Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

"On this subject it might become me better to be silent, or
to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected,
the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology, if I
venture to say, that if a preference upon principle, of a
free Republican Government, formed upon long and serious
reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after
truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United
States, and a conscientious determination to support it,
until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of
the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a
respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual
States, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the
State Government; if an equal and impartial regard to the
rights, interest, honor, and happiness, of all the States
in the Union, without preference or regard to a Northern or
Southern, an Eastern or Western position, their various
political opinions on unessential points, or their personal
attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and
denominations; if a love of science and letters, and a wish
to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools,
colleges, universities, academies, and every institution
for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion, among all
classes of the people, not only for their benign influence
on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and
of society in all its forms, but as the only means of
preserving our constitution from its natural enemies, the
spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of
intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence
of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to
elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice,
and humanity, in the interior administration; if an
inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and
manufactures, for necessity, convenience, and defence; if a
spirit of equity and humanity towards the aboriginal
nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their
condition, by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and
our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible
determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with
all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality
among the belligerent powers of Europe, which has been
adopted by this Government, and so solemnly sanctioned by
both Houses of Congress, and applauded by the Legislatures
of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be
otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for
the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years,
chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the
friendship which has been so much for the honor and
interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and
integrity of the people of America, and the internal
sentiment of their own power and energies must be
preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just
cause, and remove every colorable pretence of complaint; if
an intention to pursue, by amicable negotiation, a
reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the
commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and, if
success cannot be obtained, to lay the facts before the
Legislature, that they may consider what further measures
the honor and interest of the Government and its
constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice, as far
as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and
maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence, with all the
world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and
resources of the American people, on which I have so often
hazarded my all, and never been deceived; if elevated ideas
of the high destinies of this country, and of my own duties
towards it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles
and intellectual improvements of the people, deeply
engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured, but
exalted by experience and age; and with humble reverence, I
feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the
religion of a people who profess and call themselves
Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent
respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for
the public service, can enable me, in any degree, to comply
with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor, that
this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be
without effect.

"With this great example before me, with the sense and
spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the
same American people, pledged to support the Constitution
of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its
continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared,
without hesitation, to lay myself under the most solemn
obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.

"And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of
Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector, in all
ages of the world, of virtuous liberty, continue his
blessing upon this nation and its Government, and give it
all possible success and duration, consistent with the ends
of His Providence."

The oath of office was then administered to him by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, the Associate Justices attending. After which, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES retired, and the Senate repaired to their own Chamber.

On motion,

_Ordered_, That Messrs. LANGDON and SEDGWICK be a committee to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, and notify him that the Senate is assembled, and ready to adjourn unless he may have any communications to make to them.

Mr. LANGDON reported, from the committee, that they had waited on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, who replied, that he had no communication to make to the Senate, except his good wishes for their health and prosperity, and a happy meeting with their families and friends.

The Senate then adjourned without day.

FOURTH CONGRESS.--SECOND SESSION.

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES

IN

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

MONDAY, December 5, 1796.

This being the day appointed by the constitution for the annual meeting of Congress, in the House of Representatives, the following named members appeared and took their seats, viz:

_From New Hampshire._--ABIEL FOSTER, NICHOLAS GILMAN, JOHN S. SHERBURNE, and JEREMIAH SMITH.

_From Massachusetts._--FISHER AMES, THEOPHILUS BRADBURY, HENRY DEARBORN, DWIGHT FOSTER, NATHANIEL FREEMAN, Jr., SAMUEL LYMAN, WILLIAM LYMAN, JOHN READ, GEORGE THATCHER, JOSEPH B. VARNUM, and PELEG WADSWORTH.

_From Rhode Island._--FRANCIS MALBONE.

_From Connecticut._--JOSHUA COIT, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH, ROGER GRISWOLD, NATHANIEL SMITH, and ZEPHANIAH SWIFT.

_From New York._--THEODORUS BAILEY, WILLIAM COOPER, EZEKIEL GILBERT, HENRY GLENN, JONATHAN N. HAVENS, JOHN E. VAN ALLEN, PHILIP VAN CORTLANDT, and JOHN WILLIAMS.

_From New Jersey._--JONATHAN DAYTON, AARON KITCHELL, and ISAAC SMITH.

_From Pennsylvania._--ALBERT GALLATIN, SAMUEL MACLAY, FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, JOHN RICHARDS, SAMUEL SITGREAVES, and JOHN SWANWICK.

_From Delaware._--JOHN PATTON.

_From Maryland._--GEORGE DENT, WILLIAM HINDMAN, and RICHARD SPRIGG, Jr.

_From Virginia._--JOHN CLOPTON, ISAAC COLES, GEORGE JACKSON, JAMES MADISON, ANTHONY NEW, and ROBERT RUTHERFORD.

