Chapter VII: Front Matter (7)

After a few observations from other members, the question was put and negatived--37 to 30.

The committee then rose, and had leave to sit again. And the House adjourned till Monday.

MONDAY, January 30.

GEORGE LEONARD, from Massachusetts, appeared, and took his seat.

_Manumitted Slaves._

[Mr. SWANWICK presented the petition of Jacob Nicholson and
Jupiter Nicholson, Job Albertson and Thomas Pritchet, dated
at Philadelphia, stating that they had been the slaves of
persons in Perquimans County, North Carolina, who had
manumitted them, and whose surname they took--that
afterwards they had been seized by other persons and sold
into slavery under a law of the State--that to escape from
this bondage they had fled to Philadelphia, where they had
been seized under the fugitive slave act: and pray relief
from Congress.]

The petition being read--

Mr. SWANWICK said, he hoped it would be referred to a select committee.

Mr. BLOUNT hoped it would not even be received by the House. Agreeably to a law of the State of North Carolina, he said they were slaves, and could, of course, be seized as such.

Mr. THATCHER thought the petition ought to be referred to the Committee on the Fugitive Law. He conceived the gentleman much mistaken in asserting these petitioners to be absolute slaves. They state that they were slaves, but that their masters manumitted them, and that their manumissions were sanctioned by a law of that State, but that a subsequent law of the same State, subjected them to slavery; and if even there was a law that allowed them to be taken and sold into slavery again, he could not see any propriety in refusing their petition in that House--THEY CERTAINLY (said Mr. T.) ARE FREE PEOPLE. It appeared they were taken under the fugitive act, which he thought ought not to affect them; they now came and prayed the House so to model that fugitive act, as to prevent its affecting persons of their description. He therefore saw great propriety in referring their petition to the committee appointed to amend that act in another part; they could as well consider its relation to the present case. He could not see how there would be a propriety in rejecting their petition; they had an undoubted right to petition the House, and to be heard.

Mr. SWANWICK was surprised at the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. BLOUNT) desiring to reject this petition; he could not have thought, nor could he indulge the suspicion now, that the gentleman was so far from acknowledging the rights of man, as to prevent any class of men from petitioning. If men were aggrieved and conceive they have claim to attention, petitioning was their sacred right, and that right should never suffer innovation; whether the House ought to grant, was another question. The subject of their petition had a claim to the attention of the House. They state they were freed from slavery, but that they were much injured under a law of the United States. If a law was ever made that bore hard on any class of people, Mr. S. hoped that the door would never be shut to their complaints. If the circumstance respecting these people was as they stated, their case was very hard. He animadverted on the atrocity of that reward of ten dollars offered for one of them if taken alive, but that fifty should be given if found dead, and no questions asked. Was not this, he said, encouragement to put a period to that man's existence? Horrid reward! Could gentlemen hear it and not shudder?

Mr. BLOUNT said, the gentleman last up was mistaken in calling the petitioners free men; the laws of North Carolina, as he observed before, did not suffer individuals to emancipate their slaves, and he should wish to know what evidence there was to prove these men free, and except that was proved, the House had no right to attend to the petition.

Mr. SITGREAVES, in answer to the gentleman last up, said he would reverse his question, and ask what evidence he had to prove that these men are not freemen; can he prove they are slaves? They have stated that a law has been made in North Carolina with a view to affect their case, and bring them again into a worse slavery than before; they want to know whether they cannot obtain relief by their application to the Government of the United States. Under these circumstances, Mr. S. wished to know why their petitions should not be taken into consideration? Was there any thing in these men, he asked, that should prevent every kind of assistance being bestowed on them? Had they not an equal right to be heard with other petitioners? He hoped the House would not only give them a hearing, but afford them all the consolation of which their unfortunate case was susceptible. If the House were obliged, through a want of power to extend to the case, to object compliance with the prayers, yet, he hoped it would be done with all due tenderness; before hearing them, he thought it would be exceedingly unjust to decide. These people may produce documents sufficient to obtain favorable attention; therefore, it was impossible before they were heard to conceive whether the House could constitutionally grant relief or not. He could see no impropriety in referring it; the object of referring a case, was to inquire into facts; thus, the committee prepared the way for discussion in the House; and why the House should refuse to deliberate and discuss this case, he knew not.

Mr. HEATH was clearly convinced these people were slaves, and therefore hoped their petition would lie on the table. He would remind the gentleman that, if they undertook this business, they would soon have petitions enough of the same kind, and public business would be thereby prevented. It appeared to him to be more within the jurisdiction of the Legislature of that State; indeed, the United States had nothing to do with it.

