Chapter XII: on Persecution of the Jews.) (4)

“* * * I don’t see why this thought still flutters in many a
head occasionally—that the production of war materials should
be a sinister trade! No: war material is life-saving for one’s
own people and whoever works and performs in these spheres can
be proud of it; here enterprise as a whole finds its highest
justification of existence. This justification—I may inject
this here—crystallized especially during that time of the
‘Interregnum’, between 1919 and 1933, when Germany was
lying-down disarmed. * * * It is the one great merit of the
entire German war economy that it did not remain idle during
those bad years, even though its activity could not be brought
to light for obvious reasons. Through years of secret work,
scientific and basic ground work was laid, in order to be ready
again to work the German Armed Forces at the appointed hour,
without loss of time or experience.”

* * * * * *

“Only through this secret activity of German enterprise,
together with the experience gained meanwhile through production
of peace time goods was it possible after 1933, to fall into
step with the new tasks arrived at restoring Germany’s military
power, (only through all that) could the entirely new and
various problems, brought up by the Fuehrer’s Four Year’s Plan
for German enterprise, be mastered. * * *” (_D-317_)

(2) Krupp played a leading role in the design and production of new weapons for the German armed forces.

(_a_) In a memorandum concerning a conference held at the Federal Ministry for National Defense in Vienna on 25 September 1936, Pfirsch, a Krupp official, wrote:

“* * * in spite of the obstacles put in our way by the Treaty of
Versailles, we had never been inactive throughout the postwar
period, but had drawn upon the experience of the war in the
creation of new types, and that we had won the prizes for almost
every type in the competitions organized by our War Ministry for
the construction of new artillery weapons, so much so that the
guns introduced into the German Army of to-day, such as the 8.8
cm. anti-aircraft, the 10.5 cm. field gun, the heavy field
howitzer and beyond them the larger calibres have been made
according to our pattern.” (_D-152_)

(_b_) In a memorandum dated 21 February 1944, Woelfert, a department chief in the Krupp concern, wrote:

“First a few facts about the development of tanks by Krupp. We
are manufacturing tanks since 1928, which means before
rearmament. We started studying on heavy tractors. Krupp built
the first mass production tank, the Panzer I, which is also
known as LaS. It was shown in public in 1935, the year when
rearmament started, and made a great impression. We also
originated the Panzer IV, or better the BW, which was especially
at the beginning of the war one of the prime factors in our
rapid advances into enemy country, so that today we are fighting
on the Atlantic coast, in the South, and east and not on German
soil. Even today we use the BW-base for many self-propelled
guns, assault-guns, anti-aircraft guns etc.” (_D-96_).

(_c_) In a letter to Hitler dated 24 July 1942, Krupp wrote:

“My Fuehrer!

“The big weapon, whose manufacturing is to be thanked to your
command, has now proved its effectiveness. * * *”

“True to an example set by Alfred Krupp in 1870, my wife and
myself ask the favour that the Krupp works refrain from charging
for this first finished product.

“To express my thanks to you, my Fuehrer, for the confidence
shown in our plants and in us personally by entrusting such an
order with us, is a pleasant duty for my wife and myself.

_Sieg Heil!_” (_D-375_).

(_d_) Krupp likewise made significant contributions to the production of Navy weapons and U-Boats (_D-88_; _D-287_).

(3) The rapid and progressive expansion in armament production by Krupp after the conspirators’ accession to power is plainly shown by a chart prepared by Krupp officials concerning the production of war materials at the _Krupp Gustahlfabrik_ in Essen (only one of the many companies in the Krupp organization). This chart shows that the production of war materials at that particular factory during the fiscal year, 1 October 1933 to 30 September 1934, was more than twice that of any previous year since 1929; that such production during the fiscal year, 1 October 1934 to 30 September 1935, was almost twice as great as the previous year; and that production of war materials continued thereafter at an accelerated rate with the result that during the fiscal year, 1 October 1938 to 30 September 1939, it was more than 10 times as great as it was during the period 1 October 1932 to 30 September 1933 (Chart entitled “Fried. Krupp Gustahlfabrik Essen, Turnover in War Material,” not reproduced here). It should be noted that this chart shows only direct sales by the Essen factory of war materials to the German Armed Forces Ordnance Supply Department and sales to foreign countries of war materials easily recognizable as such. It does not cover indirect sales, viz: the sale of products to other concerns which, in turn, used them to produce materials of war. (The chart entitled “Fried. Krupp and Branch Establishments, Inland Turnover,” not here reproduced, shows figures which include “indirect” sales of war materials by certain Krupp companies.)

D. _KRUPP GOVERNED THE EXPORTS OF HIS FIRM IN THE LIGHT OF THE MILITARY
REQUIREMENTS OF THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS AND THE ACCEPTED AND DISCHARGED
IMPORTANT ADMINISTRATIVE RESPONSIBILITIES IN FURTHERANCE OF THE
CONSPIRATORS’ PROGRAM OF ECONOMIC MOBILIZATION FOR WAR._

(1) In a “strictly confidential” memorandum dated 25 March 1941, the following was reported:

“* * * The liberation of the Reich from the shackles of
Versailles enabled Krupp to recommence the export of armaments.
The German Government had, in fact, pressed for the matter.
Military-political and Military-economic reasons were the cause.
Krupp desired to come into the closest contact with the armament
exports, so as to further the development of arms * * *”

* * * * * *

“* * * By using all the forces at his [Krupp’s] disposal and
regardless of effort, costs and risk, considerable export
contracts were secured, which served to obtain foreign currency
or raw materials, and were, at the same time, politically
desirable. * * *” (_D-191_)

In a memorandum dated 23 June 1937, concerning a Bulgarian order for armour plating which was discussed with German Army representatives, Reiff, a Krupp official, wrote:

“Major Olbrich showed himself aware quite evidently of the
deeper reasons existing why Germany was anxious that this order
should be booked. * * *” (_D-154_)

(2) At the request of the Inspector of War Production, Krupp became a Leader of War Production in 1937, and was charged with the responsibility of preparing and carrying out the mobilization of the armament industry and of directing it in time of war.

