Chapter XV: Front Matter (15)

Mr. GILES said the subject under discussion was a very important one. It appeared to him, from various documents, that all the steps taken by the Executive had a view to an eventual appeal to arms, which it was his wish (as it was the wish of many in that House) to avoid. It was proper, therefore, that the clashing opinions should be discussed. If the proposition brought forward for this purpose was not sufficiently simple and explicit, he wished it might be made more so. For he believed the question to be, whether the committee be prepared to pass a vote, approving of the whole course of the conduct of the Executive, or whether France should be put upon the same ground with the other belligerent powers. That she is at present upon the same footing, no gentleman had attempted to show. Gentlemen who wish to get rid of this ground, say this is a thing which should be left to the Executive. He thought it was, however, a proper subject for their discussion; for whatever power the Executive had with respect to making of treaties, that House had the means of checking that power. Suppose, said Mr. G., I were on this occasion called upon to tax my land, was it not necessary I should inquire into the subject, and endeavor to avoid a measure which would probably prove a serious drain upon the blood and treasure of the country? He was unwilling to have his land taxed for the purpose of supporting a war on this principle. It was evident that the French took one ground in this dispute, and the United States another, and whilst this continued to be the case, no negotiation would have any effect. Indeed, said he, it is war; and if the measure proposed was taken, we make war if we do not declare it.

Mr. BALDWIN said, he had taken the liberty to express his concern several years ago, that this custom of answering the PRESIDENT's Speech, which was but a mere piece of public ceremony, should call up and demand expressions of opinion on all the important business of the session, while the members were yet standing with their hats in their hands, in the attitude of receiving the communications, and had not yet read or opened the papers which were the ground of their being called together. It applied very strongly in this instance, as this was a new Congress, and a greater proportion than common of new members; he thought it an unfavorable attitude in which to be hurried into the very midst of things, and to anticipate business of such vast importance to the country, before they had time to attend to the information which had been submitted to them. He trusted some fit occasion would before long be found to disencumber themselves of a ceremony, new in this country, which tended only to evil and to increasing embarrassments. He observed that it was under the influence of these impressions, he had made it a rule to himself, for many sessions, to vote for those amendments and those propositions in the Address which were most delphic and ambiguous, and while they were respectful to the PRESIDENT, left the House unpledged and open to take up the business of the session as it presented itself in its ordinary course. It was on this ground he should vote for the amendment now under consideration.

Mr. RUTLEDGE said, when the report of the committee should be before them, he should have some remarks to make upon it; but at present he should offer only a few observations upon the proposed amendment.

He said he had strong objections to the amendment; but one so strong that he need not urge any other: it was, that in agreeing to it they should dictate to the Executive, which he believed would be infringing upon the Executive power. As it was his peculiar duty to give instructions to Ministers, it would be improper in them to say what should be the instructions given to a Minister; but if it were not so, he should not vote for those of the gentleman from Virginia.

In the instructions of a Minister, it was usual to comprise a variety of propositions. Certain things were first to be proposed; if these could not be obtained, he was instructed to come forward with something else, and if this could not be got, he went on to his ultimatum. But, if the proposition of the gentleman from Virginia were to obtain, his instructions would be publicly known. In vain would it be for him to offer this or that, they will say the House of Representatives has directed you what to do, and we will not agree to any thing else. This would be contrary to all diplomatic proceedings; for that reason he should be opposed to the House saying what should be his instructions. Indeed, if it were usual, he should be against it in this instance, as he believed it would encourage an extravagant demand. What, said he, have they said to our Minister--or rather to the person who was formerly our Minister, but who then had no power? They told him to go away; they had nothing to say to him: they would receive no more Ministers from the United States until their grievances were redressed. This country is charged with countenancing an inequality of treaties. The French have said, redress our grievances in a certain way. But, said Mr. R., if we do this, we shall put ourselves under the dominion of a foreign power, and shall have to ask a foreign country what we shall do. This was a situation into which we must not fall without a struggle.

Mr. SITGREAVES said, though he had wished to have taken a little more time before he had troubled the committee with his observations; yet, as there now appeared an interval, he should take the opportunity of occupying it for a few minutes.

He should not answer the observations of the gentleman from Georgia, with respect to the style of the Answer reported; but he believed that those gentlemen who would look at it without a perverted vision, would not discover the faults in it which that gentleman had discovered. He thought it rather remarkable for the simplicity of its style than for a redundancy of epithet. He discovered more of the latter in the amendment than in the original report. It was true that the superlative was used in different places, but he thought it was used where it ought to be. He would not, however, detain the committee with matter so immaterial, but would proceed to what appeared to him of some consequence.