Mr. MADISON said, he should be sorry to reject any petition whatever, in which it became the business of the House to attend; but he thought this case had no claim on their attention. Yet, if it did not come within the purview of the Legislative body, he thought, it might be suffered to lie on the table. He thought it a judicial case, and could obtain its due in a Court of Appeal in that State. If they are free by the laws of North Carolina, they ought to apply to those laws, and have their privilege established. If they are slaves, the constitution gives them no hope of being heard here. A law has been passed to prevent the owners of those slaves emancipating them; it is therefore impossible that any relief can be granted. The petitioners are under the laws of North Carolina, and those laws cannot be the interpreters of the laws of the United States.

Mr. SITGREAVES said, he was not prepared to deny that this petition is in the situation the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. MADISON) states; nor was he prepared to prove that it came under the power of the General Government; but he could see no kind of reason why it should not be sent to a committee who should examine the case and report whether it required Legislative interference, or whether it was a subject of judicial authority in the country whence the petitioners came. Many petitions, he said, were sent to the House, who referred them for investigation to a committee, and many had been reported as being under judicial power only, and as such been rejected here. If this underwent the same order, and should be found to be of a judicial nature, the committee would report so, and the House would honorably refuse it. This he thought the only just method.

Mr. RUTHERFORD concurred with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that this memorial ought to be referred to a committee who would report whether these people had been emancipated, according to a law of the State of North Carolina, or not. The circumstances attending this case, he said, demanded a just and full investigation, and if a law did exist either to emancipate, or send these poor people into slavery, the House would then know. He doubted not, every thing just and proper would be done, but he hoped every due respect would be paid to the petition. In short, he was assured every member in the House would wish to act consistently. This case, from the great hardships represented in the petition, applied closely to the nicest feelings of the heart, and he hoped humanity would dictate a just decision.

Mr. GILBERT hoped the petition would be referred to the committee proposed; he thought it laid claim to the humanity of the House. He thought every just satisfaction should be given, and attention paid, to every class of persons who appeal for decision to the House.

Mr. W. SMITH said, the practice of a former time, in a similar case, was, that the petition was sealed up and sent back to the petitioners, not being allowed even to remain on the files of the office. This method, he said, ought to be pursued with respect to the present petition. It was not a matter that claimed the attention of the Legislature of the United States. He thought it of such an improper nature, as to be surprised any gentleman would present a petition of the kind. These men are slaves, and, he thought, not entitled to attention from that body; to encourage slaves to petition the House would have a tendency to invite continual applications. Indeed it would tend to spread an alarm throughout the Southern States; it would act as an "entering-wedge," whose consequences could not be foreseen. This is a kind of property on which the House has no power to legislate. He hoped it would not be committed at all; it was not a proper subject for Legislative attention. He was not of the opinion of some gentlemen, that the House were bound to sit on every question recommended to their notice. He thought particular attention ought to be paid to the lateness of the session; if this subject were to be considered, too much time of the House would be devoured which was much wanted on important business.

Mr. THATCHER said, he was in favor of referring this petition. He could see no reason which had been adduced to prove the impropriety of receiving a petition from these people. The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. BLOUNT) is of the opinion that these people being slaves, the House ought not to pay attention to their prayer. This, he said, was quite new language--a system of conduct which he never saw the House practise, and hoped he never should. That the House should not receive a petition without an evidence to prove it was from a free man. This was a language which opposed the constitutional freedom of every State where the Declaration of Rights had been made; they all declare that every man is born equally free, and that each has an equal right to petition if aggrieved--this doctrine he never heard objected to.

The gentlemen from Virginia (Mr. MADISON and Mr. HEATH) had said, it was a Judicial and not a Legislative question; they say the petition proves it, and that it ought not to be attended to. Mr. T. said, he saw no proof whatever of the impropriety of the House receiving it. There might be some Judicial question growing out of the case; but that was no reason, because it might possibly undergo a Judicial course, that the General Government were not to be petitioned. The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. SMITH) had said, "that this was a kind of property on which the House could not legislate;" but he would answer, this was a kind of property on which they were bound to legislate. The fugitive act could prove this authority; if petitions were not to be received they would have to legislate in the dark. It appeared plainly that these men were manumitted by their masters; and because a number of men who called themselves legislators should, after they had the actual enjoyment of their liberty, come forward and say that these men should not remain at liberty, and actually authorize their recaptivity, he thought it exceedingly unjust to deprive them of the right of petitioning to have their injuries redressed. These were a set of men on whom the fugitive law had no power, and he thought they claimed protection under the power of that House, which always ought to lean towards freedom. Though they could not give freedom to slaves, yet he hoped gentlemen would never refuse to lend their aid to secure freemen in their rights against tyrannical imposition.

Mr. CHRISTIE thought no part of the fugitive act operated against freedom. He thought no good could be derived from sending the petition to a committee; they could not prove whether they were slaves or not. He was much surprised any gentleman in the House should present such a petition. Mr. C. said, he was of the same opinion with the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. SMITH) that the petition ought to be sent back again. He hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. SWANWICK) would never hand such another petition into the House.