_From Kentucky._--CHRISTOPHER GREENUP.

_From North Carolina._--THOMAS BLOUNT and MATTHEW LOCKE.

_From South Carolina._--WILLIAM SMITH.

_From Georgia._--ABRAHAM BALDWIN.

The following new members appeared, produced their credentials, were qualified, and took their seats, viz:

_From Tennessee._--ANDREW JACKSON.

_From Maryland._--WILLIAM CRAIK, in place of JEREMIAH CRABB, resigned.

_From Connecticut._--JAMES DAVENPORT, in place of JAMES HILLHOUSE, appointed a Senator of the United States.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Governor of Pennsylvania, with the return of the election of GEORGE EGE, to serve as a member of the House in place of DANIEL HEISTER, resigned.

A quorum, consisting of a majority of the whole number, being present, it was ordered that the Clerk wait on the Senate, to inform them that this House was ready to proceed to business; but it appeared that the Senate had not been able to form a quorum by one member, and had adjourned.

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH presented a petition from Thomas Lloyd, proposing to take, in short-hand, and publish the Debates of Congress at $1,000 per session salary. The expense of printing, &c. he estimated at $540, for which he would furnish the House with five hundred copies of that work; engaging to use every possible precaution, and pay prompt attention.

Mr. S. referred to the unfavorable reception of a proposal of this nature at the last session, and supposed this would not be more successful; however, he moved that it be referred to a committee.

The motion was agreed to, and Mr. W. SMITH, Mr. GALLATIN, and Mr. SWIFT, were appointed to examine the petition, and report thereon to the House.

TUESDAY, December 6.

Several other members, to wit: from Vermont, ISRAEL SMITH; from New Jersey, MARK THOMPSON; from Pennsylvania, RICHARD THOMAS; from Virginia, CARTER B. HARRISON, JOHN HEATH, and ABRAHAM VENABLE; and from North Carolina, JESSE FRANKLIN, WILLIAM BARRY GROVE, JAMES HOLLAND, and NATHANIEL MACON, appeared, and took their seats in the House.

The SPEAKER observed, that, as there were several returns of new elections of members to serve in this session, it was proper that, pursuant to a rule of the House, a Committee of Elections be appointed.

A committee was accordingly appointed, of Mr. VENABLE, Mr. SWIFT, Mr. DENT, Mr. DEARBORN, Mr. BLOUNT, Mr. MUHLENBERG, and Mr. A. FOSTER.

Mr. MACON moved that a Committee of Revisal and Unfinished Business of last session be appointed, pursuant to the Standing Rules and Orders of the House, observing that, as the session would be but short, it would be necessary to be early in the appointment of committees.

Whereon Mr. GILMAN, Mr. R. SPRIGG, Jr., and Mr. MACON were appointed.

Notice was received that a quorum of the Senate was formed.

On motion, it was, therefore, resolved, that a committee of three members be appointed to wait on the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, in conjunction with a committee from the Senate, to inform him that a quorum of both Houses was assembled, and ready to receive any communications that he may please to make. Mr. AMES, Mr. MADISON, and Mr. SITGREAVES, were accordingly appointed.

A message was received from the Senate informing the House that they had formed a quorum: whereupon the Clerk went to the Senate with the resolution of this House. The Secretary soon after returned, informing the House that the Senate had concurred in the resolution, and formed a committee for that purpose.

Mr. AMES, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported that the committee had waited on the PRESIDENT, who was pleased to signify to them that he would make a communication to both Houses of Congress to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, in the Representatives' Chamber.

WEDNESDAY, December 7.

Another member, to wit, SAMUEL SEWALL, from Massachusetts, in place of BENJAMIN GOODHUE, appointed a Senator of the United States, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

A message was sent to the Senate, informing them that this House was ready, agreeably to appointment, to receive communications from the PRESIDENT; whereon the Senate attended, and took their seats. At 12 o'clock the PRESIDENT attended, and, after taking his seat, rose and delivered the following Address:

_Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives_:

In recurring to the internal situation of our country,
since I had last the pleasure to address you, I find ample
reason for a renewed expression of that gratitude to the
Ruler of the Universe, which a continued series of
prosperity, has so often and so justly called forth.

To an active external commerce, the protection of a Naval
force is indispensable: this is manifest with regard to
wars in which a State is itself a party. But besides this,
it is in our own experience, that the most sincere
neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the
depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a
neutral flag, requires a Naval force, organized and ready
to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even
prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging
belligerent powers from committing such violations of the
rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no
other option. From the best information I have been able to
obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean,
without a protecting force, will always be insecure, and
our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers
of them have but just been relieved.