A stranger who had come into the House during this debate, and heard what had fallen from the mover of the proposed amendment, and from members who had followed him, would have supposed, that instead of an act of ordinary course being under discussion, they had been debating the question of a declaration of war against France.

He would declare, for himself at least, on the subject of war, that he agreed in certain of the sentiments of gentlemen on the other side of the House. A state of war was certainly a curse to any nation; to America it would be peculiarly a curse. It ought to be avoided by all possible means. It was not only impolitic, but madness, to run into war. But he thought there were two sides of the subject. He thought that peace was the greatest of all possible blessings; but he also thought that peace might be purchased too dearly, and war avoided at too great an expense. He thought peace might cost a greater value than money--our independence. This was no new sentiment in this country. It was thought that peace might be bought too dearly in the Revolutionary war; they then thought it better to be at war than to submit to the alternative evils. France also shows that she prefers a state of war--a war carried on at an unexampled expense of blood and treasure--to a state of peace with despotism. He thought, therefore, that we should hold a language of a firm and manly tone. To preserve peace by all honorable means, but not by dishonorable means. As he observed last session, on a similar occasion, we should cultivate peace with zeal and sincerity; but whenever our intention of doing so was publicly expressed, it ought to be accompanied with an opposite assertion of a determination, if our endeavors to maintain peace fail, that then every resource of the nation shall be called into existence in support of all that is dear to us. Such a declaration, at this time, was extremely proper. At present, he said, all the observations which had been made relative to war, were very premature. They might be brought into consideration, when any measure should be discussed which might lead to a war with France. Then would be the time to count the cost and the benefit. At present, he conceived, our only object was, to inquire what were the feelings which the conduct of France had created in our minds, and whether we were prepared to express those feelings.

Shall we, said he, from a fear of irritating the French Republic, in a communication with our own Executive, suppress our feelings, or what is worse, suppress the truth? For his own part, he saw nothing in the present business but an expression of feelings naturally excited by the occasion; nothing but a declaration of facts. This being the case, the question was, whether, from fear of irritating the French Government, they should suppress these feelings.

It would be well to consider what would be the consequence of this condescension. He did not think they were warranted in believing that they should put France in a better humor with us by this means. He was sure that gentlemen who were in the last Congress would recollect that the Answer to the Address was reported in very mild terms, from a spirit of accommodation in the committee who formed it, and that it was afterwards pruned in the House with care, yet there had been no amelioration of the disposition of the French towards this country. Instead of inducing them to behave better to us, had it not been with a knowledge of this that they have offered us fresh insult and indignity? Indeed, Mr. Pinckney suggests an idea that this moderation of ours may have been one of the operating causes of sending our Minister from their country. Besides, gentlemen have not pointed out the particular expressions which they consider as irritating in the report. For his own part, he thought the amendment might be considered as more irritating than the draft of the committee. What was the language of the amendment? [He read it.] He gave it as his opinion, that there was more of war and bullying in it than in the original report. It was true the threat it contained was accompanied by an _if_. Now, all the difference between the draft and the amendment was, that in the former, instead of using the _if_, they had at once expressed indignation at the insults offered to this country by the French Republic, and given assurances to the Executive that they would repel indignity with indignation.

But, said he, let us, on this occasion, confine ourselves to the real question now before us. We have been informed, said he, by the PRESIDENT, in his Speech to both Houses, of the conduct of the French towards this Government, and have since received the documents upon which this report was founded. He had not yet heard any gentleman justify the conduct of the French. He had heard, indeed, some attempts to palliate or apologize for it, but none to vindicate it. His ideas of these things were, that the French had not only injured us, but added insult to injury; and while he retained this belief, he could not help feeling indignation and resentment. The question before the House was not, Will we resent it? Our actions, better than our words, show our desires for peace. It was a desire in which we were too much interested, to be doubted; yet it was proper that this desire should be accompanied with expressions of our feelings on the occasion. What objections could there be to this? If we were sunk so low, if our fears of the French Republic are so great, that we dare not express what we feel, our situation was become really deplorable. He hoped this was not, nor ever would be the case. He hoped we should cultivate peace with sincerity, but with firmness. For if the French Republic is so terrible to us, that we must crouch and sink before her; if we hold our rights at her nod, let gentlemen say so. And if we are to give up ourselves to her, let it be an act of the Government; do not let us conceal under the appearance of spirit, actual submission. Nations, it was true, might be brought into such a situation as to be obliged to surrender some of their rights to other nations; but when this is done, it should be done with some degree of character. Let it not be done as a confession of guilt. Let us, said he, however, surrender any thing, sooner than the fair fame of our country. He was not a military man, nor did he know how he should act upon such an occasion; but he knew what we ought to do. We ought, rather than submit to such indignity, to die in the last ditch. Why insinuate that the Government had been wrong? was it not enough to submit to injury; shall we not only receive the stripes, but kiss the rod that inflicts them?