Mr. HOLLAND said, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. THATCHER) said, "the House ought to lean towards freedom." Did he mean to set all slaves at liberty, or receive petitions from all? Sure he was, that if this was received, it would not be long before the table would be filled with similar complaints, and the House might sit for no other purpose than to hear them. It was a Judicial question, and the House ought not to pretend to determine the point; why, then, should they take up time upon it? To put an end to it he hoped, it would be ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. MACON said, he had hearkened very closely to the observations of gentlemen on the subject, and could see no reason to alter his desire that it would not be committed. No man, he said, wished to encourage petitions more than himself, and no man had considered this subject more. These men could not receive any aid from the General Government; but by application to the State, justice would be done them. Trials of this kind had very frequently been brought on in all the different courts of that State, and had very often ended in the freedom of slaves; the appeal was fair, and justice was done. Mr. M. thought it a very delicate subject for the General Government to act on; he hoped it would not be committed; but he should not be sorry if the proposition of a gentleman (Mr. SMITH) was to take place, that it was to be sent back again.

Mr. W. SMITH observed, that a gentleman (Mr. THATCHER) had uttered a wish to draw these people from their state of slavery to liberty. Mr. S. did not think they were sent there to take up the subject of emancipation. When subjects of this kind are brought up in the House they ought to be deprecated as dangerous. They tended to produce very uncomfortable circumstances.

Mr. VARNUM said, the petitioners had received injury under a law of the United States, (the fugitive act) and not merely a law of North Carolina, and therefore, he thought, they had an undoubted right to the attention of the General Government if that act bore hard on them. They stated themselves to be freemen, and he did not see any opposition of force to convince the House they were not; surely it could not be said that color alone should designate them as slaves. If these people had been free, and yet were taken up under a law of the United States, and put into prison, then it appeared plainly the duty of the House to inquire whether that act had such an unjust tendency, and if it had, proper amendments should be made to it to prevent the like consequences in future. It required nothing more under that act than that the person suspected should be brought before a single magistrate, and evidence given that he is a slave, which evidence the magistrate could not know if distant from the State; the person may be a freeman, for it would not be easy to know whether the evidence was good, at a distance from the State; the poor man is then sent to his State in slavery. Mr. V. hoped the House would take all possible care that freemen should not be made slaves; to be deprived of liberty was more important than to be deprived of property. He could not think why gentlemen should be against having the fact examined; if it appears that they are slaves, the petition will of course be dismissed, but if it should appear they are free, and receive injury under the fugitive act, the United States ought to amend it, so that justice should be done.

Mr. BLOUNT said, admitting those persons who had been taken up were sent back to North Carolina, they would then have permission to apply to any of the courts in the State for a fair trial of their plea; there are very few courts in which some negroes have not tried this cause, and obtained their liberty. He agreed with the gentleman from Massachusetts, on the freedom of these men to procure their rights; it did not appear to him that they were free; true they had been set free, but that manumission was from their masters, who had not a right to set them free without permission of the Legislature.

Mr. KITCHELL could not see what objection could obtain to prevent these people being heard. The question was not now, whether they are or are not slaves, but it is on a law of the United States. They assert that this law does act injuriously to them; the question is, therefore, whether a committee shall be appointed to inquire on the improper force of this law on the case of these men; if they are freemen, he said, they ought not to be sent back from the most distant part of the United States to North Carolina, to have justice done them, but they ought to receive it from the General Government who made the law they complain of.

Mr. K. said, he had not examined the force of the law on the subject, and was not prepared to decide; there could be no evil in referring it for examination; when the committee would report their opinion of the subject and gentlemen be prepared to act on it.

On the question for receiving the petition being put, it was negatived--ayes 33, noes 50.[9]

TUESDAY, February 7.

THOMAS SPRIGG, from Maryland, appeared, and took his seat.

_Increase of Salaries._

A bill was also received from the Senate for increasing the compensation of the members of the Legislature and certain officers of Government; which was read, and, on motion that it be read a second time, it was carried, 33 to 30. It was accordingly read a second time.

The bill contemplates an advance of $5,000 to the present salary of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and $2,000 to the VICE PRESIDENT, to commence on the 4th of March next, and continue for four years; and that the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, Attorney General, Postmaster General, Assistant Postmaster General, Comptroller of the Treasury, Auditor, Register, Commissioner of the Revenue, Accountant of the War Department, the Secretary of the Senate, the Clerk of the House of Representatives, and the principal clerks employed by them, the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives, the Door-keepers and Assistant Door-keepers of both Houses, have an advance of 25 per cent. upon their present compensation.

Mr. PARKER moved that the further consideration of this bill be postponed till the first Monday in December next. He said they had lately had the subject of augmenting the salaries of all the officers here mentioned, except the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT and themselves, under consideration; and as they had resolved to refuse an advance to others, he trusted they should also refuse it to themselves. He thought the present an improper time to go into the subject.