These considerations invite the United States to look to
the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a Navy.
The increasing progress of their navigation promises them,
at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen; and
their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It is
an encouragement likewise that their particular situation
will give weight and influence to a moderate Naval force in
their hands. Will it not, then, be advisable to begin,
without delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the
building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed in
the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall
render it practicable without inconvenience; so that a
future war of Europe may not find our commerce in the same
unprotected state in which it was found by the present?

Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed
their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The
object is of too much consequence not to ensure a
continuance of their efforts in every way which shall
appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on public
account are inexpedient. But where the state of things in a
country leaves but little hope that certain branches of
manufacture will for a great length of time obtain, when
these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and
equipping of the public force in time of war; are not
establishments for procuring them on public account, _to
the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service_,
recommended by strong considerations of national policy, as
an exception to the general rule? Ought our country to
remain in such cases dependent on foreign supply,
precarious, because liable to be interrupted? If the
necessary articles should in this mode cost more in time of
peace, will not the security and independence thence
arising form an ample compensation? Establishments of this
sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public
service in time of peace, will, in time of war, easily be
extended in proportion to the exigencies of the Government,
and may even, perhaps, be made to yield a surplus for the
supply of our citizens at large, so as to mitigate the
privations from the interruption of their trade. If
adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches which
are already, or likely soon to be established in the
country, in order that there may be no danger of
interference with pursuits of individual industry.

It will not be doubted that with reference either to
individual or national welfare, agriculture is of primary
importance. In proportion as nations advance in population,
and other circumstances of maturity, this truth becomes
more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil more
and more an object of public patronage. Institutions for
promoting it grow up, supported by the public purse; and to
what object can it be dedicated with greater propriety?
Among the means which have been employed to this end, none
have been attended with greater success than the
establishment of Boards, composed of proper characters,
charged with collecting and diffusing information, and
enabled by premiums, and small pecuniary aids, to encourage
and assist a spirit of discovery and improvement. This
species of establishment contributes doubly to the increase
of improvement, by stimulating to enterprise and
experiment, and by drawing to a common centre the results
every where of individual skill and observation, and
spreading them thence over the whole nation. Experience
accordingly has shown that they are very cheap instruments
of immense national benefits.

I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress
the expediency of establishing a National University, and
also a Military Academy. The desirableness of both these
institutions has so constantly increased with every new
view I have taken of the subject, that I cannot omit the
opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to
them.

The Assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened
not to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of
the arts and sciences contributes to national prosperity
and reputation. True it is that our country, much to its
honor, contains many seminaries of learning highly
respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest
are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the
different departments of liberal knowledge for the
institution contemplated, though they would be excellent
auxiliaries.

Amongst the motives to such an institution the assimilation
of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen,
by the common education of a portion of our youth from
every quarter, well deserves attention. The more
homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars,
the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a
primary object of such a national institution should be the
education of our youth in the science of Government. In a
Republic, what species of knowledge can be equally
important? and what duty more pressing on its Legislature,
than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who
are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the
country?

The institution of a Military Academy is also recommended
by cogent reasons. However pacific the general policy of a
nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate
stock of military knowledge for emergencies. The first
would impair the energy of its character, and both would
hazard its safety, or expose it to greater evils when war
could not be avoided: besides, that war might often not
depend upon its own choice. In proportion as the observance
of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity
of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be
its care in preserving and transmitting by proper
establishments the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument
may be drawn from particular examples, superficially
viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince
that the art of war is at once comprehensive and
complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that
the possession of it, in its most improved and perfect
state, is always of great moment to the security of a
nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care of
every Government; and for this purpose an Academy, where a
regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious
expedient, which different nations have successfully
employed.

The compensations to the officers of the United States in
various instances, and in none more than in respect to the
most important stations, appear to call for Legislative
revision. The consequences of a defective provision are of
serious import to the Government.

If private wealth is to supply the defect of public
retribution, it will greatly contract the sphere within
which the selection of character for office is to be made,
and will proportionally diminish the probability of a
choice of men, able, as well as upright. Besides, that it
would be repugnant to the vital principles of our
Government virtually to exclude from public trusts,
talents, and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth.

While in our external relations some serious inconveniences
and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lessened,
it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that
circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately
occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering,
extensive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruisers
and agents of the French Republic; and communications have
been received from its Minister here which indicate the
danger of a further disturbance of our commerce, by its
authority, and which are, in other respects, far from
agreeable.

It has been my constant, sincere, and ardent wish, in
conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial
harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that
Republic. This wish remains unabated; and I shall persevere
in the endeavor to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what
shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to
the rights and honor of our country; nor will I easily
cease to cherish the expectation that a spirit of justice,
candor, and friendship on the part of the Republic will
eventually ensure success.