Mr. OTIS observed, that he was so little accustomed to the mode of conducting a debate in that honorable House, that he hardly knew in what manner to apply his remarks to the subject before the committee. A specific motion had been laid on the table by the gentleman from Virginia, which reduced the true question before them to a narrow compass; but the mover, in discussing his own proposition, had enlarged upon subjects dear to his mind, and familiar to his recollection. In this circuit he had been ably followed by the gentleman from South Carolina, and others; so that the whole subject of the Address to the PRESIDENT, and the reply of the committee, was brought into view, with many considerations that did not belong to it. It was his design to have remained silent until the subject had been exhausted by other gentlemen, and if any remark of an important nature had been omitted, which was not likely to have been the case, he would have suggested such ideas as might have presented themselves to his mind; but a motion having been made for the committee to rise, he would then offer a few observations, not so much for the sake of illustrating the question, which had been done most successfully, but in order to declare his sentiments upon this important occasion. He so far agreed with the gentleman from Georgia, that he believed, upon ordinary occasions, an Answer to the PRESIDENT's Address should be calculated to preserve an harmonious intercourse between the different departments of Government, rather than to pledge either branch of the Legislature, collaterally, upon subjects that would come regularly under their consideration. But the present was not an ordinary occasion, and the situation of the country required that the Answer should not be a spiritless expression of civility, but a new edition of the Declaration of Independence. He expressed his regret that upon this question gentlemen should have wandered into a review of measures and subjects, so frequently examined, so deliberately settled, and which had a tendency to rekindle party animosity. If they would never acquiesce in the deliberate acts of the Government, because their personal sentiments had been adverse to them in the season of their discussion, there could be no end to controversy. For his part he conceived that all party distinctions ought now to cease; and that the House was now called by a warning voice, to destroy the idea of a geographical division of sentiment and interest existing among the people. His constituents and himself were disposed to regard the inhabitants of the Southern States as brothers, whose features were cast in the same mould, and who had waded through the same troubled waters to the shore of liberty and independence. He hoped that gentlemen would, in their turn, think the other part of the Union entitled to some consideration.

The Address of the PRESIDENT disclosed, for the contemplation of the committee, a narrative of facts, and of the existing causes of controversy between the French Republic and ourselves; the overtures for reconciliation, which were to be repeated by attempts to negotiate, and the measures of defence that might be proper, in case negotiation should fail. The injuries sustained by us were of a high and atrocious nature, consisting in the capture of our vessels, depredations upon the property and persons of our citizens, the indignity offered to our Minister; but what was more aggravating than the rest, was, the professed determination not to receive our Minister until the complaints of the French should be redressed, without explanation and without exception--until we should violate treaties, repeal laws, and do what the constitution would not authorize, vacate solemn judgments of our courts of law. These injuries should not be concealed. He did not wish, however, to indulge in unnecessary expressions of indignation, but to state in plain and unequivocal terms the remonstrances of injured friendship. If any man doubted of the pernicious effects of the measures of the French nation, and of the actual state of our commerce, let him inquire of the ruined and unfortunate merchant, harassed with persecutions on account of the revenue, which he so long and patiently toiled to support. If any doubted of its effects upon agriculture, let him inquire of the farmer whose produce is falling and will be exposed to perish in his barns. Where, said he, are your sailors? Listen to the passing gale of the ocean, and you will hear their groans issuing from French prison-ships. Such were the injuries, and such the requisitions of the French nation; and he defied the ingenuity of any gentleman to draw a comparison between the Directory and the British Parliament, in favor of the former; and insisted that the demands of Charles Delacroix were upon a parallel with those of Lord North. He enlarged upon the analogy of the circumstances attending the pretensions of the British Government to bind us, when we were colonies, and of the French to subjugate us, now we are free and independent States. He thought it expedient to cultivate the same spirit of union, and to use the same firm and decided language. He regretted that questions should be agitated upon this occasion, which had been formerly the cause of party spirit and dissensions; and did not believe that the immortal men who framed the noted instrument which dissolved the charm of allegiance and shivered the fetters of tyranny, condescended to differ about verbal criticisms and nice expressions, through fear of giving offence; nor that it was incumbent upon the members of the committee to repress the assertion of their rights, or smother a just and dignified expression of their susceptibility of insult, because the French had been once our friends, or because the commencement of their revolution was a struggle for liberty. There was a time when he was animated with enthusiasm in favor of the French Revolution, and he cherished it, while civil liberty appeared to be the object; but he now considered that Revolution as completely achieved, and that the war was continued, not for liberty, but for conquest and aggrandizement, to which he did not believe it the interest of this country to contribute.