(_a_) In a “strictly confidential” letter dated 21 January 1937, the Inspector of War Production wrote to Krupp:

“The Reich Minister for War and the Supreme Commander of the
Armed Forces has ordered that a Corps of Economic Leaders of War
Production be recruited with immediate effect.

“The Economic Leaders of War Production in collaboration with
the Armed Forces, are to be responsible for the preparing and
carrying out of the mobilization of the armament industry and
for directing it in time of war.”

* * * * * *

“A selected small circle of these persons is to act in an
advisory capacity to the Armed Forces in all important economic
questions both during peace and war.

“Subject to your approval, I intend to propose to the Reich
Minister for War that you should be nominated as Economic Leader
for War Production.” (_D-62_)

(_b_) In connection with his acceptance of the position of Leader of War Production, Krupp submitted a “secret” document entitled, “Declaration of Political Attitude,” dated 6 February 1937, in which he stated:

“I herewith declare that I stand by the National Socialist
conception of the State without reserve and that I have not been
active in any way against the interests of the people.”

* * * * * *

“I am aware that should I say or do anything which constitutes
an attack against the National Socialist conception of the
State, I must expect, in addition to legal proceedings, my
dismissal from the post of Economic Leader of War Production.”
(_D-63_).

E. _KRUPP SUPPORTED THE CONSPIRATORS’ PROPAGANDA PROGRAM; LENT HIS
ORGANIZATION TO THE DISSEMINATION OF NAZI PROPAGANDA ABROAD; AND USED
HIS EMPLOYEES IN ESPIONAGE ACTIVITIES IN FURTHERANCE OF THE AIMS AND
PURPOSES OF THE NAZI CONSPIRACY._

(1) In April 1933, Krupp contributed 20,000 marks to Rosenberg for the purpose of counteracting anti-Nazi propaganda abroad. In a letter to Krupp dated 26 April 1933, Rosenberg said:

“Once more my most cordial thanks for not having shunned the
inconvenience of the journey in order to participate at
yesterday’s intimate conference. I am glad to determine, on the
basis of our discussion, that you too welcome the organization
of an active counter-action abroad, in the interest of State and
Economy, and express to you the highest thanks for the support
of a monetary kind as well, which you have subscribed to our
work. Very shortly a quantity of material will be sent to you
promptly and will subsequently be distributed throughout the
world in a comprehensive compilation.” (_D-158_; see also
_D-208_ and _D-242_)

(2) In a memorandum dated 12 October 1939, entitled “Distribution of Official Propaganda Literature Abroad with the Help of our Foreign Connections,” concerning a visit by a Mr. Lackmann of Ribbentrop’s private foreign office, Von Raussendorff, a Krupp official, wrote:

“I informed Mr. L. that our Firm had put itself years ago at the
disposal of official Bureaus for purposes of foreign propaganda
and that we had supported all requests addressed to us to the
utmost. * * * Only by personal handling can our connections
abroad be used and kept receptive to effective propaganda. With
the present lively activity of the ‘Secret Service’ it must be
avoided, not only in the interest of our Firm but also in the
interest of Germany as a whole, that our agents in neutral
foreign countries would come through improper handling to the
attention of the ‘Secret Service’ and economically ruined by it
within a short time.

“* * * If additional distributions of propaganda literature were
desired, a propaganda-leaflet should be sent to us, and after
examining it, we would advise the official Bureau what quantity
of such printed matter could be mailed abroad through us, at our
expense, as heretofore.” (_D-206_)

(3) In a memorandum dated 14 October 1937, concerning a visit by Menzel of the Intelligence Office of the Combined Services Ministry, Sonnenberg, a Krupp official, wrote:

“* * * Menzel asked for intelligence on foreign armaments (but
not including matters published in newspapers) received by Krupp
from their agents abroad and through other channels to be passed
on to Combined Services Intelligence [Abwehrabteilung des RKM.].
* * *”

“On our part we undertook to supply information to the Combined
Ministry [RKM] as required.” (_D-167_)

The results of a later visit by Menzel, in the company of _Kapitaen zur See_ Globig, of the Information Department, Naval Armaments Branch, are reported in a memorandum dated 25 June 1939 by Dr. Conn, a Krupp official. In the course of this memorandum, which is entitled “Intelligence and Information,” Dr. Conn stated:

“1. _Kapitaen zur See_ Globig whom I had known for a long time,
spoke to me quite frankly and openly. It is therefore impossible
to embody parts of our discussion in this report.”

* * * * * *

“Similarly to Kapitaen zur See Globig he [Menzel] stressed the
point that in view of the progressive disappearance of public
and easily accessible sources of information, the information
obtained through our representatives abroad was of increasing
value. This method of obtaining intelligence would have to be
followed up much more drastically than in the past.”

* * * * * *

“His [Menzel’s] third point was a request to utilize foreign
visitors for obtaining intelligence. I replied that this was
being done already, but that it was necessary to proceed very
carefully, to avoid arousing suspicion on the part of the
visitors.”

“I gave him to understand that we were slightly disappointed
with the collaboration with Intelligence [_Abwehr Abteilung_]
since we had supplied information, but had received none in
return. Menzel explained that Intelligence was only a collating
centre and that they were merely passing on information, the
value of which they were unable to judge by themselves, to the
departments concerned; any information for us would therefore
have to come from those departments only. Exceptions were only
made in the case of intelligence of universal importance such as
e.g. the long range gun [_Ferngeschuetz_] some time ago.”

“This remark is important concerning the way in which we should
present our information at Berlin. The departments receiving the
information through Intelligence, must be able to see that it
originates from Krupp, so that they might feel themselves under
obligation to let us have some information in return.” (_D-167_)

In a memorandum marked “secret,” relating to foreign anti-aircraft guns, Sonnenberg wrote on 8 May 1939:

“I have gained the impression that from no other side do the
respective Army departments get such far reaching support in
their investigation of foreign armaments as from Fr. Krupp.”
(_D-170_).