My solicitude to see the Militia of the United States
placed on an efficient establishment has been so often and
so ardently expressed that I shall but barely recall the
subject to your view on the present occasion; at the same
time that I shall submit to your inquiry, whether our
harbors are yet sufficiently secured.

The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in
the midst of the Representatives of the people of the
United States, naturally recalls the period when the
administration of the present form of government commenced;
and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my
country on the success of the experiment; nor to repeat my
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe
and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that His providential
care may still be extended to the United States; that the
virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved; and
that the Government which they have instituted for the
protection of their liberties may be perpetual.

G. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 7, 1796_.

When the PRESIDENT had concluded his Address, he presented copies of it to the PRESIDENT of the Senate and the SPEAKER of the House of Representatives. The PRESIDENT and the Senate then withdrew, and the SPEAKER took the Chair. The Address was again read by the Clerk, and on motion, committed to a Committee of the whole House to-morrow.

THURSDAY, December 8.

JAMES GILLESPIE, from North Carolina, appeared, and took his seat in the House.

A new member, to wit, GEORGE EGE, from Pennsylvania, in place of DANIEL HEISTER, resigned, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

_Address to the President._

On the motion of Mr. W. SMITH, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the PRESIDENT's Address, according to the order of the day. The Speech was read by the Clerk.

Mr. D. FOSTER moved the following resolution: |

"_Resolved_, That it is the opinion of this committee, that
a respectful Address ought to be presented from the House
of Representatives, to the President of the United States,
in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, at the
commencement of the session, containing assurances that
this House will take into consideration the many important
matters recommended to their attention."

Which was unanimously agreed to, and Mr. AMES, Mr. BALDWIN, Mr. MADISON, Mr. SITGREAVES, and Mr. W. SMITH were appointed a committee to draw up the Address. The committee rose, and the resolution was adopted by the House.

FRIDAY, December 9.

DAVID BARD, from Pennsylvania, JOSIAH PARKER, from Virginia, and NATHAN BRYAN, from North Carolina, appeared and took their seats in the House.

_Address to the President._

The SPEAKER said, that it had been usual for the House to come to some order on the PRESIDENT's Address, which was to refer it to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. On which Mr. WILLIAMS moved, that it be committed to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, which was done accordingly.

Mr. BAYLEY moved, that a Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be appointed, when Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, Mr. SEWALL, Mr. COIT, Mr. PARKER, Mr. BLOUNT, and Mr. DENT, were named for that committee.

Mr. BAYLEY then moved, that when this House adjourn, it adjourn till Monday at eleven o'clock.

[The reason stated during the last session for the House not meeting to do business on Saturdays was, that the standing committees were numerous, besides many special committees for different purposes, whose business was frequently very important and troublesome, it was therefore necessary that Saturday be allowed for the committees to sit, else business would be much protracted, and become too burdensome on gentlemen in committees.]

MONDAY, December 12.

Several other members, to wit: from New York, EDWARD LIVINGSTON; from Pennsylvania, ANDREW GREGG; from Maryland, GABRIEL CHRISTIE; from Virginia, WILLIAM B. GILES, ANDREW MOORE, and JOHN NICHOLAS; and from South Carolina, ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER, appeared, and took their seats in the House.

TUESDAY, December 13.

Two other members, to wit, THOMAS CLAIBORNE and JOHN PAGE, from Virginia, appeared and took their seats in the House.

A new member, viz: WILLIAM STRUDWICK, from North Carolina, in place of ABSALOM TATOM resigned, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.

_Address to the President._

Mr. W. SMITH then moved for the order of the day on the report of the committee in answer to the PRESIDENT's Address.

Mr. GILES said, that as the printed copy of the answer was but just laid before the House, he hoped the gentleman would not insist on his motion, as he declared he had not had time to read it; he would therefore move that it be deferred till to-morrow.

Mr. PARKER seconded the motion. He said he was not able to judge whether the answer would meet his approbation or not; he wished time to be given for the consideration of it.

Mr. W. SMITH said he knew no instance in which the answer to the PRESIDENT's Address had been laid over, and he thought it ought to be despatched with all possible speed.

Mr. HEATH said, he hoped his colleague would not insist on his motion for letting it lie over till to-morrow; he thought it could as well be acted on to-day.

Mr. AMES observed, that it would look very awkward to let it lie over till to-morrow, as it was very unusual, if not unprecedented, so to do; he thought gentlemen might make up their minds about it if laid on the table about an hour; they could, in the mean time, despatch other business, which would come before them.

Mr. GILES said, he had experienced extreme inconvenience from gentlemen pressing for a subject before it had been matured in the minds of members; he thought it would be extremely improper and unusual, and in its consequences disagreeable, to go into the subject before gentlemen had time to reflect on it.