WEDNESDAY, May 24.

WILLIAM SMITH, from Pinckney district, South Carolina; SAMUEL SMITH, from Maryland; JOHN ALLEN, from Connecticut; and WILLIAM FINDLAY, from Pennsylvania, appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats.

_Answer to President's Speech._

The House again went into Committee of the Whole on the Answer to the PRESIDENT's Speech, and Mr. NICHOLAS' amendment being under consideration,

Mr. SWANWICK opened the debate. He lamented the loss of time which was generally experienced at the opening of every session in debating the Answer to the Speech of the PRESIDENT, when, perhaps, business of the first moment called for immediate attention. It was much to be wished that committees appointed for this purpose would confine themselves to the instructions which were given to them on the occasion, which were in general terms, viz: "to prepare a respectful Address, assuring the PRESIDENT that the House will take into their serious consideration the various important matters recommended to their attention." If Answers were drawn in general terms, conformably to these instructions, he thought very many of the embarrassments which they now experienced would be avoided, and every member would be left at liberty to pursue such measures as appeared to them right, when they came before him in the ordinary course of business unclogged by any creed which he might have been called to assent to before he had an opportunity of considering the subjects it contained. It also often occasioned much warmth in debate, and served to divide the House into two parties on the very threshold of their business. This could not possibly have any good effect, but the contrary; he should therefore be happy to see the practice simplified or abolished altogether.

The effect at present has been, that no sooner had the committee appointed to draft an Address made a report, than the gentleman from Virginia proposed a substitute, which, according to his idea, was more proper. A warm debate had taken place, and he believed that either might be adopted without effect, as they were merely a form of words leading to no conclusion. Suppose a majority of _one_ was obtained on the report, what end would be produced? None; for it might be that the very persons who voted on this general question, might vote against particular subjects when they came under consideration; as every one would recollect the difficulties which had been experienced in getting three frigates built, and this difficulty, he doubted not, would again occur. Since, however, these two forms of an Answer were before them, and they were called upon to say which they would adopt, it might be proper to go into some consideration of the subject.

The difference between the two productions seemed to be, that the one reported seemed to express great indignity on account of the injuries received from the French Republic, and a determination to repel them; that produced by the gentleman from Virginia was of a more conciliatory tone, recommending to the PRESIDENT to begin his negotiations with placing the French Republic on the same ground with the other belligerent powers; so that the difference was simply as it respected a few words.

What were the arguments in favor of the warm tone? They were told it would have a great effect on the French Republic, because if a spirited Answer were given to the PRESIDENT's communication, signifying (as his colleague Mr. SITGREAVES had strongly expressed it) that we were determined to _die in the last ditch_, it would strike them with terror. If he thought this effect could be really produced, it might be some inducement for him to agree to it.

Mr. S. remarked, that they were told by Mr. Pinckney, in his letter to the Secretary of State, that it was probable that two events had contributed to his dismissal from the French Republic, viz: one, the victories of Bonaparte in Italy, the other, the Addresses of the Senate and House of Representatives in answer to the Speech of the PRESIDENT at the last session. With respect to the Answers alluded to, no opinion could be formed from this assertion, because, though that of the House of Representatives was tolerably moderate, yet that of the Senate was as warm as any thing could be produced. He read extracts from both, and compared them with each other, giving the credit which, in his opinion, was due to the most moderate.

The first and most necessary step to be taken was, to put all the belligerent powers upon the same footing, which could not be an offence to any. But it was said that to recommend this measure to the Executive, was to dictate to him; that it was carrying humility on the front of the Minister who should be employed. What! said Mr. S., would it be to carry humility in his front to say, "I come to place you on the same footing with the most favored nation?" It certainly could not; since it was the language of right reason, of justice.

As to dictating to the Executive, could it be called dictating when we merely express our opinion and advice to him, on points which he has himself laid before us; and, in order to deliberate on which we were thus unusually called together? Very low and debasing, indeed, must be the situation of this House, if they were to be muzzled and prevented from laying their sentiments before the Chief Magistrate of the Union! When treaties are made, we are told they are laws over which we have no power. If we dare not speak on the subject before they are made, is this House reduced merely to the odious task of laying taxes, without being allowed to exercise its sense on any other public measures connected with them? Why does the PRESIDENT communicate these things to us, if we are not allowed to express any sentiments about them? Why do the people elect their representatives all over this widely extended empire, if, when they are convened, they are not allowed the privilege of expressing their opinions on the dearest interests of their constituents? But it is stated that this will create division among the branches of the Government, who ought always to act and think alike. Were this the case, there was no use to divide the Government, as our constitution does, into three branches; they might all have been left in one, and then no accident of this kind would have happened; but the fact is, this very division of the branches was devised in order that they might operate as checks on each other. The people thought it better that a division of this kind should prevent acting at all, than that we should act hastily and unadvisedly. Thus when a law, after mature deliberation, passes this House as wise and good, the Senate were not obliged on this account to see it in the same light; they judge for themselves, and, if they see cause, reject it, and no complaint takes place on our part because they do so. In another Government, indeed that of England, all the branches have been contrived into the most perfect union, Kings, Lords, and Commons, all agree, but has the Government been the better for this? Happy had it been for that nation, had this not been the case. Many an unwise measure they have gone into, might then, fortunately for the nation, have been totally prevented.

