refused to listen longer to these intermediaries, two of them (Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall) were furnished with their passports, and left France. Mr. Gerry remained, and underwent many attempts to be inveigled into a separate negotiation, all of which failed. In the mean time, (for half a year had now been consumed in this intrigue,) the despatches of the American Ministers had become public, exciting every where odium upon the Directorial Government. The occasion required them to say something, which Talleyrand undertook, and had the "unparalleled effrontery," as expressed by Mr. Pickering, to affect ignorance of the whole affair, to demand the names of the enigmatical personages, (X., Y., Z.,) and of the "_woman_" that reinforced them; and to pronounce the whole the imposture of some intriguers taking advantage of the state of isolation in which the Ministers lived to try and wheedle them out of money. Upon this disavowal, Mr. Pickering remarks:

Although the Envoys' despatches, and the facts and
circumstances hereinbefore stated, cannot leave a doubt
that X., as well as Y. and Z., was well known to Mr.
Talleyrand, it will not be amiss to add, that on the 2d of
December, X., Y., and Z., dined together at Mr.
Talleyrand's, in company with Mr. Gerry; and that, after
rising from the table, the money propositions, which had
before been made, were repeated, in the room and in the
presence, though, perhaps, not in the hearing, of Mr.
Talleyrand. Mr. X. put the question to Mr. Gerry in direct
terms, either "whether the Envoys would now give the
_douceur_," or "whether they had got the money ready." Mr.
Gerry, very justly offended, answered positively in the
negative, and the conversation dropped.

Mr. Z., who has avowed himself to be Mr. Hauteval, was the
person who first made known to the Envoys the Minister's
desire to confer with them individually on the objects of
their mission. He it was who first introduced Mr. Gerry to
Mr. Talleyrand, and served as the interpreter of their
conversations; and in his letter to Mr. Talleyrand, at the
close of Mr. Gerry's document, No. 35, he announces himself
to be the agent of the Minister, to make communications to
the Envoys.

The sensation which these details irresistibly excite is
that of astonishment at the unparalleled effrontery of Mr.
Talleyrand, in demanding of Mr. Gerry the names of X., Y.,
and Z., after Y. had accompanied him on a visit to the
Minister, with whom the conversation detailed in the
printed despatches then passed, and who then assured Mr.
Gerry "that the information Mr. Y. had given him was just,
and might always be relied on;" after Z. had in the first
instance introduced Mr. Gerry to the Minister, and served
as their mutual interpreter, and when the conversation
between them had also been stated in despatches; and after
X., Y., and Z. had all dined together with Mr. Gerry at Mr.
Talleyrand's table, on rising from which X. and Y. renewed
the proposition about the money! The very circumstances of
Mr. Talleyrand's being continued in office after the
account of these intrigues had been published to the world
is a decisive proof that they were commenced and carried on
with the privity and by the secret orders of the Directory.
It was to accomplish the object of these intrigues that the
American Envoys were kept at Paris unreceived six months
after their credentials had been laid before the Directory;
and it was only because they were superior to those
intrigues, and that no hopes remained of wheedling or
terrifying them into a compliance, that two of them were
then sent away, and with marks of insult and contempt.

The Directory at that time were: Barras, Merlin, Siéyes, Gohier, and Roger Ducos,--whose government Buonaparte soon after overthrew, and drove the two first from France, with the epithet "_rotten_" applied to them. The American Ministers were censured by some of their contemporaries for listening to these subaltern agents, but they had valid reasons for their conduct: first, to avoid the further threatened depredations on American commerce; and next, to unite their fellow-citizens at home by exposing the corruption of the (then) French Government.

SIXTH CONGRESS.--FIRST SESSION.

BEGUN AT THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 2, 1799.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

SENATORS.

_New Hampshire._--John Langdon, S. Livermore. _Vermont._--Nathaniel Chipman, Elijah Paine. _Massachusetts._--Samuel Dexter, Benjamin Goodhue. _Rhode Island._--Theodore Foster, Ray Greene. _Connecticut._--James Hillhouse, Uriah Tracy. _New York._--John Laurance, J. Watson. _New Jersey._--Jonathan Dayton, James Schureman. _Pennsylvania._--William Bingham, James Ross. _Delaware._--Henry Lattimer, William H. Willes. _Maryland._--John E. Howard, James Lloyd. _Virginia._--Stevens T. Mason, Wilson C. Nicholas. _North Carolina._--Timothy Bloodworth, Jesse Franklin. _South Carolina_--Charles Pinckney, Jacob Read. _Georgia._--A. Baldwin, James Gunn. _Tennessee._--Joseph Anderson, William Cocke. _Kentucky._--John Brown, Humphrey Marshall.