Mr. SITGREAVES said, that the more expeditious the House were on the answer to the PRESIDENT's Address the greater the effect of it would be. He hoped, therefore, that there would be no delay. He had in recollection a Message which was received from the PRESIDENT respecting the Colors of the French Republic, at the last session. Those very gentlemen who now wished a delay, then thought that, to let the subject lie over, would lose its principal effect, although several of the members wished it to lie over, and but for one day. Surely we have as much respect for the PRESIDENT as we have for the French Republic. He really hoped the business would not lie over.

Mr. W. LYMAN hoped gentlemen did not look upon this answer to the PRESIDENT's Address as merely complimentary. He declared he took it up in a very different light; he viewed it as of the most extensive consequence; it related to the subjects recommended to the notice of the House by the PRESIDENT, which might relate to the alteration of the laws, and, perhaps, to the forming new laws; and could gentlemen have time to form their minds on such an important part of their business? He had only seen the report this morning, and hoped he should have time to consider it before it passed through the House.

The SPEAKER said, that the subject before the House now was, whether the unfinished business should be postponed in order to make room for a Committee of the Whole to sit on the report of the committee on the answer?

Mr. PARKER observed, that he could not say whether he approved or disapproved of the answer before the House. He had not read the report; he therefore hoped that the unfinished business would be taken up and this postponed: he thought it was too important to be hastened. He wished gentlemen to be very careful how they committed themselves at a juncture so critical, and on business so momentous. We had just been told by the PRESIDENT that we did not stand well with the French nation; and the Senate, in their answer, had accorded with his observations on that subject. [Mr. P. was here informed that the business of the Senate ought not to be introduced here.[3]] He therefore hoped a day might be allowed to take the subject into consideration.

Mr. WILLIAMS said, he had searched and could find no precedent in the journal to encourage a delay of this business. He found that when a report was made by the committee on such an occasion, it was usual to be taken up by a Committee of the whole House; and if gentlemen disagreed on the subject, it should be recommitted to the same committee who formed it, to make such alterations whereby it may meet more general approbation, or be amended by the House and passed. He hoped no new precedent would be made.

The SPEAKER again observed, that the question was on postponing the unfinished business to take up this report.

Mr. W. SMITH said, that if this business was delayed, it ought to be for substantial reasons. The principal reason gentlemen had urged was, that they had not had time to acquaint themselves with the answer. How, then, he asked, could they make their observations on it as they had done? The committee had, he thought, drafted it in such general terms that it could not be generally disapproved. There are but two parts in which he thought there would be differences of opinion, viz: that which related to the French Republic, and that which complimented the PRESIDENT for his services. As to the first, he thought it so expressed as to need no delay in the answer. With respect to the latter, he hoped no gentleman would refuse to pay a due regard to the PRESIDENT's services.

The SPEAKER again informed the House what was the question.

Mr. W. SMITH said, we ought not now to reflect on any thing we may judge has not been done as we could wish. Could we refuse a tribute of respect to a man who had served his country so much? He thought a delay at present would have a very unpleasant appearance. He hoped we should go into this business immediately, agreeably to the former practice of the House on similar occasions. The unfinished business was yesterday postponed for want of proper information, and he thought the same reason was yet in force with respect to it. He hoped nothing would impede this business, lest it should appear like a want of respect in us. He hoped to see a unanimous vote in favor of a respectful answer to the Chief Magistrate, whose services we ought zealously to acknowledge.

Mr. GILBERT saw no reason to depart from a practice which had been usual; he therefore hoped the report might come under consideration to-day. He thought if it laid on the table an hour or an hour and a half, gentlemen could then be prepared to consider it.

The SPEAKER again put the House in mind of the question.

Mr. NICHOLAS said, if the business was pressed too precipitately, gentlemen may be sensible of their error when it was too late. Many bad consequences might attend hastening the subject before it was well matured. He could see no reason why the business should be precipitated upon the House--a proper delay would not show any want of respect to the PRESIDENT, as some gentlemen think. Would it be more respectful that an answer should be sent by this House, which, for want of time, had not been sufficiently considered? Certainly not. Far more so will it appear that after mature deliberation the members are unanimous in their answer. I therefore think the object of respect which the gentleman from North Carolina has in view will be completely answered by the delay.

Gentlemen talk about precedent. I am ashamed to hear them. There may be no precedent on the subject. But are we always to act by precedent? There is scarcely a circumstance occurs in this House but what is different from any that was before it. The PRESIDENT's Addresses to this House are always different. They relate to the circumstances of things that are, have been, and may be. Then, to talk of precedents where things cannot be alike, is to trammel men down by rules which would be injurious in the issue.