Mr. HARTLEY wished the gentleman would consent to some day next week. He could not say he was ready to agree to the whole of the advances proposed, but he wished the subject to be taken into consideration, and perhaps by the time he had mentioned they might have some further information on the subject of our finances.

Mr. MACON said, the most regular way for the gentleman from Virginia to obtain his object, would be to move to have the bill committed to a Committee of the Whole, and made the order of the day for the 4th of March.

Mr. PARKER made that motion.

Mr. HARTLEY hoped this motion would not be agreed to, as it was a sort of manoeuvre to get rid of the subject, which he did not approve. He would either have the bill negatived at once, made the order of some day in the present session, or postponed till the next.

Mr. AMES said gentlemen had no doubt a right to govern their own votes according to their own notions of propriety. No man had a right to prescribe to another. His conscience was no rule to any other man. But he thought he was authorized to say, they neither had nor claimed a right to do a right thing in a wrong way. To agree to the motion proposed, would be an insincere way of putting a negative upon the bill. He trusted gentlemen who wished this would do it in a more direct way. The compensation of the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT could not be augmented, he said, after they had entered upon their office; and to say they would take up the subject for consideration at a time when their powers would not exist, was an evasive manner, which he approved not. It was an easy thing for gentlemen to say _no_ on the question, without taking this circuitous way of putting an end to the subject.

Mr. VENABLE thought the view of his colleague would be answered as well by a postponement to the 3d of March as to the 4th, and it would be more orderly. Nor did he think this way of disposing of the business called for the censure which the gentleman from Massachusetts had thrown upon it. It was a question upon which that House had already decided by a considerable majority. No new light had been thrown upon the subject, and he thought it by no means disrespectful to postpone it. It was well known that the effect of this motion would be a postponement for the present session. This was what he wished; and if his colleague would consent to alter his motion to the 3d of March, he should not hesitate to vote for it.

Mr. PARKER had no objection to the motion standing for the 3d of March, though he did not consider the motions for the first Monday in December or the 4th of March as unparliamentary. He thought the salaries of the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT high enough. The salaries of some of their public officers might at present be somewhat too low, but the time would soon come when the price of living would become lower, and then they would be fully adequate; and therefore he did not wish to see them advanced at present.

Mr. BUCK was opposed to putting off the question till the time contemplated by the present motion. To get rid of the subject in such a way, would be descending from that state of independence which they ought to preserve, and would have the appearance of a slight cast upon another branch of Government. If they were prepared to meet the question, they might as well meet it now as then. To agree to the motion proposed, would show a degree of cowardice, and effectually put it out of their power to consider and determine upon the subject. The Senate, he said, had found sufficient reason to originate this bill, and he thought, if it were only out of complaisance to them, the subject should not be treated in the way proposed. It was said that this subject had already been decided, but he did not think so. There had been no general proposition for augmenting compensation. They had had the subject under view partially, but he knew there were some members (he knew of one at least) who voted against any partial advance, because they thought it should be general. This was his motive. He thought all the officers of Government were upon an equal footing, and therefore he voted against advancing the salary of one and not of another--not because he thought they were already sufficiently compensated; he did not think they were. He wished, therefore, the subject for a general augmentation to come under discussion. If he should be convinced an advance was improper, he should give it up, and should be against putting the subject off to a time when it could not be considered.

Mr. HARTLEY again urged the propriety of postponing for a shorter period: he mentioned the 17th instant.

Mr. MACON said he was opposed to the bill _in toto_, and he considered the motion of the gentleman from Virginia as meant to try the question. He wished it to stand for the 4th of March, as at first proposed, because, if it stood for the 3d, the subject might be called up and acted upon on the last day of the session. He should therefore renew the 4th of March, because, if there were a majority who wished the bill to be rejected, it was desirable that as little time as possible should be lost upon the subject.

The question for postponing till the 4th of March was put and negatived, 46 to 45.

Mr. PARKER then moved to have it postponed till the 3d of March.

Mr. HENDERSON thought it more proper to postpone till the 3d than till the 4th. He was ready, he said, to meet the question, either in a direct or indirect way. He had made a calculation, and found that the advances proposed would amount to from $100,000 to $110,000. Mr. H. believed our finances were not in a state to admit of this addition to our expenses; besides, he trusted every necessary of life would soon be reduced in price, so as to render any advance of salary to our officers unnecessary.

The question was put and negatived, 57 to 32.

On motion of Mr. HARTLEY, Friday week was proposed and negatived, there being only 35 votes for it.

Mr. GALLATIN moved that the subject should be made the order for this day. He said he had voted for postponing it till the 4th of March, with a view of getting rid of it; but since it must be considered, he wished it to be disposed of as soon as possible.

Mr. SITGREAVES proposed that it be made the order of the day for Monday.

The sense of the House was first taken for Monday and negatived, there being only 41 votes for it. It was then put for this day and carried, there being 58 votes for it.