REPRESENTATIVES.

_New Hampshire._--Abiel Foster, Jonathan Freeman, William Gordon, James Sheafe.

_Vermont._--Matthew Lyon, Lewis R. Morris.

_Massachusetts._--Bailey Bartlett, Phanuel Bishop, Silas Lee, Levi Lincoln, Samuel Lyman, Harrison G. Otis, John Read, T. Sedgwick, Samuel Sewall, George Thatcher, Joseph B. Varnum, P. Wadsworth, Lemuel Williams.

_Rhode Island._--John Brown, C. G. Champlin.

_Connecticut._--Jonathan Brace, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, William Edmond, C. Goodrich, Elizur Goodrich, Roger Griswold.

_New York._--Theodore Bailey, John Bird, William Cooper, Lucas Elmendorph, Henry Glenn, E. Livingston, Jonas Platt, John Smith, John Thompson, Philip Van Cortlandt.

_New Jersey._--John Condit, Franklin Davenport, James H. Imlay, Aaron Kitchell, James Linn.

_Pennsylvania._--Robert Brown, Albert Gallatin, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Thomas Hartley, Joseph Heister, John W. Kittera, Michael Leib, Peter Muhlenberg, John Smilie, Richard Thomas, Robert Wain, Henry Woods.

_Delaware._--James A. Bayard.

_Maryland._--George Baer, Gabriel Christie, William Craik, John Dennis, George Dent, Joseph H. Nicholson, Samuel Smith, John C. Thomas.

_Virginia._--Samuel J. Cabell, Matthew Clay, John Dawson, John Eggleston, Thomas Evans, Samuel Goode, Edwin Gray, David Holmes, John Geo. Jackson, Henry Lee, John Marshall, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Robert Page, Josiah Parker, Levin Powell, John Randolph, Abram Trigg, John Trigg.

_North Carolina._--Willis Alston, Joseph Dixon, William B. Grove, Archibald Henderson, William H. Hill, Nathaniel Macon, Richard D. Spaight, Richard Stanford, David Stone, Robert Williams.

_South Carolina._--R. G. Harper, Benj. Huger, Abraham Nott, Thomas Pinckney, John Rutledge, Thomas Sumter.

_Georgia._--James Jones, Benjamin Taliaferro.

_Tennessee._--William C. C. Claiborne.

_Kentucky._--Thomas T. Davis, John Fowler.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.

MONDAY, December 2, 1799.

The first session of the sixth Congress, conformably to the constitution, commenced this day, and the Senate assembled, in their Chamber, at the city of Philadelphia.

PRESENT:

JOHN LANGDON, from New Hampshire.

BENJAMIN GOODHUE, from Massachusetts.

THEODORE FOSTER, from Rhode Island.

JAMES HILLHOUSE and URIAH TRACY, from Connecticut.

JOHN LAURANCE and JAMES WATSON, from New York.

WILLIAM BINGHAM, from Pennsylvania.

HUMPHREY MARSHALL, from Kentucky.

JACOB READ, from South Carolina.

JAMES GUNN, from Georgia.

JOSEPH ANDERSON, appointed a Senator by the State of Tennessee, for the remainder of the term for which their late Senator, ANDREW JACKSON, was appointed; ABRAHAM BALDWIN, appointed a Senator by the State of Georgia; JOHN BROWN, appointed a Senator by the State of Kentucky; SAMUEL DEXTER, appointed a Senator by the State of Massachusetts; SAMUEL LIVERMORE, appointed a Senator by the State of New Hampshire; and WILLIAM HILL WELLS, appointed a Senator by the State of Delaware; severally produced their credentials, and took their seats in the Senate.

The VICE PRESIDENT being absent, the Senate proceeded to the election of a President _pro tempore_, as the constitution provides, and SAMUEL LIVERMORE was chosen.

_Ordered_, That Mr. READ administer the oath required by law to the President of the Senate _pro tempore_.

The PRESIDENT administered the oath, as the law prescribes, to Messrs. ANDERSON, BALDWIN, BROWN, DEXTER, and WELLS.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary wait upon the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and acquaint him that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and that, in the absence of the VICE PRESIDENT, they have elected SAMUEL LIVERMORE, President of the Senate _pro tempore_.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary acquaint the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled and ready to proceed to business, and that, in the absence of the VICE PRESIDENT, they have elected SAMUEL LIVERMORE, President of the Senate _pro tempore_.