The Message of the PRESIDENT respecting the French Colors had been referred to. If gentlemen were then wrong, is that a reason why they should continue to act wrong? But this circumstance materially differs from that. That was merely an expression of sentiment, which could at once be determined, but this of sentiment, accompanied with deep and solemn reflection--it is so interwoven with the politics of the country as to require great circumspection. I hope gentlemen will not go into it until they are properly prepared. I wish to pay all possible respect to the Chief Magistrate, and cannot prove it better than by a sincere desire for an unanimous vote to the answer, which is only to be obtained by proper deliberation; and thus let him depart from his office with credit, and the enjoyment of our best wishes in his retirement.

The question for postponing the unfinished business to take up this report was then put and negatived--43 to 31.

WEDNESDAY, December 14.

THOMAS HENDERSON, from New Jersey, and THOMAS HARTLEY, from Pennsylvania, appeared and took their seats in the House.

_Reporting of the Debates._

Mr. W. SMITH moved for the order of the day on the petitions of Thomas Lloyd and Thomas Carpenter, whereupon the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, when, having read the report of the committee to whom it was referred,

Mr. MACON wished some gentleman who was in that committee, would be so good as to inform the House what would be the probable expense, and for what reason the House should go into the business. He thought the expense altogether unnecessary, whatever it may be.

If the debates of this House were to be printed, and four or five copies given to each member, they would employ all the mails of the United States. He also adverted to the attempt at the last session to introduce a stenographer into the House, which failed.

Mr. SMITH informed the gentleman that Mr. Lloyd's estimate of the expenses is, that he will supply the House with his reports at the rate of three cents per half sheet. His calculation is that he can supply the members at the expense of about $1,600 for the session. With respect to the gentleman's reference to last session, this was materially different from that: that motion was to make the person an officer of this House, and at an expense much greater. He thought this attempt would be of great use to the House. Regular and accurate information of the debates in the House would be a very desirable thing; he therefore hoped the resolution would prove agreeable to the House.

Mr. WILLIAMS said, that the House need not go into unnecessary expense: the members were now furnished, morning and evening, with newspapers, which contained the debates; then why should the House wish for more? If one person in particular has the sale of his debates to this House, will it not destroy the advantages any other can derive from it? We ought not to encourage an undertaking of this kind, but let us encourage any gentleman to come here and take down the debates. Last year they were taken down very accurately and dispersed throughout the Union.

By passing this resolution you will destroy the use of the privilege to any other than the person favored by this House. Why give one a privilege more than another? He observed, it had been common to give gentlemen the privilege to come into the House and take down the debates, which had been, last year, delivered time enough to give satisfaction to the members.

Mr. THATCHER said, he should wish for information from the committee how many persons there were to publish debates, as he understood there were several, and the members were to supply themselves from whom they pleased. He should likewise wish for information, how many each member was to have to amount to the value of $1,600.

Mr. W. SMITH said, there had been petitions received from only two persons--Thomas Lloyd and Thomas Carpenter. They intended, each of them, to publish the debates. There might be others; he knew not. There was no intention of giving any one a preference--gentlemen could subscribe for that they approved of most. At the calculation of Mr. Lloyd the members would have five copies each for the $1,600.

Mr. W. LYMAN said, the question was, whether the House would incur the expense of $1,600 to supply the members with copies or not? He thought there was no need of the expense. If the House do not think proper to furnish the members, they can supply themselves. A publication of them is going on at present, and many gentlemen had subscribed to it already.

Mr. DEARBORN did not think that $1,600 thus laid out would be expended to the best possible advantage. From the number of persons which we see here daily taking down debates, he thought we might expect to see a good report of the occurrences in the House. There was a book going about for subscriptions, which appeared to be well encouraged; he saw many of the members' names in it. He thought that, by a plan like that, the reports may be as accurately taken as we may have any reason to expect if the House incurs this expense.

Mr. NICHOLAS observed, that members were now served with three newspapers. He thought to vote for this resolution on account of obtaining a more full and complete report than was to be had in the newspapers; thus it would supersede the necessity of taking so many papers. He thought this plan more useful to the members, and generally of more advantage to their constituents, as they could disperse those debates where otherwise they would not be seen.

Mr. THATCHER said, if the object of the motion was to supersede the receiving of newspapers, he certainly should vote against it. He did not consider the main reason why members were served with the newspapers was, that they may obtain the debates. No. He thought it more important, in their stations, that they should know the occurrences of the day from the various parts of the United States as well as from foreign nations. Though he might favor an undertaking of this kind, yet he would give preference to a newspaper, if they were to have the one without the other.