WEDNESDAY, February 8.

_Election of President._

The SPEAKER informed the House that the hour was come at which they had appointed to meet the Senate, for the purpose of counting the votes for, and declaring the election of a PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and that the Clerk would inform the Senate they were ready to receive them.

The Clerk accordingly waited upon the Senate, and the PRESIDENT and members of the Senate soon after entered and took their seats, the PRESIDENT on the right hand of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the members of the Senate on the same side of the Chamber; when the President of the Senate (Mr. ADAMS) thus addressed the two Houses:

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives_:

The purpose for which we are assembled is expressed in the
following resolutions. [Mr. ADAMS here read the resolutions
which had been adopted by the two Houses relative to the
subject.] I have received packets containing the
certificates of the votes of the Electors for a President
and Vice President of the United States from all the
sixteen States of the Union: I have also received
duplicates of the returns by post from fifteen of the
States. No duplicate from the State of Kentucky is yet come
to hand.

It has been the practice heretofore, on similar occasions,
to begin with the returns from the State at one end of the
United States, and to proceed to the other; I shall
therefore do the same at this time.

Mr. ADAMS then took up the packet from the State of Tennessee, and after having read the superscription, broke the seal, and read the certificate of the election of the Electors. He then gave it to the Clerk of the Senate, requesting him to read the report of the Electors, which he accordingly did. All the papers were then handed to the tellers, viz: Mr. SEDGWICK, on the part of the Senate, and Messrs. SITGREAVES and PARKER on the part of the House of Representatives; and when they had noted the contents, the President of the Senate proceeded with the other States, in the following order:

FOR JOHN ADAMS. North Carolina, 1 Virginia, 1 Maryland, 7 Delaware, 3 Pennsylvania, 1 New Jersey, 7 New York, 12 Connecticut, 9 Rhode Island, 4 Massachusetts, 16 Vermont, 4 New Hampshire, 6 -- 71

FOR THOMAS JEFFERSON. Tennessee, 3 Kentucky, 4 Georgia, 4 South Carolina, 8 North Carolina, 11 Virginia, 20 Maryland, 4 Pennsylvania, 14 -- 68

FOR GEORGE WASHINGTON. North Carolina, 1 Virginia, 1 -- 2

FOR THOMAS PINCKNEY. South Carolina, 8 North Carolina, 1 Virginia, 1 Maryland, 4 Delaware, 3 Pennsylvania, 2 New Jersey, 7 New York, 12 Connecticut, 4 Massachusetts, 13 Vermont, 4 -- 59

FOR AARON BURR. Tennessee, 3 Kentucky, 4 North Carolina, 6 Virginia, 1 Maryland, 3 Pennsylvania, 13 -- 30

FOR SAMUEL ADAMS. Virginia, 15

FOR OLIVER ELLSWORTH. Rhode Island, 4 Massachusetts, 1 New Hampshire, 6 -- 11

FOR SAMUEL JOHNSTON. Massachusetts, 2

FOR JAMES IREDELL. North Carolina, 3

FOR JOHN JAY. Connecticut, 5

FOR GEORGE CLINTON. Georgia, 4 Virginia, 3 -- 7

FOR CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. North Carolina, 1

FOR JOHN HENRY. Maryland, 2

All the returns having been gone through, Mr. SEDGWICK reported that, according to order, the tellers appointed by the two Houses had performed the business assigned them, and reported the result to be as above stated.

The PRESIDENT of the Senate then thus addressed the two Houses:

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives_:

By the report which has been made to me by the tellers
appointed by the two Houses to examine the votes, there are
71 votes for John Adams, 68 for Thomas Jefferson, 59 for
Thomas Pinckney, 30 for Aaron Burr, 15 for Samuel Adams, 11
for Oliver Ellsworth, 7 for George Clinton, 5 for John Jay,
3 for James Iredell, 2 for George Washington, 2 for John
Henry, 2 for Samuel Johnston, and 1 for Charles C.
Pinckney. The whole number of votes are 138; 70 votes,
therefore, make a majority; so that the person who has 71
votes, which is the highest number, is elected President,
and the person who has 68 votes, which is the next highest
number, is elected Vice President.

The PRESIDENT of the Senate then sat down for a moment, and rising again, thus addressed the two Houses:

In obedience to the Constitution and law of the United
States, and to the commands of both Houses of Congress,
expressed in their resolution passed in the present
session, I declare that

JOHN ADAMS is elected President of the United States, for
four years, to commence with the fourth day of March next;
and that

THOMAS JEFFERSON is elected Vice President of the United
States, for four years, to commence with the fourth day of
March next. And may the Sovereign of the Universe, the
ordainer of civil government on earth, for the preservation
of liberty, justice, and peace, among men, enable both to
discharge the duties of these offices conformably to the
Constitution of the United States, with conscientious
diligence, punctuality, and perseverance.