F. _KRUPP PUBLICLY APPROVED THE SUCCESSIVE CRIMES AGAINST THE PEACE
PERPETRATED BY THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS._

(1) In a speech dated 6 April 1938, shortly after Schuschnigg had been compelled to capitulate to the Nazi conspirators’ threat of force, Krupp stated:

“At our family party, today as well, our first thought, our
first glass, is raised in deep appreciation to our Fuehrer. We
are still under the lasting impression of the mighty happenings
of the last four weeks; so are those of us who until a short
time ago were forced to wait impatiently for these developments
outside our State frontiers. To the fulfillment of century-old
dreams consciously arrived at, to the fulfillment of the
life-long wish of Adolf Hitler—thanks to his faith, thanks to
his determination, thanks to his heart, to him, our Fuehrer, a
threefold, deeply thankful,

_Sieg Heil_.” (_D-391_).

(2) In a speech dated 7 April 1938, Krupp, in urging all Germans in the impending election of 10 April to approve Hitler’s invasion of Austria, stated:

“Three more days separate us from the day of the Plebiscite to
which our Fuehrer calls us, from the Plebiscite concerning
Greater Germany, at the same time a Plebiscite in which the
proof of faith in our Fuehrer concerns every individual’s
conscience.

“Full with thanks for what Adolf Hitler has bestowed and secured
for the German people in little more than five years’ leadership
through internal and external peace he is worthy of the deepest
felt ‘Yes’ from everyone of us!

“To him, our Fuehrer and Chancellor a threefold

_Sieg Heil!_” (_D-387_)

(3) In a speech delivered on 13 October 1938, on the occasion of Hitler’s visit to the Krupp works after the Nazi occupation of the Sudetenland, Krupp said:

“My Fuehrer,

“To be able to greet you at the Krupp Works, in our home, in the
name of my wife and my own, as well as in the name of those
close to me and also in that of the greater plant family, so
shortly after the world-shaking events of the last weeks, is a
great honour and a heart-felt joy to me.

“Perhaps no plant and no home can feel more deeply and more
gratefully than ours the changes in the last decades; none can
be more proudly conscious to be allowed to participate in the
mighty tasks set by you.

“Before us stands now the basic and undeniable world-encircling
success, in its total extent perhaps not fully grasped, which
your faith and strong will, your nerves and your initiative have
achieved.

“May no German ever forget how deeply gratitude therefore put us
under obligation, how proud we may be to be recognized once more
in the world as a free, equal, great German People.

“With the thanks of my family, of our plants, of our entire Ruhr
District filled with the urge to work, I must express united
gratitude, springing from a full warm heart, from the Sudeten
District which is now a part of the German Reich.”

* * * * * *

“_Heil_ to Thee, my Fuehrer.” (_D-304_)

(4) Shortly after the conspirators launched their aggression against Poland, Krupp stated to the workers in his plant:

“The Fuehrer has made his decision, not lightheartedly but in
the consciousness of responsibility to his people, to the entire
future of the German Nation—we have all heard that in his
Reichstag speech last Friday.”

* * * * * *

“A hard struggle, perhaps hardly appreciated to its fullest
extent, lies before us. The entire German Nation must face this
test of fire in unshakable unity, young or old, man or woman,
everyone must and will do his duty at his post, do more than
just what his duty demands and devote his entire strength to the
task assigned to him. Therefore let us also, as Krupp Members,
remain determined. May God protect our Fuehrer and our people!”
(_D-363_)

(5) In a speech dated 6 May 1941, commemorating the successes of the Nazi aggression in the West, Krupp stated:

“The one who, like myself, had the chance to visit and
thoroughly inspect during the last weeks the fields where our
superb troops made the breakthrough in the West—

“who could hear on that occasion the roar of our Airforce
against England—

“who witnessed how our U-boats and speedboats distinguished
themselves against the remains of England’s sea-might—

“such a person is bound to be thankfully proud to be able to
contribute through his labours to assure to our fighters the
weapons which they need for their battle—

“such a person is and remains devotedly and respectfully
conscious that the nicest machines, the most effective
instruments mean little, no, nothing, without the complete
unselfish and trusting share of the individual, whose trust is
assured through his knowledge of, and his faith in, the genius
of his Fuehrer, who embodies the worth of the German people,
their honour and might. To him, our Fuehrer, we direct also in
this hour in the Spring month of May our thoughts, renew our
solemn oath, present our heartiest wishes and give thanks to
him.

“Adolf Hitler—_Sieg Heil!_” (_D-390_)

G. _KRUPP AS HEAD OF THE KRUPP CONCERN, IN FURTHERANCE OF THE COMMON PLAN TO EXPLOIT THE PEOPLE OF OCCUPIED COUNTRIES AND PRISONERS OF WAR, WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR COMPELLING PERSONS FORCIBLY DEPORTED FROM OCCUPIED COUNTRIES AND PRISONERS OF WAR TO WORK AGAINST THEIR WILL AND WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT IN THE MANUFACTURE OF ARMS AND MUNITIONS. THESE ACTS AND PRACTICES WERE CONTRARY TO ARTICLES 6 AND 52 OF THE HAGUE REGULATIONS, 1907, TO ARTICLE 31 OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR CONVENTION (GENEVA 1929), THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAR, AND TO ARTICLES 6(b) AND 6(c) OF THE CHARTER._

(1) Charts marked “secret” have been found which show the number and nationalities of prisoners of war and foreign workers employed in each of the workshops in the Fried. Krupp Cast Steel Works at Essen, for the period from December 1940 to 1 February 1945. These charts, when read in conjunction with an affidavit by a Krupp official concerning the materials produced in the various Essen workshops, reveal that French and Russian prisoners of war and slave laborers from virtually every country occupied by Germany were used in the production of arms and munitions. Thus, they were compelled to work in departments engaged in the construction of turrets for tanks and carriages for heavy Army and Navy guns; the assembling of marine gun turrets, 10.5 cm. marine guns, and 15 cm. torpedo-boat guns; the manufacture of crankshafts for S-boats and aeroplanes, etc. (Charts and affidavit relating to production in the workshops of Fried. Krupp Cast Steel Works by prisoners of war and foreign workers, not here reproduced.) Affidavits of workers in the Krupp workshops afford added proof that prisoners of war and foreign laborers were used by Krupp in the manufacture of arms and munitions (see _D-253_, _D-265_, _D-279_).