Mr. HEATH did not wish that the members, being furnished with debates agreeably to the motion, should supersede the receiving of newspapers, yet he should vote for it. Gentlemen had said the debates were taken more correctly last session than before, yet he had heard a whisper which was going from North to South, that our debates are not represented impartially. He wished the House and the people to be furnished with a true report; such a thing would be very useful: however, he did not wish to encourage a monopoly to those two persons. No. He would wish to give an equal chance to all who choose to come and take them. Shall we repress truth? I hope not; but disseminate it as much as possible. Last session, when I was, under the act of God's providence, prevented from attending the House, a member sent for a gentleman from Virginia, who was to act as stenographer, with whom the House and a printer in this city were to combine. Warm debates ensued on the propriety of the measure, and the gentleman returned home after the motion was negatived. I hope gentlemen will not grudge 1,600 dollars towards the support of truth. What we see now in the newspapers is taken from the memory, and not by a stenographer. The people will thank you that you have taken means to investigate truth. If any gentleman can point out a better mode to obtain this object, I hope he will do it that it may be adopted; till then I shall support the resolution.

Mr. SHERBURNE did not think, with the gentleman last up, that the interest of the country was concerned; the only thing they were concerned in was the payment of the money. The printing of this work did not depend on the motion of this House. Whether the House adopt it or not, the book will be published. It is a matter of private interest; a speculation in the adventurer, like other publications. The question, he conceived, meant only this: Should the members be supplied with these pamphlets at the expense of the public, or should they put their hands in their own pockets and pay for them individually? He thought the House had no greater reasons to supply the members with this work than other publications; they might as well be furnished with the works of _Peter Porcupine_, or the _Rights of Man_, at the public expense.

Mr. W. SMITH said, the gentleman was mistaken with respect to the work going on, whether supported by the House or not. It was true as it respected the work proposed by Mr. Carpenter; but, with respect to Mr. Lloyd, he declared he could not undertake it, except the House would subscribe for five copies for each member.

Mr. SWANWICK considered the question to be to this effect: whether the debates be under the sanction of the House or not? A gentleman had said, it will be a great service to the public to have a correct statement of the debates. I think the most likely way to obtain it correctly is to let it rest on the footing of private industry. We have a work, entitled _The Senator_, in circulation. I have no doubt but the publisher will find good account in the undertaking. Why should the House trouble itself to sanction any particular work? Gentlemen would then have enough to do every morning in putting the debates to rights before they were published, as they would be pledged to the accuracy of the reports. I never heard that, in the British House of Commons or Lords, such a motion was ever made, nor have I ever heard of such in any other country; then why should we give our sanction and incur a responsibility for the accuracy of it. He said he should vote against the motion, but would encourage such a work while it rested on the footing of private adventure.

Mr. THATCHER said, he differed much from the gentleman last up, as it respected the responsibility of the House on such a publication. He thought it might as well be said, that because there had been a resolution for the Clerk to furnish the members of this House with three newspapers, the House was responsible for the truth of what those newspapers contained; if it was so, he should erase his name from his supply of them, as he thought, in general, they contained more lies than truth. Two considerations might recommend the resolution. It would encourage the undertaking, and also add to the stock of public information: on either of these, he would give it his assent. Soon after he came into the city, a paper was handed him with proposals for a publication of this kind (_The Senator_). He, with pleasure, subscribed to its support; as to general information, that was given already by newspapers, and though each member was to be supplied with five copies, yet very few would fall into hands where the newspapers did not reach. The work would go forward at any rate. If he thought the work depended on the motion, he should rejoice to give his vote toward its aid. On the question being put, only nineteen gentlemen voted in favor of the resolution; it was therefore negatived.

The committee then rose, and the House took up the resolution.

Mr. THATCHER observed, the question was put while he was inattentive: he wished it to lie over till to-morrow.

Mr. GILES wished to indulge the gentleman in his desire.

Mr. THATCHER then moved for the vote of the House, whether the report of the Committee of the Whole be postponed. Twenty-four members only appearing for the postponement, it was negatived.

The question was then put, whether the House agreed to the report of the Committee of the Whole and disagreed with the report of the select committee; which appeared in the affirmative. The motion was therefore lost.

_Address to the President._

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Answer to the PRESIDENT's Address; when the Answer reported by the select committee was read by the Clerk, and then in paragraphs by the Chairman, which is as follows:

SIR: The House of Representatives have attended to your
communication respecting the state of our country, with all
the sensibility that the contemplation of the subject and a
sense of duty can inspire.

We are gratified by the information that measures
calculated to ensure a continuance of the friendship of the
Indians, and to maintain the tranquillity of the _interior_
frontier, have been adopted; and we indulge the hope that
these, by impressing the Indian tribes with more correct
conceptions of the justice, as well as power of the United
States, will be attended with success.

While we notice, with satisfaction, the steps that you have
taken in pursuance of the late treaties with several
foreign nations, the liberation of our citizens who were
prisoners at Algiers is a subject of peculiar felicitation.
We shall cheerfully co-operate in any further measures that
shall appear, on consideration, to be requisite.