The PRESIDENT and members of the Senate then retired, and the House came to order; when Mr. SITGREAVES made a report on the business, which was read and ordered to be entered on the journals.

THURSDAY, February 9.

_Election of President._

Mr. SITGREAVES, from the joint committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate on the subject of the election of a PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT, made a further report, viz: that they had agreed with the committee of the Senate to recommend to the House of Representatives the following resolution:

"_Resolved_, That the Clerk of this House be directed to
give, by letter, to the Vice President elect, a
notification of his election."

This resolution was agreed to; but some time afterwards, Mr. PARKER (one of the committee) wished it to be rescinded, as he understood, though the committee from the Senate had concurred in this mode of notifying the VICE PRESIDENT of his election, the Senate would not agree to it, but wished to follow the mode adopted on a former occasion, viz: a message was sent from the House of Representatives to the Senate, directing that the persons elected should be notified in such a manner as they should direct. He wished, therefore, to prevent delay, the resolution might be rescinded and a different one agreed to. This motion occasioned a good deal of conversation. It was observed by the SPEAKER that the resolution was already before the Senate, (where it seemed it was not intended to be sent, as it was a distinct resolution of that House, a similar one to which was proposed for the adoption of the Senate by the joint committee.) It was at length, however, agreed to be rescinded. Immediately after which a message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they had disagreed to the resolution, and appointed a committee of conference. The House accordingly took up the message, and also agreed to appoint a committee of conference.

_Compensation to Public Officers._

Mr. PARKER then renewed his motion, and the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill respecting compensations, Mr. MUHLENBERG in the chair; when

Mr. PARKER moved to strike out the first clause. He thought it necessary to make some additional allowance to the PRESIDENT, but he would do it in a different way from that proposed. When the present PRESIDENT came into office, he said, he had a quantity of furniture presented him, which might now be nearly worn out, and be of little value. It might be proper, therefore, to purchase new furniture for the gentleman just elected. It would be also during the period of the present Presidency that Government would remove to the Federal City, which would be attended with a good deal of expense to the PRESIDENT. He should wish, therefore, that a provision should be made for defraying that expense, and also for the purchasing of new furniture, but he should be opposed to the making of any addition to the salary at present.

Mr. HARTLEY spoke in favor of retaining the clause.

Mr. R. SPRIGG said he should vote against the proposed advance of salary, and could not consent to any other mode of augmenting the present compensation allowed to the PRESIDENT. He could by no means agree to the plan proposed by the gentleman from Virginia; for, if they were to renew the furniture of the PRESIDENT every four or eight years, it would be found a pretty expensive business. That gentleman had also mentioned the removal of the Government, as taking place during the next Presidency; but, he said, the new election would happen about the time of removing the Government, and provision for paying that expense might be made at that time. He thought the salaries were already sufficiently high, and that it would be with difficulty that money was found to pay the present expenses of Government.

Mr. WILLIAMS was of opinion, on the score of economy, that it would be better to advance the compensation of the PRESIDENT in the way proposed by the present bill, and let him purchase his own furniture, than to purchase new furniture, which, perhaps, when the Government was removed, would not be suitable for his house in the Federal City. Mr. W. said he was one of the committee on the subject of compensation, and they endeavored to ascertain whether the twenty-five thousand dollars allowed to the PRESIDENT were an adequate compensation. It was generally believed it was not. They ought, he said, to enable their First Magistrate to live in a style becoming his situation. All their Executive officers should receive such salaries as would enable them to see company agreeably to their rank, otherwise the respectability attached to those offices would suffer greatly in the public opinion. He hoped, therefore, the section would not be struck out.

Mr. BUCK said, as the motion now made was to try the principle, it would be well to go into an examination of the subject. He said he had never been a champion for raising salaries, or a stickler for lowering them; but, as the subject was brought before them, he should cheerfully declare his sentiments upon it. He conceived the true question to be, whether it was right and just that they should augment the salaries of the officers of Government and the members of the Legislature, or whether the present compensations were just and adequate to the sacrifices which they made in undertaking the business of Government. Because he did not believe, with some other gentlemen, that they were to estimate the compensations of their officers in proportion as money was scarce or plentiful in the Treasury, nor did he believe there was a real distress in Government for want of money; but their difficulties arose from a difference of opinion in that House on the mode of raising money. He believed there were persons who thought Government squandered away the public money; that its officers divided the loaves and fishes amongst them; and that the only way in which this profusion of expense could be checked was by pursuing a system of direct taxation, which would make the people feel the amount which they contributed to the support of Government. He should not undertake to examine this principle, nor deny that such facts might exist. It would be enough to look at existing circumstances in our country, and see how far they would apply. Our Government, he said, rested on public sentiment for support, and must always be regulated by it. He was willing, he said, to go all lengths with gentlemen in adopting a system of taxation calculated to raise a permanent revenue. Nor was he apprehensive for the result, when dictated by reason and justice.