(2) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp factories did not voluntarily engage in the manufacture of arms and munitions; they were forced to do so. This fact is clearly shown by the following:

(_a_) Workers were brought to Essen from Poland and Russia in grossly overcrowded, unheated, and unsanitary cattle cars and upon debarking, were beaten, kicked, and otherwise inhumanely treated. An employee of the Reich Railway at Essen has described these conditions as follows:

“* * * In the middle of 1941 the first workers arrived from
Poland, Galicia and Polish Ukraine. They came to Essen in goods
wagons in which potatoes, building materials and also cattle
have been transported; they were brought to perform work at
Krupp. The cars were jammed full with people. * * * The people
were squashed closely together and they had no room for free
movement. The Krupp overseers laid special value on the speed
the slave workers got in and out of the train. * * * the people
were beaten and kicked and generally maltreated in a brutal
manner. * * * I could see with my own eyes that sick people who
could scarcely walk * * * were taken to work. One could see that
it was sometimes difficult for them to move themselves. The same
can be said for the Eastern workers and PWs who came to Essen in
the middle of 1942.” (_D-321_; _D-367_).

(_b_) Foreign workers were compelled to go to work under guard and were closely watched. In a memorandum dated 7 April 1942, entitled “employment of foreign workers”, from the Ignitor workshop of the Krupp Essen plant, it is stated:

“In the course of last week, due to the fact that the foreign
workers, especially Poles, could not be relied upon to appear at
work, there was an extraordinary decrease in production; loss of
money and fines did not obtain the desired results.

“Especially during short (bank) holidays we were not able to
find a responsible person in the camp Seumannstrasse, to whom we
could have referred. We ourselves are short of guards to fetch
the Poles from their camp, and to guard them overnight.”
(_D-270_; re compulsion exerted by guards in marching foreign
workers to work, see also _D-253_).

(_c_) After working hours, foreign workers were confined in camps under barbed wire enclosures and were carefully guarded. Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in Krupp’s workers’ camps, has stated in an affidavit:

“The eastern workers and Poles who laboured in the Krupp works
at Essen were kept at camps at Seumannstrasse, Spenlestrasse,
Grieperstrasse, Heegstrasse, Germaniastrasse,
Kapitan-Lehmannstrasse, Dechenschule, and Kramerplatz. * * * All
these camps were surrounded by barbed wire and were closely
guarded.” (_D-288_)

H. _CONTRARY TO ARTICLES 4, 6, 7, AND 46 OF THE HAGUE REGULATIONS, 1907,
ARTICLES 2 AND 3 OF THE PRISONERS OF WAR CONVENTION (GENEVA 1929), THE
LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAR, AND ARTICLES 6(b) AND 6(c) OF THE CHARTER,
KRUPP, AS HEAD OF THE KRUPP CONCERN, WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR DENYING
ADEQUATE FOOD, SHELTER, CLOTHING, AND MEDICAL CARE AND ATTENTION TO
PRISONERS OF WAR AND WORKERS FORCIBLY DEPORTED FROM OCCUPIED COUNTRIES,
FOR FORCING THEM TO WORK UNDER INHUMANE CONDITIONS, AND FOR TORTURING
THEM AND SUBJECTING THEM TO INDIGNITIES._

(1) The prisoners of war and foreign laborers at the Krupp works were undernourished and forced to work on a virtual starvation diet.

(_a_) In a memorandum upon Krupp stationery to Mr. Hupe, Director of the Krupp locomotive factory in Essen, dated 14 March 1942 and entitled “Employment of Russians”, it was said:

“During the last few days we have established that the food for
the Russians employed here is so miserable, that the people are
getting weaker from day to day.

“Investigations showed that single Russians are not able to
place a piece of metal for turning into position for instance,
because of lack of physical strength. The same conditions exist
at all places of work where Russians are employed.” (_D-316_)

(_b_) In a memorandum dated 18 March 1942, the following was reported from the Krupp armoured car repair shop:

“I got the food this evening after Mr. Balz telephoned, but I
had quite a struggle with the people responsible in the camp
before I got anything at all. They always told me that the
people had already received the day’s rations and there wasn’t
any more. What the gentlemen understand under a day’s ration is
a complete puzzle to me. The food as a whole was a puzzle too,
because they ladled me out the thinnest of any already watery
soup. It was literally water with a handful of turnips and it
looked as if it were washing up water.

“Please tell Mr. Balz again definitely so that the matter is
finally cleared up, that it cannot continue having people perish
here at work.” (_D-310_)

(_c_) In a memorandum dated 20 March 1942 to Mr. Ihn, one of the Krupp Directors, Dinkelacker, a Krupp official, wrote:

“The Deputy Works Manager Mr. Mustin, who also employs a number
of such Russian workers and who is quite satisfied with their
performance, went to the camp in Kramerplatz on my inducement
and had a talk with Mr. Welberg, the Camp Commandant. Mr. Hassel
from the Works Police who was present at the time, butted in and
declared that one should not believe what the people said. Also
that one was dealing with Bolsheviks and they ought to have
beatings substituted for food.” (_D-318_)

(_d_) In a memorandum dated 26 March 1942, to Mr. Hupe concerning the use of Russian prisoners of war and civilian workers, it was reported:

“The reason why the Russians are not capable of production is,
in my opinion, that the food which they are given will never
give them the strength for working which you hope for. The food
one day, for instance, consisted of a watery soup with cabbage
leaves and a few pieces of turnip. The punctual appearance of
the food leaves a good deal to be desired too.” (_D-297_)

(_e_) In a memorandum dated 8 December 1942, Haller, a Krupp official, wrote:

“The complaints from our foreign workers about insufficient food
have increased lately. * * *”

“We experienced a very forcible confirmation of these complaints
the other day when we drew the food for the Eastern workers from
the kitchen in Kramerplatz. On 5.12.42 the midday meal contained
unpeeled, whole potatoes which were not even properly cooked; on
7.12.42, there was soup on which cabbage leaves floated, the
sight of which made me feel sick.” (_D-366_)

(_f_) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in the Krupps’ workers’ camps, has stated under oath that not only did the plan for food distribution to foreign workers call for a very small quantity of meat every week, but also that they received only contaminated meats rejected by the health authorities, such as horse or tuberculin infested meat (_D-288_).