But it has been said we ought to express the highest indignation at the conduct of France. Let us examine for a moment on what this is founded. Three grounds have been mentioned; the dismission of our Minister, the spoliations on our ships, and the interference with our Government, in attempting to divide the people from it. As to the first, the dismission of our Minister, said Mr. S., nobody can feel more sensibly than I do, this indignity; but it only leads me to regret, as I have often already expressed my regrets, at our sending so many diplomatic gentlemen to Europe. Wretched will be our case, if we are embroiled whenever these gentlemen shall be refused, or uncivilly treated. All history is full of instances of wars, founded on such points of etiquette as these, and they admonish us against employing embassies, as much as possible, to avoid these dangers from our foreign connections. But it seems, the Directory, by Mr. Pinckney's letter, at the same time sent away thirteen other foreign Ministers; yet we do not hear that these nations went to war on this account. One of them was Sweden, a very powerful maritime nation, possessed of a considerable fleet; her Minister was dismissed; she contented herself with sending away the French Minister also, and here the dispute ended. But, surely allowance ought also to be made for the present revolutionary state of France. If all things do not proceed there with the order they ought, it is perhaps because of their present warlike and revolutionary position, which cannot but mend every day, and should induce us to make some allowance for them.

Mr. LIVINGSTON said that, having listened to the gentlemen who had preceded him with the most respectful attention, and heard their ardent expressions of patriotism and the lively sense which they entertained of the true dignity of our Government, he should not attempt to follow them into a field which had been exhausted, but would leave it to the consideration of the committee and his country to determine upon his sentiments and the measures which he should suggest whether he was not equally disposed with others to promote the peace and honor, the happiness and security of his country and Government; he would leave it for his measures to speak for him; he would not be led away by any idle or extraneous vanity from objects so solemn and important; he should speak freely as became an American at a crisis so very pressing. First, then, he should notice the Address that was before the committee, and the amendment which had been proposed to be made to it; he was sorry to observe the manner in which they had been discussed. It had been considered, on one side, that to adopt any language in reply to the Address but that which has been laid before the committee in the report, would amount to a surrender of all our rights, privileges, and independence, as a nation, to France; on the other, it has been held that the differences between us and France are distorted, and that we should at least not shut up every avenue to negotiation by an obstinate and blind assertion of our own infallibility. If he believed with those of the former opinion, that we should in any shape incur the stigma of degrading ourselves, or if he suspected even that we should sacrifice one right of our country or Government by an adoption of the amendment proposed, or he thought we should not endanger our national character and safety by the adoption of the report, he should most certainly reject the amendment and adopt the report; or if he believed, with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. OTIS,) that the demands of France now were any wise analogous to those of Great Britain on a former occasion, sooner than consent to a dereliction of independence and national character he would not stop short of the language of that report; but as he could not force his judgment to so outrageous a misconstruction, as he saw on the contrary numerous reasons to entertain a very different opinion, he would not consent to incur the perils and the errors in which that report would involve us; he could not consent to so hasty, so precipitate, and inconsiderate a step.

The question properly before the House at this time is, whether we shall continue to express so perfect a reliance on all the acts of our own Government; whether we shall say obstinately to France that there is no possible case in which our judgment could have been misled or mistaken in our conduct towards her; and, by determining to adhere to our former conduct, preclude every possibility to an amicable adjustment; or leave a reasonable opportunity open for an effectual discussion and adjustment of differences, wherever they may subsist.