Contemptible must be that state of Government, said Mr. B., where its public officers are starved for want of a proper spirit in the people to support them. Is America, said he, arrived at this melancholy state? If she were, God forbid she should ever experience another revolution! Is this all our boasted acquisition, in return for the struggle we have made for our country? No; he denied the fact. America was not reduced to that state which will not allow her to pay the expenses of her Government, nor is she unwilling to pay them; neither is public sentiment so debased as not to approve of any measure which shall be taken to secure a handsome maintenance for our officers. There was no occasion for hypocrisy in the business; he was willing to state the whole truth plainly to his constituents. He should not think of telling them they were giving too high salaries for their officers, when he knew, that, owing to their insufficiency, they were diminishing their own private fortunes. Nor did he wish to intrench on his own property in serving the public; he believed there was no occasion for this. He should, therefore, speak plainly to them.

Mr. B. said, he would inquire whether the present salaries were a reasonable and just compensation for the services performed? In respect to the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, it was said that he had already a large salary. He knew that twenty-five thousand dollars had a great sound in the ears of many, but he trusted the people of the United States not only possessed just views of Government, but that they also possessed virtue to support the just measures of Government, and would not consent that their Executive officers should be placed on such a footing as to be looked down by officers from foreign countries who moved in a lower sphere. Therefore, when they looked into the reason of the thing, and found their present salaries were unequal to their support, not in the style of splendor observed in foreign courts, but according to the manner of living in Philadelphia, would they not be willing to increase them? He believed they would.

The present PRESIDENT, he said, was a man of fortune, and never took from the Government more than would support his table, either during the war or during his Presidency. And what, he asked, did these expenses amount to? To the whole sum allowed him by law. But were they always to expect to have a PRESIDENT who would give his services to his country? Or had the PRESIDENT set a bad example, by living in a style of extravagance and splendor? He believed this was not the opinion of Americans, or that of foreign countries. If, then, the present PRESIDENT had lived upon his own fortune, and the whole of his compensation had gone to defray the expenses of his table, if this compensation was not advanced, how were future Presidents to come forward, to support the same style? They could not do it without infringing on their own fortunes. And do the citizens of the United States, he asked, wish their First Magistrate to be placed in this situation? He could not think so. He believed they meant to make ample provision for his support; and if the present provision was found inadequate, they would condemn their Representatives; they would say they did not support the dignity of their country, if they neglected to advance it.

The same observations, Mr. B. said, would apply to the VICE PRESIDENT, and to other officers of Government. He did not wish the salaries of their officers to be such as should enable them to make fortunes out of them, but he would have them sufficient to afford a handsome living. Were they so at present? He believed not. It had been said, the other day, that they could not afford to live in the same style with persons who stood on the same footing with them before they went into office. He could not say whether they were obliged to intrench on their own private fortunes; if it was so, he asked if it were reasonable or just that they should be so placed? It certainly was not; and, therefore, convinced as he was that the people of the United States were willing and able to support the expenses of their Government, and that they wished their officers to have a just and reasonable compensation, which should not only enable them to make a respectable appearance in the eyes of their own citizens, but in those of foreigners, he should have no scruples in giving his consent to the advances proposed.

As to the compensation allowed to the members of that House, here he had knowledge; he could speak from experience. He could say that he had diminished his income one thousand dollars a year since he had a seat in that House. Did his constituents, he asked, wish this? He believed not. They did not wish him to intrench on his private fortune while he was serving them. They did not expect him to squander away their money in profusion, nor did he; he lived in the most economical style; but they wished his reasonable expenses to be paid. Besides, said Mr. B., were the rates of compensation, when first established, established upon this principle? He thought not. They were then thought to be a just and reasonable compensation; and, if it was not then unreasonable, it could not now be reasonable. Was it right, he asked, when every kind of labor was higher by one third or one-half than at that time, that the compensations allowed to persons employed by Government should remain stationary? He could not conceive that this was either just or proper, or that the citizens of the United States wished it.

If any conclusion might be drawn from the practice of individual States, they would be warranted in making the proposed advance, since many of their Legislatures had advanced the pay of their members. Indeed, he believed the people were generally convinced of the necessity of advancing the compensations allowed to the officers of Government and members of the Legislature, under the present circumstances.

Mr. B. said he was not for making a permanent increase of salaries, except to the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT. He did not conceive that the members of the Legislature ought to have more than was sufficient to support them, without obliging them to infringe upon their own fortunes. He wished the advance thereof to operate no longer than until the present existing circumstances were removed; he should move, therefore, to have the duration of this regulation for one year, instead of two, as it was possible in the mean time the price of living might be so reduced as to make the additional allowance no longer necessary.