(2) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp factories were forced to live in grossly overcrowded hutted camps and otherwise were denied adequate shelter.

(_a_) In a sworn statement, Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor of the Krupp workers’ camps, has stated with respect to the Krupp camps at which the eastern workers and Poles were kept:

“Conditions in all these camps were extremely bad. The camps
were greatly overcrowded. In some camps there were over twice as
many people in a barrack as health conditions permitted.”

* * * * * *

“Sanitary conditions were exceedingly bad. At Kramerplatz, where
approximately 1,200 eastern workers were crowded into the rooms
of an old school, the sanitary conditions were atrocious in the
extreme. Only 10 children’s toilets were available for the 1,200
inhabitants. At Dechenschule, 15 children’s toilets were
available for the 400-500 eastern workers. Excretion
contaminated the entire floors of these lavatories. There were
also very few facilities for washing.” (_D-288_)

(_b_) Statistics upon the Krupp camps compiled by Krupp officials in 1942 for the Essen health authorities show that in the Krupp Seumannstrasse camp 1784 beds were compressed into a surface area of 7844 square meters; in the Krupp Bottroperstrasse camp 874 beds were crowded into a surface area of 3585 square meters; and that in other Krupp camps the congestion was even greater (_D-143_).

(_c_) In a memorandum dated 12 June 1944, Dr. Stinnesbeck, a doctor retained by the Krupp works, reported, with respect to the Krupp prisoner of war camp at Noggerathstrasse that:

“315 prisoners are still accommodated in the camp. 170 of these
are no longer in barracks but in the tunnel in Grunerstrasse
under the Essen-Mulheim railway line. This tunnel is damp and is
not suitable for continued accommodation of human beings. The
rest of the prisoners are accommodated in 10 different factories
in Krupps works.” (_D-335_)

(_d_) In a special medical report marked “strictly confidential”, dated 2 September 1944, concerning the same prisoner of war camp, Dr. Jaeger wrote:

“The P. O. W. camp in the Noggerathstrasse is in a frightful
condition. The people live in ash bins, dog kennels, old baking
ovens and in self-made huts.” (_D-339_).

(3) The prisoners of war and foreign workers at the Krupp factories were denied adequate clothing.

(_a_) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in Krupps’ workers’ camps, has stated under oath:

“The clothing of the eastern workers was likewise completely
inadequate. They worked and slept in the same clothing in which
they had arrived from the east. Virtually all of them had no
overcoats and were compelled, therefore, to use their blankets
as coats in cold and rainy weather. In view of the shortage of
shoes, many workers were forced to go to work in their bare
feet, even in the winter. Wooden shoes were given to some of the
workers, but their quality was such as to give the workers sore
feet. Many workers preferred to go to work in their bare feet
rather than endure the suffering caused by the wooden shoes.
Apart from the wooden shoes, no clothing of any kind was issued
to the workers until the latter part of 1943, when a single blue
work suit was issued to some of them. To my knowledge, this
represented the sole issue of clothing to the workers from the
time of their arrival until the American forces entered Essen.”
(_D-288_)

(_b_) In a memorandum to Mr. Ihn, a Krupp director, dated 20 October 1942, Dr. Wiehle, head of the Krupp hospital in Essen, wrote:

“It has already been pointed out several times at conferences
that the clothing for Eastern workers, men and women, is not
sufficient. With regard to the cold weather, the camp physician
today called our attention to the fact that the number of colds
is going up because of the question of insufficient clothing.

“Many of the men and women still have to go barefooted. They
have no underwear and it often happens that people who wear foot
bandages because of injuries walk barefooted on these bandages.”
(_D-271_; see also _D-355_, _D-312_)

(4) Prisoners of war and foreign laborers at the Krupp works were denied adequate medical care and treatment, and as a consequence, suffered severely from a multitude of diseases and ailments.

(_a_) In the above mentioned affidavit, Dr. Jaeger has stated:

“The percentage of eastern workers who were ill was twice as
great as among the Germans. Tuberculosis was particularly
widespread among the eastern workers. The T.B. rate among them
was 4 times the normal rate (2% eastern workers, .5% Germans).
At Dechenschule approximately 2½% of the workers suffered from
open T.B. These were all active T.B. cases. The Tartars and
Kirghiz suffered most; as soon as they were overcome by this
disease they collapsed like flies. The cause was bad housing,
the poor quality and insufficient quantity of food, overwork,
and insufficient rest.

“These workers were likewise afflicted with spotted fever. Lice,
the carrier of this disease, together with countless fleas, bugs
and other vermin, tortured the inhabitants of these camps. As a
result of the filthy conditions of the camps nearly all eastern
workers were afflicted with skin disease. The shortage of food
also caused many cases of Hunger-Odem, Nephritis and
Shighakruse.

“It was the general rule that workers were compelled to go to
work unless a camp doctor had prescribed that they were unfit
for work. At Seumannstrasse, Grieperstrasse, Germaniastrasse,
Kapitan-Lehmannstrasse, and Dechenschule, there was no daily
sick call. At these camps, the doctors did not appear for two or
three days. As a consequence, workers were forced to go to work
despite illnesses.”