The scope of the Speech of the PRESIDENT to both Houses, it must be confessed, goes to bind us to the former conduct; and it is too evident that the report, in strict coincidence with the sentiments of several, but not all its supporters, bears that same dangerous tendency. From which line of conduct are we to expect the most beneficent issue, to treat with a complaining power by a determination to show that its complaints are groundless, or by examining the complaints and the evidence in amicable negotiation and deciding afterwards? Let us examine the complaints of France, and then determine whether they are all so frivolous as to excite irritation at the mere mention of them; unless we are so convinced, unless we are thoroughly satisfied that they are so, we cannot vote the Answer as it is reported. Should we discover in such an examination that some of our measures have been founded at least in mistake, would it then be proper to adopt the language of the Address? But should we persist under such a possibility of mistake, what do we risk? an evil much more fatal than the worst that could follow the most sober resolution which we can now adopt; we risk the alternative of abandoning it after a war in which we may be sufferers, and after we may have retarded the increasing prosperity of our country half an age. We have an example before us in a nation that was eager to snatch at a remote pretext for an assumed interference in her Government; we have seen that nation, among the most powerful and haughty in Europe, the most vain of her dignity, (real or unreal,) the most apt to interfere in the government of others; we have seen her enter into a war, and we have seen her driven to the lowest state of humiliation; we have seen her obliged to pursue the most abject means of solicitation to obtain a peace from that very nation whom she had irritated to a war; and we saw her more humiliated still, by the rejection of those propositions which she had made to obtain peace. Have we a better prospect than that nation? Are our means equal to hers? Are we, indeed, ready to embark in a war--with France, too--and present such a lesson to the world as America at war with France, after France has defeated the efforts of all the world? He again asked, have we the means? Let gentlemen who are willing to plunge us into that dilemma make the reply; but let not gentlemen indulge in so hateful a picture. But, although we have no means, he was still against surrendering the honor of our country; fortunately, no such sacrifice is demanded, no such measure is necessary; and were we ten times more destitute even than we are, he should never submit to our national degradation, were there a power so insolent as to expect it.

It was, he knew, a very ungracious, and often an unpopular task, to display the errors of our own Government; there was a national vanity, a vain and unmeaning pride, which sought to be bolstered up by frippery of words and acts of dissimulation. He knew that this empty and pernicious vanity often assumed the post and place of the true dignity of a country, and blinked contumely on him that was disposed to prefer the plain, frank, open path of integrity and truth. He would choose between these opposite passions of a nation, and preferring his duty to unmerited reproach, he would neither repress the sentiments of his mind, nor foster those which he conceived to be pregnant with ruin; he would glory more in promoting the justice of his country than in conducting her to the most brilliant triumphs in an unjust cause; he would, therefore, calmly examine whether France had just cause of complaint; and whether she had or not a just cause, he would assert that France might, without exciting indignation, think herself injured; that she might, was a sufficient reason with him for preferring the amendment, as it left an opening for rather amicable discussion and accommodation, rather than the report which had the opposite character.

THURSDAY, May 25.

Mr. GILES rose.--He said that he had always been against this form of giving Answers, since the time the practice first began; it was derived from the British House of Commons, which was a bad source for precedents. In that House, however, the Speech and the Answer were both known to be the work of the Minister, and treated with great freedom. Mr. G. thought that it would be better to direct the Committee of Rules and Orders of the House, to make one standing Answer, which would serve regularly for all Speeches. This would be an improper time for such a regulation, but though we could not now get rid of a bad habit, it was not necessary to vindicate it. He said, that Mr. LIVINGSTON had yesterday taken part of the ground which he intended to take. The question before the House amounted to this: shall we recommend it to the PRESIDENT to place all nations on a level as to commerce, and to remove the inequalities between them? To assist him in deciding this point, he would refer to facts and dates; and, as he did not wish to represent things in false colors, he would be glad to be corrected, if he should happen to go wrong. He would begin at the 1st of February, 1793, when England dismissed the French Minister, and the Republic, in consequence, declared war against her. On the 22d of April following, the PRESIDENT declared this country to be in a state of neutrality, and warned the citizens to observe it. At this time, about the 10th May, M. Genet landed and raised a considerable alarm by commencing an improper correspondence with our citizens. Government from that time took a wrong impression, and acted under the idea of a dangerous French influence in this country. All this was a mistake. Genet was universally reprobated, unless by a few disorderly people, and Government from that trial should have learned to trust us. In consequence of the disturbance that Genet made, many societies entered into resolutions to support government. Even the pulpit reviled Genet. If execration, disappointment, and contempt, could fill up the measure of punishment, he had it. From the arrival of Genet to that of Fauchet, some sentiments were kept alive, and some phrases that he would review. The _Friends of Order_ and the _Disorganizers_ were two of them. Then we had the reign of _moderation_, but of so frantic a kind, for the short time which it lasted, as to exercise the greatest of despotism over opinion. This _order_, _moderation_, and _disorganization_, were all gone and no more said about them. Among Mr. G.'s constituents, when notice came of the Western insurrection, they were all ready to march in support of Government; instead of calling themselves the friends of order, they proved that they were so. The country remained from this time in a tranquil state till the arrival of Mr. Jay's Treaty. On the 5th of December, 1793, a Message was received from the PRESIDENT, speaking of France in the most friendly terms. In spite of Genet's quarrel there was no misunderstanding with the Republic, and Mr. G. quoted this circumstance to prove that there was no serious difference till the arrival of Mr. Jay's Treaty. Mr. G. said that he would review what was in the mean time passing in Europe. During the summer of 1793, Britain made no less than six treaties with different nations, and one stipulation in each of them was that the contracting parties should stop all provisions going to France, and force all other nations to do so. The first of these treaties was made with Russia, on the 20th of March, 1793: the second was with Spain; the third with Prussia; the fourth with the Emperor; the fifth with Portugal; and the last with the King of the two Sicilies. It was said that France preceded Britain in the order for stopping provisions; Britain did not publicly issue such orders until the 16th of June, 1793; but Britain had, in reality, adopted the practice long before. The French orders fluctuated; but, at one time, the United States were exempted from stoppage, when others were stopped. He then noticed the stoppage of provisions to the West Indies; the Orders of the 6th of November, 1793, and the 8th of January, 1794. In the very short interval between these two dates, France had gone on so fast that Britain found it better to ameliorate the condition of neutral States. During this time, England also made a truce for Portugal with Algiers, and this truce has cost us fifteen hundred thousand dollars, besides what it may cost hereafter. Timber had been promised to be cut for the Algerines, of a kind which this country could not furnish in due quality. Some of it was to be brought so far as from the north-west branch of the Susquehanna. He would pass over Lord Dorchester's speech to the Indians, and the British soldiers and savages joining the tomahawk against our Western frontiers. He mentioned these things, merely to keep them in view. There was something, he said, which he could never think of without surprise. This was a conversation between Lord Grenville and Mr. Pinckney. It was related in a letter, dated the 9th of January, 1794, from Mr. Pinckney. It took notice of Lord Grenville telling Mr. Pinckney the desire which the British Government had of maintaining harmony with the United States, and their readiness to support the Government of this country against a dangerous Jacobin faction who wanted to overturn it. Mr. G. said, that this betrayed more interference on the part of Britain than there ever had been on the part of France. From this time our Government had taken a leaning towards Britain. French influence was only a sentiment which we felt for the sake of liberty, but which was sometimes conjured up as a chimera to serve certain purposes. The United States had a real interest in cherishing the sentiment, which never could be dangerous.