_Resolved_, That each Senator be supplied, during the present session, with three such newspapers, printed in any of the States, as he may choose, provided, that the same be furnished at the rate usual for the annual charge of such papers.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that a quorum of the House is assembled, and have elected THEODORE SEDGWICK their Speaker.

_Ordered_, That Messrs. READ and BINGHAM, be a committee on the part of the Senate, together with such committee as the House of Representatives may appoint on their part, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be pleased to make to them.

The PRESIDENT communicated a letter signed John Trumbull, presenting to the Senate of the United States impressions of two prints of the American Revolution, which he had lately caused to be published; and the letter was read.

_Ordered_, That it lie on the table.

The Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow morning.

TUESDAY, December 3.

WILLIAM COCKE, appointed a Senator by the State of Tennessee, and JAMES SCHUREMAN, appointed a Senator by the State of New Jersey, in the room of John Rutherfurd, resigned, severally produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats in the Senate.

HENRY LATIMER, from the State of Delaware, and JAMES ROSS, from the State of Pennsylvania, severally attended.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that a quorum of the House is assembled, and have appointed a joint committee on their part, together with such committee as the Senate may appoint on theirs, to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may be pleased to make to them.

Mr. READ reported from the joint committee appointed for the purpose, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and had notified him that a quorum of the two Houses of Congress are assembled; and that the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, acquainted the committee, that he would meet the two Houses, this day, at 12 o'clock, in the Chamber of the House of Representatives.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House are now ready to meet the Senate, in the Chamber of that House, to receive such communications as the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES shall be pleased to make to them.

Whereupon the Senate repaired to the Chamber of the House of Representatives, for the purpose above expressed.

The Senate then returned to their own Chamber, and a copy of the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, this day addressed to both Houses of Congress, was read:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives:_

It is with peculiar satisfaction that I meet the sixth
Congress of the United States of America. Coming from all
parts of the Union, at this critical and interesting
period, the members must be fully possessed of the
sentiments and wishes of our constituents.

The flattering prospects of abundance, from the labors of
the people, by land and by sea; the prosperity of our
extended commerce, notwithstanding interruptions occasioned
by the belligerent state of a great part of the world; the
return of health, industry, and trade, to those cities
which have lately been afflicted with disease; and the
various and inestimable advantages, civil and religious,
which, secured under our happy frame of Government, are
continued to us unimpaired, demand, of the whole American
people, sincere thanks to a benevolent Deity, for the
merciful dispensations of his providence.

But, while these numerous blessings are recollected, it is
a painful duty to advert to the ungrateful return which has
been made for them, by some of the people in certain
counties of Pennsylvania, where, seduced by the arts and
misrepresentations of designing men, they have openly
resisted the law directing the valuation of houses and
lands. Such defiance was given to the civil authority as
rendered hopeless all further attempts, by judicial
process, to enforce the execution of the law; and it became
necessary to direct a military force to be employed,
consisting of some companies of regular troops, volunteers,
and militia, by whose zeal and activity, in co-operation
with the judicial power, order and submission were
restored, and many of the offenders arrested. Of these,
some have been convicted of misdemeanors, and others,
charged with various crimes, remain to be tried.

To give due effect to the civil administration of
Government, and to ensure a just execution of the laws, a
revision and amendment of the judiciary system is
indispensably necessary. In this extensive country it
cannot but happen that numerous questions respecting the
interpretation of the laws, and the rights and duties of
officers and citizens, must arise. On the one hand, the
laws should be executed: on the other, individuals should
be guarded from oppression. Neither of these objects is
sufficiently assured under the present organization of the
Judicial Department. I therefore earnestly recommend the
subject to your serious consideration.

Persevering in the pacific and humane policy which had been
invariably professed and sincerely pursued by the Executive
authority of the United States, when indications were made
on the part of the French Republic, of a disposition to
accommodate the existing differences between the two
countries, I felt it to be my duty to prepare for meeting
their advances, by a nomination of ministers upon certain
conditions, which the honor of our country dictated, and
which its moderation had given a right to prescribe. The
assurances which were required of the French Government,
previous to the departure of our Envoys, have been given
through their Minister of Foreign Relations, and I have
directed them to proceed on their mission to Paris.[45]
They have full power to conclude a treaty, subject to the
constitutional advice and consent of the Senate. The
characters of these gentlemen are sure pledges to their
country that nothing incompatible with its honor or
interest, nothing inconsistent with our obligations of good
faith or friendship to any other nation, will be
stipulated.