Mr. RUTHERFORD said, if gentlemen reasoned together for a moment, they would be convinced this measure was altogether improper and unjust. Our present PRESIDENT, said he, is looked up to with reverence, as to Cincinnatus, as a good republican. When the commissioners from the Republic of Holland went to treat with Spain, they went in a style of such simplicity as to command the greatest respect. They afterwards appointed a Stadtholder, a man of great reputation and patriotism doubtless, like our PRESIDENT; but, as soon as they suffered themselves to lose sight of their simplicity and plainness of manners, and got into the policy and splendor of Courts, they were enslaved by their Stadtholder; for, within these few years, the office of Stadtholder has been declared hereditary. What an extravagance is this; that a man should be born a Stadtholder or a King! While the Roman people maintained their simplicity of manners, while Cincinnatus was amongst them, they were a happy people; but when they lost sight of their plainness of manners, they lost sight of their happiness. Let us look at our sister rising Republic, and observe how they are doing away all pomp and pageantry in their Government and country, and aiming at a simplicity of manners; but, said he, I fear we have not lost sight sufficiently of kings, priests, and courts. This was his dread. It was necessary to bound these ideas. Patriotism could not be purchased, and should they despair of getting a man to fill the office of PRESIDENT without they increased the salary? Must they hire a man for this purpose? No, they should not be obliged to do this; there would always be found men of abilities and patriotism to fill that office, without any view to pecuniary advantage.

Mr. DENT said the question was to make an amendment by striking out the first section. Being in favor of that part which contemplated the addition of five thousand dollars to the salary of the PRESIDENT, and opposed to any addition to that of the VICE PRESIDENT, he wished the question divided, in order to accommodate his vote.

The Chairman said the motion was to strike out the whole section, and it could not be divided.

The motion for striking out was then put and carried--56 members being in favor of it.

_Election of President._

A message was received from the Senate informing the House that the VICE PRESIDENT had laid before them the following communication:

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

In consequence of the declaration made yesterday in the
Chamber of the House of Representatives of the election of
a President and Vice President of the United States, the
record of which has just now been read from your journal by
your Secretary, I have judged it proper to give notice
that, on the 4th of March next, at 12 o'clock, I propose to
attend again in the Chamber of the House of
Representatives, in order to take the oath prescribed by
the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the
President, to be administered by the Chief Justice or such
other Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States as
can most conveniently attend; and, in case none of those
Judges can attend, by the Judge of the District of
Pennsylvania, before such Senators and Representatives of
the United States as may find it convenient to honor the
transaction with their presence.

FRIDAY, February 10.

_Naval Policy: Purchase of a Site for a Navy Yard._

The next resolution which came under consideration, was that proposing the purchase of a site for a navy yard.

Mr. PARKER doubted, from the spirit which seemed to be shown on this occasion, that this resolution would not pass.

Mr. W. SMITH hoped this would be agreed to. Whatever gentlemen may now think or determine on, it was probable we should at some time become a naval power; and even with the most distant prospect of that, it would show economy to prepare for it. He said it never could be too soon to begin the business, and the most effectual method of procuring live oak, and preserving it, was to take the earliest means to obtain, and secure it, when obtained, for seasonable use. He read an extract from the Secretary of War's report in support of the plan.

Mr. COIT said he was alarmed at the expense of this business. He saw in the report the salaries of two persons already at Norfolk and Portsmouth, for taking care of the timber, at 500 dollars each, 1,000 dollars. If they were to pay at this rate for overlooking the timber for one ship, what might they expect would be the expense of a navy yard?

Mr. PARKER said, the persons to whom these salaries were paid, took care of the timber at Norfolk and Portsmouth. It was necessary that some person should look after it, or it should be disposed of; but, in case the present resolution was agreed to, there would be no occasion in future to pay these persons, as all the timber and other materials would be stored in the navy yard. He said he had received an estimate from the War Office of the expense which would be likely to attend the establishment of a navy yard. The expense of 100 acres of land, and all the necessary buildings, was estimated at 37,210 dollars.

Mr. NICHOLAS said, after having squandered so much money in getting timber for these vessels, he thought some change of habit should take place before they embarked largely in this matter. They had given twice or thrice as much as the timber was worth, yet they were now called upon to go on in the same course. It was not a time for going into this business. If such a thing was even proper, two or three years could make but little difference, and there could be little doubt but every thing could then be bought at half price. This, however, was not his principal objection. It was this: he did not want to see any such establishment; a navy would never do any real good to this country, but would increase the unhappiness of it. It would require large sums of money to support it; its benefits were doubtful, and it might be of very mischievous consequence to the nation.

Mr. SWANWICK said he entirely agreed with the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. NICHOLAS) that there was a necessity for some change of habit; they appeared to be getting that change at present, and whatever their habits were at present, he supposed they would come right at last. Whatever might be their opinion of the necessity of a naval force, the European nations, he believed, would convince them of the necessity of it, if they only gave them time enough.