As for British influence, it was a matter much more substantial. That people speak the same language with us, are scattered from one end of the continent to the other, intermarry with us, and have a very great commercial intercourse. Lord Grenville's proposition had led to Mr. Jay's Treaty. As to France trying to engage us in the war, any other nation in the world would be glad to do so. France had addressed the people of America, and was resisted: Britain had addressed our Government; and Mr. G. feared that the latter had not made so firm a stand. While Congress were taking proper measures to check the depredations, Mr. Jay, to the astonishment of mankind, was named Ambassador to England. The Treaty was signed on the 19th of November, 1794. The instructions, Mr. G. had never seen, but if we may judge from the Treaty itself, they were extremely full. For the making of such a Treaty he had never heard a reason, nor had he ever been able to learn one good consequence likely to accrue from it. It had been called an instrument of peace, and its first effect was, that we were summoned to fight with France, Spain, and Holland. One of the articles was that free ships do not make free goods. This was highly injurious both to France and the United States; it implied a breach of the law of nations, because, before you can search for an enemy's goods you must stop neutral ships. This regulation could only be understood as operating against France. If we could not help the practice going on, we should at least have suffered it to stand as it was, without any countenance. All the principal articles of export from the United States were declared contraband, except tobacco, and, indeed, that might be included under the general title of provisions, as people would sometimes be in want of a chew. He spoke of this provision clause as infamous. He referred to Count Bernstoff, Minister of Denmark, who had kept his country in a more honorable situation than perhaps any other in Europe had done during the present war. Mr. G. read the refusal of Count Bernstoff to comply with the British requisition to that effect. During the armed neutrality, the United States had owned that free bottoms should make free goods. Was there any reason since to alter our opinion? He would be glad to hear gentlemen answer if there was any. He had always said that the provision article was unjust to France, and yet on account of the British Treaty we are to plunge into a war before we know whether we are in the right or in the wrong. Gentlemen who had promoted the British Treaty now came forward to support it, but it would now be more manly to declare at once that we cannot do so. In Citizen Adet's complaints, many articles were unjust and trifling, but this was always the case in productions of that sort. Mr. G. then referred to the speech of Barras: he said that Britain still went on robbing and impressing American seamen. Mr. HARPER had yesterday said that the impressments were few; but how were we to be certain of that? The men are not allowed to write to us, and Mr. Pinckney informs us that vast numbers of them are in French jails. He had always wondered at our having so few communications on this head from the Executive. A law had passed in this House and in the Senate upon this subject, without any information from that quarter. Gentlemen had allowed that it would be just enough to grant an equality of privileges to every foreign nation; but, Mr. HARPER had objected, that if this were granted to France, she would still continue to demand. When she makes an unjust claim, said Mr. G., we should stop; he would not be for going any further. The French had not acted on vague claims; they take neutral and contraband articles; they take the ships, and when they find our seamen on board of British vessels, they threaten to treat them as pirates, and will not allow them to prove that they were impressed.