It appearing probable, from the information I received,
that our commercial intercourse with some ports in the
island of St. Domingo might safely be renewed, I took such
steps as seemed to me expedient to ascertain that point.
The result being satisfactory, I then, in conformity with
the act of Congress on the subject, directed the restraints
and prohibitions of that intercourse to be discontinued, on
terms which were made known by proclamation. Since the
renewal of this intercourse, our citizens, trading to those
ports, with their property, have been duly respected, and
privateering from those ports has ceased.

The act of Congress relative to the seat of the Government
of the United States, requiring that, on the first Monday
of December next, it should be transferred from
Philadelphia to the district chosen for its permanent
seat, it is proper for me to inform you that the
Commissioners appointed to provide suitable buildings for
the accommodation of Congress and of the President, and for
the public offices of the Government, have made a report of
the state of the buildings designed for those purposes in
the city of Washington; from which they conclude that the
removal of the seat of Government to that place, at the
time required, will be practicable, and the accommodations
satisfactory. Their report will be laid before you.

At a period like the present, when momentous changes are
occurring, and every hour is preparing new and great events
in the political world, when a spirit of war is prevalent
in almost every nation with whose affairs the interests of
the United States have any connection, unsafe and
precarious would be our situation were we to neglect the
means of maintaining our just rights. The result of the
mission to France is uncertain; but, however it may
terminate, a steady perseverance in a system of national
defence, commensurate with our resources and the situation
of our country, is an obvious dictate of wisdom; for,
remotely as we are placed from the belligerent nations, and
desirous as we are, by doing justice to all, to avoid
offence to any, nothing short of the power of repelling
aggressions will secure to our country a rational prospect
of escaping the calamities of war, or national degradation.
As to myself, it is my anxious desire so to execute the
trust reposed in me, as to render the people of the United
States prosperous and happy. I rely, with entire
confidence, on your co-operation in objects equally your
care; and that our mutual labors will serve to increase and
confirm union among our fellow-citizens, and an unshaken
attachment to our Government.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _December 3, 1799_.

_Ordered_, That Messrs. ROSS, READ, and TRACY, be a committee to report the draft of an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in answer to his Speech this day to both Houses.

_Ordered_, That the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, this day communicated to both Houses of Congress, be printed for the use of the Senate.

_Resolved_, That two Chaplains of different denominations, be appointed to Congress for the present session, one by each House, who shall interchange weekly.

The Senate proceeded to the appointment of a Chaplain to Congress on their part, and the Right Reverend Bishop WHITE was unanimously elected.

THURSDAY, December 5.

JONATHAN DAYTON, appointed a Senator by the State of New Jersey, and RAY GREENE, appointed a Senator by the State of Rhode Island, severally produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats in the Senate.

MONDAY, December 9.

ELIJAH PAINE, from the State of Vermont, attended.

The Senate proceeded to consider the report of the committee of the draft of an Address in answer to the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of the session; which, being read in paragraphs, was adopted, as follows:

_To the President of the United States:_

Accept, sir, the respectful acknowledgments of the Senate
of the United States, for your Speech delivered to both
Houses of Congress at the opening of the present session.

While we devoutly join you in offering our thanks to
Almighty God, for the return of health to our cities, and
for the general prosperity of the country, we cannot
refrain from lamenting that the arts and calumnies of
factious, designing men, have excited open rebellion a
second time in Pennsylvania; and thereby compelled the
employment of military force to aid the civil authority in
the execution of the laws. We rejoice that your vigilance,
energy, and well-timed exertions, have crushed so daring an
opposition, and prevented the spreading of such treasonable
combinations. The promptitude and zeal displayed by the
troops called to suppress this insurrection, deserve our
highest commendation and praise, and afford a pleasing
proof of the spirit and alacrity with which our
fellow-citizens are ready to maintain the authority of our
excellent Government.

Knowing, as we do, that the United States are sincerely
anxious for a fair and liberal execution of the Treaty of
Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, entered into with Great
Britain, we learn, with regret, that the progress of
adjustment has been interrupted, by a difference of opinion
among the commissioners. We hope, however, that the
justice, the moderation, and the obvious interests of both
parties, will lead to satisfactory explanations, and that
the business will then go forward to an amicable close of
all differences and demands between the two countries. We
are fully persuaded that the Legislature of the United
States will cheerfully enable you to realize your
assurances of performing, on our part, all engagements
under our treaties, with punctuality, and the most
scrupulous good faith.

When we reflect upon the uncertainty of the result of the
late mission to France, and upon the uncommon nature,
extent, and aspect, of the war now raging in Europe--which
affects materially our relations with the powers at war,
and which has changed the condition of their colonies in
our neighborhood--we are of opinion, with you, that it
would be neither wise nor safe to relax our measures of
defence, or to lessen any of our preparations to repel
aggression.