* * * * * *

“At the end of 1943, or the beginning of 1944,—I am not
completely sure of the exact date—I obtained permission for the
first time to visit the prisoner of war camps. My inspection
revealed that conditions at these camps were even worse than
those I had found at the camps of the eastern workers in 1942.
Medical supplies at such camps were virtually non-existent. In
an effort to cure this intolerable situation, I contacted the
_Wehrmacht_ authorities whose duty it was to provide medical
care for the prisoners of war. My persistent efforts came to
nothing. After visiting and pressing them over a period of two
weeks, I was given a total of 100 aspirin tablets for over 3,000
prisoners of war.” (_D-288_)

(_b_) In a memorandum dated 7 May 1943, prepared at the Krupp hospital, entitled “Deaths of Eastern Workers,” report was made of the death of 54 “eastern workers.” Of this number, 38 died of tuberculosis, 2 of undernourishment, and 2 of intestinal disease. (_D-283_)

(_c_) In his “strictly confidential” report concerning the prisoner of war camp at Noggerathstrasse, Dr. Jaeger reported:

“The food is barely sufficient. Krupp is responsible for housing
and feeding. The supply of medicine and bandages is so extremely
bad that proper medical treatment was not possible in many
cases. This fact is detrimental to the P. W. camp. It is
astonishing that the number of sick is not higher than it is and
it moves between 9 and 10 percent.” (_D-339_; also _D-313_).

(_d_) In a special medical report dated 28 July 1944, Dr. Jaeger wrote:

“The sick barrack in Camp Rabenhorst is in such bad condition,
one cannot speak of a sick barrack anymore. The rain leaks
through in every corner. The housing of the ill is therefore
impossible. The necessary labour for production is in danger
because those persons who are ill cannot recover. * * *”
(_D-338_)

(5) Russian juveniles were compelled to work at the Krupp factories, and prisoners of war and foreign workers were generally forced to work long hours, to and beyond the point of exhaustion.

(_a_) In a memorandum marked “secret”, dated 14 August 1942, Reiff, a Krupp official, wrote:

“* * * I am under the impression that the better Russian workers
are first of all chosen for the works in Central and Eastern
Germany. We really get the bad remainders only. Just now 600
Russians, consisting of 450 women and 150 juveniles, 14 years of
age, arrived.” (_D-348_; similar proof is contained in _D-281_).

(_b_) In a memorandum from the Chief of the Krupp Camp Catering Department, it is stated:

“* * * It is to be considered that foreigners must work 12 hours
on principle out of which, 1 hour counts as a break and
consequently will not be paid.” (_D-233_; for evidence
concerning complete exhaustion of foreign workers and prisoners
of war, see _D-313_).

(6) The prisoners of war and foreign laborers used at the Krupp works were beaten, tortured, and subjected to inhuman indignities.

(_a_) In a sworn statement, Heinrich Buschhauer has stated:

“* * * I admit that I hit Russians. The Russians were very
willing and attentive. The clothing of the Russians was very bad
and torn. Their feet were wrapped in rags. The appearance of the
people was bad, they were thin and pale. Their cheeks had fallen
in completely. In spite of this, I was forced to ill-treat the
people on the orders of works manager Theile. I have boxed the
people’s ears and beaten them with a ¾ rubber tube and a wooden
stick. * * * The more energetic I went against these people, the
more the Works Manager liked it. I * * * had to drive and beat
the Russians in order to get increased production from them. At
times, I had up to two thousand foreigners under me. The
Russians could not possibly work more than they did, because the
food was too bad and too little. The Works management, however,
wanted to get still higher performance from them. It often
happened that the Russians, so utterly weakened, collapsed. * *
*”

* * * * * *

“The conditions which I have described above continued the whole
of the years I was in the boiler making department. On 20th
February 1943, I was transferred from the boiler making shop to
Nidia.” (_D-305_).

(_b_) Walter Thoene, a Krupp employee, likewise admitted in a sworn statement that he constantly beat foreign workers. He stated:

“I admit that I punched and beat Hungarian Jewesses who I had to
supervise in No. 3 Steel Moulding Shop. I did not do this of my
own free will but was ordered to do so by my works manager Reif,
who was a Party Member like I was. Almost every day this
unscrupulous man held me to it in no mistakable manner to
driving on these Jewesses and getting better performances from
them. He also always emphasized that I should not be trivial in
the choice of means, and if necessary, hit them like hitting a
piece of cold iron. As soon as I saw that these women were
standing near the ovens, I had to drive them back to their
work.” (_D-355_)

Comparable admission were made by August Kleinschmidt, another Krupp employee. (_D-306_)

(_c_) Dr. Apolinary Gotowicki, a doctor in the Polish Army, who was taken a prisoner of war and in that capacity attended some Russian, Polish and French prisoners of war at the Krupp factories, has stated under oath:

“* * * Every day, at least 10 people were brought to me whose
bodies were covered with bruises on account of the continual
beatings with rubber tubes, steel switches or sticks. The people
were often writhing with agony and it was impossible for me to
give them even a little medical aid. * * * I could notice people
daily who on account of hunger or ill-treatment, were slowly
dying. Dead people often lay for 2 or 3 days on the pailliases
until their bodies stank so badly that fellow prisoners took
them outside and buried them somewhere. * * * I have seen with
my own eyes the prisoners coming back from Krupps and how they
collapsed on the march and had to be wheeled back on barrows or
carried by their comrades. * * * The work which they had to
perform was very heavy and dangerous and many cases happened
where people had cut their fingers, hands or legs. These
accidents were very serious and the people came to me and asked
me for medical help. But it wasn’t even possible for me to keep
them from work for a day or two, although I had been to the
Krupp directorate and asked for permission to do so. At the end
of 1941, 2 people died daily and in 1942 the deaths increased to
3-4 per day.” (_D-313_)

(_d_) A particular form of torture which was inflicted upon Russian workers was a steel cabinet specially manufactured by Krupp, into which workers were thrown after beatings. The cabinets are shown in photographs attached to a sworn statement wherein it is stated:

“Photograph ‘A’ shows an iron cupboard which was specially
manufactured by the Firm of Krupp to torture Russian civilian
workers to such an extent that it is impossible to describe. Men
and women were often locked in one compartment of the cupboard,
in which a man could scarcely stand, for long periods. The
measurements of this compartment are height 1.52 meters, breadth
and depth 40 to 50 cm. each. In fact, people were often kicked
and pressed into one compartment in pairs. At the top of the
cupboard, there were sieve-like air holes through which cold
water was poured on the unfortunate victims during the ice-cold
winter.” (_D-382_; for further evidence of constant beatings of
foreign workers, see _D-253_, _D-312_, _D-354_, and _D-267_).