We have ever concurred with you in the most sincere and
uniform disposition to preserve our neutral relations
inviolate; and it is, of course, with anxiety and deep
regret we hear that any interruption of our harmony with
the French Republic has occurred; for we feel with you and
with our constituents the cordial and unabated wish to
maintain a perfectly friendly understanding with that
nation. Your endeavors to fulfil that wish, (_and by all
honorable means to preserve peace, and to restore that
harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily
subsisted between the French Republic and the United
States_,) cannot fail, therefore, to interest our
attention. And while we participate in the full reliance
you have expressed on the patriotism, self-respect, and
fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope
that a _mutual_ spirit of justice and moderation _on the
part of the Republic_ will ensure the success of your
perseverance.

The various subjects of your communication will,
respectively, meet with the attention that is due to their
importance.

When we advert to the internal situation of the United
States, we deem it equally natural and becoming to compare
the tranquil prosperity of the citizens with the period
immediately antecedent to the operation of the Government,
and to contrast it with the calamities in which the state
of war still involves several of the European nations, as
the reflections deduced from both tend to justify, as well
as to excite, a warmer admiration of our free constitution,
and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful sense
of piety towards Almighty God for the beneficence of His
providence, by which its administration has been hitherto
so remarkably distinguished.

And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your
wise, firm, and patriotic Administration has been signally
conducive to the success of the present form of Government,
we cannot forbear to express the deep sensations of regret
with which we contemplate your intended retirement from
office.

As no other suitable occasion may occur, we cannot suffer
the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of
the emotions which it cannot fail to awaken.

The gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still
drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and
talents which were so eminently instrumental to the
achievement of the Revolution, and of which that glorious
event will ever be the memorial. Your obedience to the
voice of duty and your country, when you quitted
reluctantly a second time the retreat you had chosen, and
first accepted the Presidency, afforded a new proof of the
devotedness of your zeal in its service, and an earnest of
the patriotism and success which have characterized your
Administration. As the grateful confidence of the citizens
in the virtues of their Chief Magistrate has essentially
contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the
millions whom we represent participate with us in the
anxious solicitude of the present occasion.

Yet we cannot be unmindful that your moderation and
magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted
stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to
mankind than valuable to a Republic.

Although we are sensible that this event, of itself,
completes the lustre of a character already conspicuously
unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success,
and public estimation, yet we conceive that we owe it to
you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to
our nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume to
think ourselves at this moment the faithful interpreters)
to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated.

The spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most
enlightened in the world, offering by its Representatives
the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen,
however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its
lustre--a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not
bestow, and which adulation would tarnish--from the
transcendent merit of which it is the voluntary testimony.

May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you,
and to which your name will ever be so dear. May your own
virtues and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine
for the decline of your days and the choicest of future
blessings. For your country's sake--for the sake of
Republican liberty--it is our earnest wish that your
example may be the guide of your successors; and thus,
after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age,
become the patrimony of our descendants.

Mr. VENABLE observed, on a paragraph wherein it speaks of the "tranquillity of the interior frontier," he did not know what was the meaning of the expression: he moved to insert "Western frontier" in its stead.

Mr. AMES observed that the words of the report are in the PRESIDENT's Speech; however, he thought the amendment a good one. It then passed.

In the fourth paragraph are these words: "Your endeavors to fulfil that wish cannot fail, therefore, to interest our attention." At the word "wish," Mr. GILES proposed to insert these words: "and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the French Republic and this country;" and strike out the words that follow "wish" in that paragraph. He said, his reasons for moving this amendment were to avoid its consequences. He really wished the report entirely recommitted, as there were many objectionable parts in it. He had been very seriously impressed with the consequences that would result from a war with the French Republic. When I reflect, said Mr. G., on the calamities of war in general, I shudder at the thought; but, to conceive of the danger of a French war in particular, it cuts me still closer. When I think what many gentlemen in mercantile situations now feel, and the dreadful stop put to commerce, I feel the most sincere desire to cultivate harmony and good understanding. I see redoubled motives to show the world that we are in favor of a preservation of peace and harmony.

Mr. W. SMITH said, he should not object to the amendment; but he thought it only an amplification of a sentiment just before expressed. He did not see any advantage in the sentiment as dilated, nor could he see any injury which could accrue from it. He hoped every gentleman in the House wished as sincerely for the preservation of peace as that gentleman did.

Mr. AMES wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia, whether he meant to strike out the latter part of this paragraph; if he did, he would object to it.

Mr. GILES said, he did not mean to strike out any more of this paragraph.

Mr. AMES wished it not to be struck out. By the amendment to strike out, we show the dependence we place on the power and protection of the French. While we declare ourselves weak by the act, we lose the recourse to our own patriotism, and fly, acknowledging an offence never committed, to the French for peace. He hoped the gentleman would be candid upon this occasion.