Our inquiries and attention shall be carefully directed to
the various other important subjects which you have
recommended to our consideration; and from our experience
of your past administration, we anticipate, with the
highest confidence, your strenuous co-operation in all
measures which have a tendency to promote and extend our
national interests and happiness.

SAMUEL LIVERMORE,

_President of the Senate, pro tempore_.

_Ordered_, That the committee who prepared the Address, wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and desire him to acquaint the Senate at what time and place it will be most convenient for him that it should be presented.

Mr. ROSS reported, from the committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and that he would receive the Address of the Senate to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, at his own house.

Whereupon, _Resolved_, That the Senate will, to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES accordingly.

TUESDAY, December 10.

Agreeably to the resolution of yesterday, the Senate waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and the President of the Senate, in their name, presented the Address then agreed to.

To which the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES made the following reply:

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

I thank you for this Address. I wish you all possible
success and satisfaction in your deliberations on the means
which have a tendency to promote and extend our national
interests and happiness; and I assure you that, in all your
measures directed to those great objects, you may, at all
times, rely with the highest confidence on my cordial
co-operation.

The praise of the Senate, so judiciously conferred on the
promptitude and zeal of the troops, called to suppress the
insurrection, as it falls from so high authority, must make
a deep impression, both as a terror to the disobedient, and
an encouragement of such as do well.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _December 10, 1799_.

The Senate returned to their own Chamber, and proceeded to the consideration of Executive business.

WEDNESDAY, December 11.

NATHANIEL CHIPMAN, from the State of Vermont, attended.

THURSDAY, December 12.

JAMES LLOYD, from the State of Maryland, attended.

TUESDAY, December 17.

Mr. TRACY, from the committee to whom was referred the letter signed John Trumbull, of 20th September, 1798, reported a resolution, which was adopted, as follows:

_Resolved_, That the Senate of the United States accept the
prints presented by John Trumbull, Esq., and that their
President be requested to inform him, that while they
respect the delicacy which dictated the _manner_ of
offering this elegant present, they consider their country
honored by the genius of one of her sons, by whom these
prints are happily designed, to perpetuate two memorable
scenes in her progress to independence, and to preserve in
lively recollection the names and virtues of heroes who
fell in her defence.

THURSDAY, December 19.

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives:_

The letter herewith transmitted will inform you that it has
pleased Divine Providence to remove from this life our
excellent fellow-citizen GEORGE WASHINGTON, by the purity
of his character, and a long series of services to his
country, rendered illustrious through the world. It remains
for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts he
can never die, to pay suitable honors to his memory.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _December 19, 1799_.

The Message and letter were read and ordered to lie for consideration.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House having received intelligence of the death of their highly-valued fellow-citizen, General GEORGE WASHINGTON, and sharing the universal grief this distressing event must produce, have resolved that a joint committee be appointed, to report measures suitable to the occasion, and expressive of the profound sorrow with which Congress is penetrated on the loss of a citizen, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen; and, having appointed a committee on their part, desire the concurrence of the Senate.

The Senate proceeded to consider the foregoing resolution of the House of Representatives; whereupon,

_Resolved_, That they do concur therein, and that Messrs. DAYTON, BINGHAM, DEXTER, GUNN, LAURANCE, TRACY, and READ, be the committee on the part of the Senate.

_Resolved_, That the Senate will wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, to condole with him on the distressing event of the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON; and that a committee be appointed to prepare, for that occasion, an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, expressive of the deep regret of the Senate; and that this committee consist of Messrs. DEXTER, ROSS, and READ.

_Resolved_, That the chairs in the Senate Chamber be covered, and the room hung with black, and that each member, and the officers of the Senate, go into mourning, by the usual mode of wearing a crape round the left arm, during the session.

MONDAY, December 23.

TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, from the State of North Carolina, and JOHN E. HOWARD, from the State of Maryland, severally attended.

Mr. DEXTER, from the committee appointed for the purpose on the 18th instant, reported the draft of an Address to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, on the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON; which being read in paragraphs, was adopted, as follows:

_To the President of the United States:_

The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave,
sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss
their country sustains in the death of General GEORGE
WASHINGTON.

This event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must
be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated
with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle
our tears with yours; on this occasion it is manly to weep.
To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity
to the world. Our Country mourns her Father. The Almighty
Disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest
benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with
reverence to Him who "maketh darkness his pavilion."