(_e_) Records found in the Krupp files plainly indicate that the practice of beating and torturing prisoners of war and foreign workers was deliberately prescribed by Krupp officials. Steel switches which were used to beat the workers were distributed pursuant to the instructions of Kupke, head of the Krupp camps for foreign workers (_D-230_). In a memorandum dated 19 March 1942, from the Krupp Works Catering Department, it was said:

“* * * With regards to the times ahead it seems desirable to us,
to draw attention to the authorities concerned, with the
necessary pressure, to the fact that only severest treatment of
the French prisoners of war will ensure that they maintain their
performance even with the present food position, which is the
same for German workers.” (_D-278_).

As previously shown, Hassel, an official in the Krupp works police, stated that the Russians “ought to have beatings substituted for food” (_D-318_).

(7) The Krupp companies specifically requested and actively sought out the employment of prisoners of war and foreign laborers.

(_a_) In a memorandum dated 13 July 1942 by Weinhold, a Krupp official, complaint was registered over the fact that “the foreign laborers are only available two to three months after they have been asked for by us.” (_D-281_).

(_b_) In a letter to the Krupp firm dated 27 August 1942, Colonel Zimmerman of the _Oberkommando des Heeres_, said:

“According to our estimate, there ought to be enough workers in
your ignitor workshops to reach the demanded production figure.
This especially, as the 105 Russians, demanded by your firm at
the Conference of the special committee M 111 on the 24.4.42,
were assigned to your works at the beginning of June re-letter
from Wa J Ru (Mun. 2). * * *

“Unfortunately, I found out at the sitting of the special
committee M 111 on the 26.8.42 that the firm of Krupp asks for
another 55 workers, including 25 skilled labourers, without
having a corresponding raise in the production figures. I cannot
judge from here, what the reasons for this are.” (_D-345_)

(_c_) In a memorandum dated 21 December 1942 concerning the possibility of the Krupp works obtaining additional conscripted French workers, Dr. Lehmann, a Krupp official, stated:

“* * * We discussed how far it would be possible for complete
shifts of workers conscripted from French factories to be
transferred to Essen. We are to collaborate as far as
practicable in the splitting up of our requirements amongst
individual military government offices and military police
posts. So far as possible one of our representatives is to
assist in the selection from amongst the conscripts.” (_D-196_;
see also _D-280_)

(8) Concentration camp laborers, who were brought to the Krupp works at the request of Krupp officials, were subjected to persecution, degradation, despoilment, and torture in a manner similar to that of prisoners of war and slave laborers.

(_a_) Mr. Ihn, a director of the Krupp firm, has stated in a signed but unsworn statement, that the Krupp firm first asked for concentration camp labor on 22 September 1942, and that the first group of them arrived “in the summer or autumn of 1944” (_D-274_).

(_b_) The fact that concentration camp labor was requested by the Krupp works; that such persons were to be confined behind barbed wire enclosures; and that they were to be closely guarded by SS personnel is further shown in a memorandum entitled “Visit of the Director of Distribution of Workers of the Weimar-Buchenwald Concentration Camp; SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Schwarz on 26-7-44”, written by Trockel, a Krupp official. In the course of this memorandum, Trockel stated:

“Herr Schwarz came on behalf of his Commandant SS
Standartenfuehrer Pister to talk over with us, the question of
employment of K1 detainees. He pointed out that the employment
of men could not be reckoned with for a considerable period. Our
last request was for 700 women.”

* * * * * *

“As not less than 500 women would be assigned, we agreed that
the figure should remain at 500 women in order that the
assignment should not be endangered. * * *”

* * * * * *

“* * * The main things are the erection of a barbed wire fence
in front of the hall which allows a small exit and the erection
of a small barracks for the Commander of the guard and his duty
office and for the German female guard personnel. * * *”

* * * * * *

“The SS are providing a guard consisting of guard commander and
10 men. For 520 women we have to name approx. 45 German women
who will be sworn in to the SS, given 3 weeks training in the
women’s camp at Ravensbrueck and then given full official
supervision duties by the SS. * * *” (_D-238_)

(_c_) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in the Krupp camps, has described conditions at the camp which the Krupp works maintained for concentration camp labor as follows:

“Camp Humboldtstrasse had been inhabited by Italian prisoners of
war. After it had been destroyed by an air raid, the Italians
were removed and 600 Jewish females from Buchenwald
Concentration Camp were brought in to work at the Krupp
factories. Upon my first visit at Camp Humboldtstrasse, I found
these females suffering from open festering wounds and other
diseases.

“I was the first doctor they had seen for at least a fortnight.
There was no doctor in attendance at the camp. There were no
medical supplies in the camp. They had no shoes and went about
in their bare feet. The sole clothing of each consisted of a
sack with holes for their arms and head. Their hair was shorn.
The camp was surrounded by barbed wire and closely guarded by SS
guards.