TUESDAY, May 30.

JOHN FOWLER, from Kentucky, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

_Answer to President's Speech._

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the Address reported in Answer to the Speech of the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; when

Mr. COIT said he thought that part of the 5th paragraph which related to the Executive Directory would be less exceptionable, and equally convey their disapprobation of such sentiments, if it were expressed more generally, and without any allusion to M. Barras. He proposed, therefore, to strike out from "at," in the 4th line of the 5th paragraph, to "United States," in the 6th line, and to insert "any sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence; such sentiments, wherever entertained, serve to evince an imperfect knowledge of the real opinion of our constituents."

Mr. W. SMITH objected to the amendment of the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. COIT,) because it was hypothetical. He wished, as the fact was clearly established, to have a direct reference to the Speech of Barras, in their indignation at the sentiments. As the matter had appeared of sufficient importance to find a place in the PRESIDENT's Speech, he thought it was also worthy of their notice. He insisted upon its being an attempt to divide the people of this country from their Government, by speaking insultingly of the latter, and flattering the former. He did not exactly know what was meant by the "suggestion of our former tyrants," but he supposed it meant bribery, and that by "perfidious people," General Washington was included.

Mr. W. SMITH said, that by the Government, the Executive only was meant. He was convinced of this from the manner in which he had seen the word used in the French Government paper, entitled the _Redacteur_.

Mr. COIT believed, that whatever M. Barras had said, it was not worth their attention. We might defy France or Frenchmen to say worse of us than they themselves said. He did not himself know how far the Speech of Barras was an act of Government; for, said he, when we directed our Speaker to reprimand Randal and Whitney, the words he used upon the occasion were not an act of the House. On another occasion, when the House were about to receive the French flag, they could not call what was said by the Speaker on that occasion, an act of the House.

Mr. WILLIAMS said, if Mr. Pinckney's letter was an authentic paper, the Speech of Barras was likewise so; and if so, it was doubtless an indignity to Government. He did not think with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. FREEMAN,) that it was "childish gasconade." He believed it was intended as an insult to the Government of this country. As to the gratitude which had been said to belong to the French nation, for their assistance in the war, he thought their services were amply repaid by the separation of this country from Great Britain. Besides, he added, the French never came to the assistance of this country until they saw we were likely to be successful in our struggle.

Mr. GORDON said there could be no doubt of the authenticity of Barras' Speech, since it stood upon the same ground as the rest of the documents. It was a flagrant insult upon Government, in his opinion, and warranted all that had been said upon it, as it was doubtless an attempt to separate the people from the Government.

Mr. THATCHER said the question was, whether or not any notice should be taken of the insulting Speech of Barras. When, said he, the French flag was presented to this House, we were told we were not to stop to reason, but to express forthwith our feelings of affection. But now, when the most unexampled insult is offered us, such as one man would not receive from another, we are not to notice it at all, lest it should offend the French Republic. He knew of only one reason for passing it over in silence, and that, it was true, had some weight with him. That Barras spoke as the organ of the French nation, there could be no doubt; but he had his doubts whether he knew himself what he said. The Speech had strong marks of _delirium_, and he could not help believing that, when he delivered it, he was either _drunk_ or _mad_. If the world went on for six thousand years to come, they would never again behold such a production.

Mr. MCDOWELL was in favor of the amendment. He did not think himself bound, as had been insinuated by the gentleman from South Carolina, to echo all the sentiments in the PRESIDENT's Speech. He wished to have an opinion of his own. He agreed that Barras' Speech was an indignity to the United States. He felt it, and would express it: but he did not think this the proper time. He denied the justness of the construction put upon the Speech by the gentleman from South Carolina. He supposed by "perfidious persons," was meant the persons in this country, generally called the "British faction." He differed in opinion also with that gentleman on the subject of dividing the people and Government, and could not allow that the phrase "good people" was intended as an insult. He allowed it was going too far to say that we owed our liberty to France; but being in some respect true, it took off from the offence. He was sorry to see on one side of the House constant attempts made to excite the resentment of the people of this country against France. It was not necessary at present to raise such feelings. They were not about to unsheath the sword, and to say, "We conquer or die." What gentlemen could not effect by reason, they seemed inclined to effect in a different way. He did not think this fair conduct.