With patriotic pride, we review the life of our WASHINGTON,
and compare him with those of other countries, who have
been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern names are
diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often
been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant.
The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of
his virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their
ambition, and darkened the splendor of victory. The scene
is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune
should sully his glory; he has travelled on to the end of
his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of
honor; he has deposited it safely, where misfortune cannot
tarnish it, where malice cannot blast it. Favored of
heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of
humanity. Magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave
could not obscure his brightness.

Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God! his glory
is consummated; WASHINGTON yet lives--on earth in his
spotless example--his spirit is in heaven.

Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic
General, the patriotic Statesman, and the virtuous Sage;
let them teach their children never to forget that the
fruit of his labors and his example are their inheritance.

SAMUEL LIVERMORE,

_President of the Senate, pro tempore_.

_Ordered_, That the committee who prepared the Address, wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and desire him to acquaint the Senate at what time and place it will be most convenient for him that it should be presented.

Mr. DEXTER reported, from the committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and that he had acquainted them that he would receive the Address of the Senate immediately, at his own house.

Whereupon, the Senate waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and the PRESIDENT of the Senate, in their name, presented the Address this day agreed to.

To which the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES made the following reply:

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

I receive with the most respectful and affectionate
sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging
expressions of your regard for the loss our country has
sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and
admired citizen.

In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this
melancholy event, you will permit me only to say, that I
have seen him in the days of adversity in some of the
scenes of his deepest distress and most trying
perplexities; I have also attended him in his highest
elevation, and most prosperous felicity, with uniform
admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy.

Among all our original associates in that memorable League
of the Continent in 1774, which first expressed the
sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only
one remaining in the General Government. Although, with a
constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel
myself alone, bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a
strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which
appears, in all ages and classes, to mingle their sorrows
with mine, on this common calamity to the world.

The life of our WASHINGTON cannot suffer by a comparison
with those of other countries who have been most celebrated
and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of
royalty could have only served to eclipse the majesty of
those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen,
a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived,
could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those
superficial minds, who, believing that characters and
actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to
enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made
him a singular exception to her universal rule. For
himself, he had lived enough to life, and to glory. For his
fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered,
he would have been immortal. For me, his departure is at a
most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and
righteous dominion of Providence over the passions of men,
and the results of their councils and actions, as well as
over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble
resignation.

His example is now complete, and it will teach wisdom and
virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the
present age, but in future generations, as long as our
history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus
Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or
historians.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _December 23, 1799_.

The Senate returned to their own Chamber.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the joint committee appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, on the 19th instant, on the receipt of the intelligence of the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, having made report to that House, they have agreed to sundry resolutions thereupon, in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate.

Mr. DAYTON, from the joint committee appointed the 19th instant, on the part of the Senate, on the receipt of the intelligence of the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, reported in part, and the report was agreed to. Whereupon,

The Senate took into consideration the resolutions of the House of Representatives, of this day, on the report of the joint committee on the subject above mentioned, and which resolutions are as follows:

_Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That a
marble monument be erected by the United States in the
Capitol, at the City of Washington; and that the family of
General WASHINGTON be requested to permit his body to be
deposited under it; and that the monument be so designed as
to commemorate the great events of his military and
political life.

_And be it further resolved_, That there be a funeral
procession from Congress Hall to the German Lutheran
Church, in honor of the memory of General GEORGE
WASHINGTON, on Thursday, the 26th instant; and that an
oration be prepared at the request of Congress, to be
delivered before both Houses on that day; and that the
President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of
Representatives, be desired to request one of the members
of Congress to prepare and deliver the same.

_And be it further resolved_, That it be recommended to the
people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm,
as mourning, for thirty days.

_And be it further resolved_, That the PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES be requested to direct a copy of these
resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. WASHINGTON, assuring
her of the profound respect Congress will ever bear to her
person and character; of their condolence on the late
afflicting dispensation of Providence, and entreating her
assent to the interment of the remains of General GEORGE
WASHINGTON, in the manner expressed in the first
resolution.

_Resolved_, That the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES be
requested to issue a proclamation, notifying to the people
throughout the United States, the recommendation contained
in the third resolution.

_Resolved, unanimously_, That the Senate do concur in the aforesaid resolutions.

THURSDAY, December 26.

In conformity to the resolve of the 23d instant, the Senate went in procession to the German Lutheran Church, where was delivered an oration in honor of the memory of General GEORGE WASHINGTON. After which, they returned to their own Chamber, and adjourned.

FRIDAY, December 27.

_Resolved_, That the thanks of the Senate be communicated, through their President, to General HENRY LEE, for the eloquent and impressive oration to the memory of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, which he prepared and delivered at the request of Congress.

_Resolved_, That the Secretary be directed to apply to General LEE for a copy of the same.

MONDAY, December 30.

THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate, attended.

JESSE FRANKLIN, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of North Carolina, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the Senate.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a letter signed John Cleves Symmes, stating the reasons why Congress should be induced to receive of him the purchase money for certain public lands at the contract price; and the letter was read.

Mr. LIVERMORE laid before the Senate a letter signed Henry Lee, in answer to their vote of thanks of the 27th instant, and request of a copy of his oration; which was read.

Mr. DAYTON, from the joint committee appointed the 19th instant, on the intelligence of the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, made a further report, in part, and it was agreed that the consideration thereof be postponed.

TUESDAY, December 31.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have passed "Resolutions directing further measures in honor of the memory of General George Washington," in which they desire the concurrence of the Senate.

The resolutions were read, as follows:

_Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That
it be recommended to the people of the United States to
assemble on the 22d day of February next, in such numbers
and manner as may be convenient, publicly to testify their
grief for the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, by
suitable eulogies, orations, and discourses, or by public
prayers.

_And be it further resolved_, That the PRESIDENT be
requested to issue a proclamation for the purpose of
carrying the foregoing resolution into effect.

Whereupon, _Resolved_, That the Senate do concur in the said resolution.

FRIDAY, January 3, 1800.

WILSON CARY NICHOLAS, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Virginia, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of Henry Tazewell, Esq., produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the Senate.

TUESDAY, January 7.

STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON, from the State of Virginia, attended.

WEDNESDAY, January 8.

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of
Representatives:_

In compliance with the request in one of the resolutions of
Congress, of the 21st of December last, I transmitted a
copy of those resolutions, by my Secretary, Mr. Shaw, to
Mrs. WASHINGTON, assuring her of the profound respect
Congress will ever bear to her person and character; of
their condolence in the late afflicting dispensation of
Providence; and entreating her assent to the interment of
the remains of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, in the manner
expressed in the first resolution. As the sentiments of
that virtuous lady, not less beloved by this nation than
she is at present greatly afflicted, can never be so well
expressed as in her own words, I transmit to Congress her
original letter.

It would be an attempt of too much delicacy to make any
comments upon it; but there can be no doubt that the nation
at large, as well as all the branches of the Government,
will be highly gratified by any arrangement which may
diminish the sacrifice she makes of her individual
feelings.

JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1800_.

The letter is as follows:

SIR: While I feel with keenest anguish the late
dispensation of Divine Providence, I cannot be insensible
to the mournful tributes of respect and veneration which
are paid to the memory of my dear deceased husband; and, as
his best services, and most anxious wishes, were always
devoted to the welfare and happiness of his country, to
know that they were truly appreciated and gratefully
remembered, affords no inconsiderable consolation.

Taught by the great example which I have so long had before
me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, I
must consent to the request made by Congress, which you
have had the goodness to transmit to me; and, in doing
this, I need not, I cannot, say what a sacrifice of
individual feeling I make to a sense of public duty.

With grateful acknowledgments, and unfeigned thanks, for
the personal respect and evidences of condolence, expressed
by Congress and yourself, I remain, very respectfully, sir,
your most obedient, humble servant.

MARTHA WASHINGTON.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

_Ordered_, That the Message and letter be referred to the joint committee appointed on the 19th December last, to report suitable measures in honor of the memory of General GEORGE WASHINGTON, deceased.

THURSDAY, January 23.

CHARLES PINCKNEY, appointed a Senator by the State of South Carolina, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the Senate.

_Disputed Presidential Elections._

On motion, of Mr. Ross, that it be

_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to consider
whether any, and what, provisions ought to be made by law
for deciding disputed elections of President and Vice
President of the United States, and for determining the
legality or illegality of the votes given for those
officers in the different States:

A motion was made to amend the motion by adding, "and that the committee be authorized to report by bill or otherwise."

Mr. BROWN, of Kentucky, was of opinion that this was a subject on which Congress had no right to legislate. When the constitution undertook to make provisions on a subject, if they were found incomplete, or defective, they must be remedied by recommending an amendment to the constitution. He wished the gentleman who had made this motion would pay further attention to the subject, and believed he would find that if any thing was to be done it must be done by proposing an amendment to the constitution.

Mr. Ross said, that the constitution had certainly made no provision on this subject. It only directed that after the votes were received, &c., the President of the Senate should, in the presence of the Senate and the House of Representatives, open the certificates, and the votes should be counted. Suppose, said he, persons should claim to be Electors, who had never been _properly_ appointed, should their vote be received? Suppose they should vote for a person to be President who had not the age required by the constitution, or who had not been long enough a citizen of the United States, or for two persons who were both citizens of the same State--such cases might happen and were very likely to happen, and is there no remedy? What a situation would the country be in if such a case was to happen! He thought it their duty to make provision for it, and he believed a law was sufficient.

Mr. C. PINCKNEY, of South Carolina, thought it a very dangerous practice to endeavor to amend the constitution by making laws for the purpose. The constitution was a sacred deposit, put into their hands; they ought to take great care not to violate or destroy the essential provisions made by that instrument. He remembered very well that in the Federal Convention great care was used to provide for the election of the President of the United States, independently of Congress; to take the business as far as possible out of their hands. The votes are to be given by Electors appointed for that express purpose, the Electors are to be _appointed_ by each State, and the whole direction as to the manner Of their appointment is given to the State Legislatures. Nothing was more clear to him than that Congress had no right to meddle with it at all; as the whole was intrusted to the State Legislatures, they must make provision for all questions arising on the occasion.

Mr. DEXTER, of Massachusetts, did not feel himself at all in doubt as to the right of the Legislature to make such provisions on this subject as appeared to be necessary. It was directed by the constitution that a President should be appointed, that he should be of not less than thirty-five years of age, that he should have been at least fourteen years a citizen of the United States, &c. The proceedings in the election of a President may be defective in all these particulars, and can it be supposed that there is no way to correct them? The constitution is not silent on this head; among the powers given to Congress in the 5th section is this, "to pass all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." The law now proposed appears to be necessary to carry into effect the power of appointing the President; it is, therefore, clearly constitutional.

Mr. LIVERMORE, of New Hampshire never felt less doubt on any subject than the one now under consideration: the constitution has given many directions as to the appointment of the President, some of which he read. It is possible (said Mr. L.) that gentlemen can suppose all these may be violated and disregarded, and yet that it is nobody's business to interpose and make provision to prevent it? He trusted the honorable Senate would agree to the resolution to appoint a committee for that purpose.

Mr. BALDWIN, of Georgia, expressed his regret that the mover of this resolution had not thought proper to bring forward a subject so new and important, in the form commonly used in parliamentary assemblies, by a single proposition, viz: "that it is expedient that further provision be made respecting disputed votes for President and Vice President of the United States." It was manifest from the debate that several different questions had been under consideration at the same time, and different gentlemen were in fact directing their remarks to different questions.

The first question was, the one he had just mentioned, whether there was so great a defect in the present provisions, which exist on this subject, as to render further provisions necessary?

The second is, if further provisions are necessary, must they be made by amendment to the constitution? or,

Thirdly, whether they can be made by law?

He must say for himself, that he did not agree that the present provisions on this subject were so defective and absurd as had been represented. His general respect for those who had gone before him in this House, and especially for the venerable assembly of the most experienced statesmen of the country by whom the constitution had been formed, forbade him to entertain the belief that the subject, which is the strong feature that characterizes this as an Elective Government, could have been till now so entirely out of sight and neglected. Gentlemen appeared to him, from their observations, to forget that the constitution in directing _Electors_ to be appointed throughout the United States equal to the whole number of the Senators and Representatives in Congress, for the express purpose of intrusting this constitutional branch of power to them, had provided for the existence of as respectable a body as Congress, and in whom the constitution on this business has more confidence than in Congress. Experience had proved that a more venerable selection of characters could not be made in this country than usually composed that electoral body. And what are the questions which can arise on the subject intrusted to them to which they are incompetent, or to which Congress is so much more competent? The questions which present themselves seem to be:

1. Those which relate to the elections, returns, and qualifications, of their own members. Shall these be taken away from that body, and submitted to the superior decision and control of Congress, without a particle of authority for it from the constitution?

2. The legality or constitutionality of the different steps of their own proceedings, as, whether they vote for two persons both of the same State; whether they receive votes for a person under thirty-five years of age, or one who has not been fourteen years a citizen of the United States, &c. It is true they, as well as any other constitutional branch of this Government acting under that instrument, may be guilty of taking unconstitutional or corrupt steps, but they do it at their peril. Suppose either of the other branches of the Government, the Executive, or the Judiciary, or even Congress, should be guilty of taking steps which are unconstitutional, to whom is it submitted, or who has control over it, except by impeachment? The constitution seems to have equal confidence in all the branches on their own proper ground, and for either to arrogate superiority, or a claim to greater confidence, shows them in particular to be unworthy of it, as it is in itself directly unconstitutional.