“The amount of food in the camp was extremely meagre and of very
poor quality. The houses in which they lived consisted of the
ruins of former barracks and they afforded no shelter against
rain and other weather conditions. I reported to my superiors
that the guards lived and slept outside their barracks as one
could not enter them without being attacked by 10, 20 and up to
30 fleas. One camp doctor employed by me refused to enter the
camp again after he had been bitten very badly. I visited this
camp with a Mr. Grono on two occasions and both times we left
the camp badly bitten. We had great difficulty in getting rid of
the fleas and insects which had attacked us. As a result of this
attack by insects of this camp, I got large boils on my arms and
the rest of my body. I asked my superiors at the Krupp works to
undertake the necessary steps to delouse the camp so as to put
an end to this unbearable, vermin-infested condition. Despite
this report, I did not find any improvement in sanitary
conditions at the camp on my second visit a fortnight later.”
(_D-288_)

(_d_) The conditions under which the concentration camp workers existed at the Krupp camps and factories and the indignities and barbarities to which they were subjected are vividly described in affidavits by such workers (_D-256_; _D-277_; _D-272_). In general, the affidavits disclose that these concentration camp laborers slept on bare floors of damp, windowless and lightless cellars; that they had no water for drinking or cleansing purposes; that they were compelled to do work far beyond their strength; that they were mercilessly beaten; that they were given one wretched meal a day, consisting of a dirty watery soup with a thin slice of black bread; and that many of them died from starvation, tuberculosis and overexertion. A chart entitled “Fried. Krupp _Berthawerk, Markstaedt_ Breslau, Number of Occupied Foreigners, Prisoners of War and Concentration Camp Inmates” shows the use of concentration camp labor at that factory, as well as at the above-mentioned Krupp company in Essen (_D-298_).

(9) Charts prepared by Krupp officials show that in September 1943, the Krupp concerns employed 39,245 foreign workers and 11,224 prisoners of war, and that the number mounted steadily until September 1944, when 54,990 foreign workers and 18,902 prisoners of war were used (Chart entitled “Foreigners and Prisoners of War of the Krupp Concern”; chart entitled “Cast Steel Works, Number of Prisoners of War and Foreigners”, not here reproduced.) The majority of the foreign laborers consisted of Russians, French, Poles, and Dutch.

I. _AS REWARD FOR HIS PARTICIPATION IN THE NAZI CONSPIRATORS’ PROGRAM,
KRUPP REAPED LARGE PROFITS, WAS PERMITTED TO EXPAND HIS INDUSTRIAL
EMPIRE, AND RECEIVED HIGH HONORS AND SPECIAL PRIVILEGES FROM THE NAZI
GOVERNMENT._

(1) Although the Krupp companies operated at a substantial loss in the years immediately preceding Hitler’s accession to power, the huge orders from the Nazi state enabled them to derive vast profits thereafter. In the fiscal year 1 October 1934 to 30 September 1935, the net profits of Fried. Krupp and subsidiaries, after the deduction of taxes, gifts and reserves recognized by the tax authorities, amounted to 57,216,392 marks. In the fiscal year 1937 to 1938 these net profits rose to 97,071,632 marks, and in the fiscal year 1941 they amounted to 111,555,216 marks (Chart entitled “Income and Loss of the Fried. Krupp Combine”; Graph entitled “Profits or Losses of Fried. Krupp and Subsidiaries as Reported to Tax Authorities,” not here reproduced.)

(2) Krupp was permitted, with the approval and at times connivance of Nazi officials, to extend in great measure his participation in other companies, both within and without Germany.

(_a_) On 1 October 1933 the participations of Fried. Krupp in other concerns had a book value of 75,962,000 marks. By 30 September 1942 the book value of the participations had grown to 132,944,000 marks. On 1 October 1942 the participation account was revalued and carried at a new figure of 187,924,621 marks. In the following year new acquisitions were made in the amount of 50,224,707 marks, so that the book value of the participations as of 1 October 1943 was 237,316,093 marks. Even this figure contains many going concerns in occupied countries which were arbitrarily assigned a book value of only 1 mark. Leaving out of account the revaluation of 1 October 1942, the participation account as of 1 October 1943 would have been 182,952,000 marks. The increment in the participation account is shown in a chart entitled, “Fried. Krupp Participations” (_D-341_). The expansion of the Krupp concern under the Nazi regime is likewise revealed by a comparison of charts showing the companies in the Krupp concern as of 30 September 1935 and 31 January 1944.

(_b_) Complete records of all acquisitions by Krupp have not been obtained because, according to Krupp officials, many records were lost or destroyed in air raids. Enough appears, however, to indicate that the Krupp firm did in fact call upon the Nazi authorities to facilitate or make possible the acquisition of property interests in occupied countries. Thus, when Mr. Erhard, the French custodian of Jewish property in France, resisted Krupp’s attempts to acquire a lease of a plant at Liancourt, France, the Krupp concern enlisted the support of the Army to gain its objective. Under threat of replacement by a German official, the French custodian of Jewish property acceded to Krupp’s demands. In a memorandum dated 29 July 1942, found in the Krupp files, it is stated:

“* * * M. Erhard delayed the negotiations to such an extent that
finally the appropriate military authorities in Paris urged a
settlement. This authority declared that if Mr. Erhard could not
make up his mind to sell, at least he would have to give a three
years’ lease to Krupp.

“The custodianship would be taken away from Mr. Erhard and a
German Commissar would be appointed unless the lease were
granted in a very short time.” (_D-526_).

(3) In recognition of his services to the Nazi State, Krupp was awarded the “Shield of the Eagle of the German Reich” with the inscription “To the German leader of Industry” (_D-66_).

(4) Because of his unique service to the military power of the Nazi State, Krupp was authorized by special decree of Hitler to transform Fried. Krupp A.G. into a private family concern in order to perpetuate control of the firm by a single member of the Krupp family.

(_a_) In a letter dated 11 November 1942 to Bormann, Krupp stated:

“* * * You have asked me to make proposals to you which would
secure the future of the unified existence of the Krupp works
more than this is feasible today. * * * On considering this
question we have ascertained that under the present laws the
principal solution of the question cannot be carried out. We had
to find an entirely new way, therefore, which, just as the law
regarding heritage of agricultural property, creates entirely
new legislation.” (_D-99_)

(_b_) In reply to the above letter, Bormann wrote to Krupp that: