Chapter C: N. Farr, recalled (9)

A. It was Tuesday, July 24, I think, that our iron company men struck. The strike started in the old mill. A few men run out and shouted, "We have struck!" and blew the big whistle, and as the men came out to hear what was the matter, they said, "We have struck--all turn out!" and they all turned out. That was about noon time--between twelve and one o'clock. Those that had gone home, and who knew nothing about it, came back, and were told that the men had struck, and that they must not go back. Whereupon the leaders of them marched the men in a body down to our new mill, where we had some puddlers at work, and got them out there, and from there down to the machine shop. I heard of it then, and drove down and asked them what was the matter. I reproached them for striking without saying anything to me or making any complaint. Inquired what reasons they had, &c., and they said they struck because they were not getting pay enough; and I asked them what they wanted, and they said they wanted thirty-five per cent. advance. Of course I pooh-poohed it; it was ridiculous--such an advance as that in such times as these. Told them that was out of the question. Of course, we could not afford it. I would be glad to pay them better wages if we could; there was nothing to warrant it. They separated, and I went back. Our shop hands still stayed in--the machine shop men, and foundry men, and our furnace men. Of course we did not want to have our furnace go out, if possible, and I went out and talked to these men in the afternoon and evening both. They said that they were perfectly willing to work--were satisfied with their pay, but that they were afraid, that there had been so many threats made that they had not dare stay. They would stay that night, but they must go out the next morning, because their lives were not safe. They said people had been to their wives and children, and they had been told that if their fathers, and brothers, &c., would not stop they would be killed. The long and short of the matter is, our furnace men were afraid. They said they were willing to work, and were satisfied to work, but they did not dare. Of course, judging from the temper of the times, I thought there might possibly be trouble, and I at once proceeded to organize a body of men to protect our property. I called in all our foremen, and a number of men I had confidence in--about thirty--armed them with rifles, kept them in the store that night, ready for anything that might happen. There was a good deal of talk about fire, &c. The next morning the furnace men went out. They said they could not stay. I went down and talked to them. They said they were willing to stay, but were afraid. Our teamsters--I did not think anybody would touch them--they were satisfied--and word came up while I was at breakfast that they had been scared away, and even our store teamster was notified that he would be shot it he went out. I went down, and got him out, and got some others out. That day the police sent us word, notifying us that without doubt our store was to be sacked that night, and that they knew of two wagons or one wagon which had been hired to carry off anything that might be taken out. Of course I listened to it, and got ready for it. That same day--I think it was that day or the next--the mayor sent word that the general of the division here was afraid of his own men with guns, and wanted me to take them and put them in our vaults. We took in about all the guns there were around there--probably five hundred or six hundred, and had them stored in our vaults, because these officers were afraid to trust their people. There was a sort of general panic. The next day I got our teamsters out. Our farm hands had been frightened away, but I talked with them, and reasoned with them, and finally went along with them myself. We took a few rifles along, and cheered them up, and they went to work, and worked on. About Saturday word came round from all quarters that our iron company men, with the exception, perhaps, of a few--that there was no dissatisfaction--the feeling of fear was passing away; they were willing to come back. They said they wanted to be sure of protection--that was the first thing--they must be sure of protection, and they had been threatened, and all that kind of thing. I told them we would protect them from all that danger, so far as I could. I told them that we would protect them--that the government was bound to protect them, and if they wanted to work they could work, and the government must protect them, and we would protect them--do what we could. They asked me to put some such notice as that in the paper. I told them I would do so. Previous to that, on Saturday night, it looked as if the Pennsylvania coal companies might go to work. The head-house, at No. 5, was burned. Of course that blocked all the transportation on that side. The head-house was repaired, and on Monday I was satisfied our men were willing to go to work--only a few that wanted to stay out. I put a notice in the evening paper--the Star I think it was, and I stated that anybody that was willing to go to work for us, we would protect--the government was bound to protect them, and they should be protected if the whole power of the United States came there; otherwise law would amount to nothing, and I re-assured them the best way I could. The next morning, Tuesday morning, they went to work--our machinists and founders. Our farm hands had gone to work, and our furnace men went to work. We had banked our furnaces; we thought we could save them both, so our furnace men went to work again. We took only enough for one furnace, so as to make sure of one; thought we might have to let the other slide until we saved the first, and they went to work, day turn and night turn both. There had been a great deal of talk of trouble, and all that kind of thing, but of course you hear all kinds of rumors at a time like that. I did not take any too much stock in them. Still, we kept our forces in the store all the time. By that time a number of citizens had come in--Colonel Hitchcock, Mr. Ripple, and a number of other gentlemen--and we had signals arranged, and all that kind of thing, in case of trouble, to come out immediately. We had notified the mayor, in case of anything happening to our property, that we should hold the city responsible for damages. Wednesday morning I was down town on some business, and I heard of this meeting at the silk-works. I did not think it would amount to very much more, but while I was down town I heard on all sides that the men had heard that the machine shops were being driven out. I hurried right back to the office, and got there just as the men from the tops of our furnaces were being driven out. I saw the men running. I saw a very large crowd, with sticks and stones, and gesticulation, and those men running and others chasing them, and I knew then it meant business. We had not many men in the store then. Our foremen came in one after another, and stated that the machine shops men there had been driven away and beaten. They came in from the blast furnaces and stated the same thing. Came from the engine-house and stated that it had been set fire to in three places. And I might say, by the way, before this--the very first night I got my foremen together--I took the precaution to have them sworn in as special police, and while we were there my own people came in--probably about thirty or so--and a number of citizens. At that time the mob had got to the railroad shops, and a message came from the mayor stating, for God's sake come down and help him. He was in a sore pass. So 1 made these men a little speech, that we might as well die now as any other time. Come down and do what we could for the mayor. I told them I did not want any fooling. I did not want any man who was not willing to be killed if it was necessary, and did not want any man who was not willing to shoot to kill, and said if there was any man who fired, I wanted him to shoot to kill, that we meant no nonsense. There was only thirty or forty of us. There were three or four thousand of the others, and we wanted no fooling. We wanted them to obey orders to the last degree, and when they received orders to fire, to fire to kill. Nothing else would stop the thing. The thing must be squelched, and the only way to squelch it, when they fired they must fire to kill. That was the only way to save the town. While we were getting ready to go more messages came up, and stated that those men were going from the railroad shops for Pine Grove breaker. I might say that our miners have got an agreement with us. It has been so for some years. They agree to work on, in case of a strike, and we agreed, on our part, to give them, dating from the commencement of the strike, any advance of wages which the railroad company might give their men whenever they settled. If the railroad company gave them ten or fifteen or any per cent. advance, we agreed to give our men the same advance, dating from the start. Our Pine Brook men went in that morning. Understand that our entire force, so far as we had workmen, with the exception of two of our iron rolling men--and we had every reason to believe they would be in the next morning--our miners were at work, and were at work by virtue of agreement with us to work on in case of a strike. I have one of the agreements now in my pocket--a new one, similar to the old one. By that time, we started out. 1 went to the head of them. I did not myself know anything about military matters, beyond keeping the men in line, and that kind of thing, and I gave charge of it to young Bartholomew, who knew something of that sort of thing, and kept them in line and went down. I had seen some riots before, and knew pretty well about how that sort of thing was. We got down street, pretty near the corner of Washington avenue, and this crowd were coming up Washington avenue, and closed in behind our men, and I felt that the time was coming very close, and that it would be necessary to act very quick. They closed in behind us, coming up on each side of the avenue, leaving only the front clear. There were some in front. Not many. They were hooting and yelling, and finally I saw a movement of one or two, apparently leaders, looking at me as though there were getting ready for a rush. I had no doubt of it, and I was just waiting. I heard shouts: "Now, then, come along boys. They won't fire. They have blank cartridges," or something of that sort. There were sticks thrown, and just about as I was going to give the order to fire, I heard a shot fired, and almost simultaneously with that, every man stopped and fired.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Where did the shot come from--this first shot you heard?

A. Seemed to be a pistol shot.

Q. From the crowd or mob?

A. Yes; and the crowd rushed up and kind of fell back, and the shooting commenced. The shooting first was wild.

By Mr. Means:

Q. Before that shot was fired, were there any stones or missiles thrown?

A. Many stones and sticks. I was at the head, and the line was a long one--about forty, marching two by two.

Q. Were any stones or missiles thrown at the party to which you belonged?

A. Yes, sir.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. At the rear of the line?

A. Yes; and on the side also. It looked to me as though they were going to rush. I happened to see the riots in 1863, and I saw the same swing of the crowd--the fellows behind push up those in front. When these things were thrown, the firing commenced. They fell back once or twice--little short rallies--and run, and we went back to the store. The next day the troops came. I might say when we left the store, we heard the men were going to Pine Brook, and that they were calculating to drive out the men that were in there, and burn the breaker.

Q. Were those your mines?

A. Yes, our mines. And also that they were going to stop at Dixon's works on the way.

Q. Were they also your mines?

A. No, sir; they were Dixon Manufacturing Company's works and machine shops. I might say, also, previous to this--the Sunday before this thing--our pump engineers, &c. had been visited, and it was said they were afraid to work, and left us. Of course I put people there in whom I had confidence, to run the pumps and keep them going.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. Will you give us a statement of what you were paying your men at that time?

A. We pay--most of our work is done by the ton. There is very little day-work with us, except shop hands and furnace men. Our rolling-mill men and steel-works men are working now under the same wages under which they struck. Our rolling-mill heaters are making from ninety to one hundred dollars a month. I can bring you the pay-rolls. I have got them at the office. The most of our men in the mills worked by the ton and by the roll--that is permanent men. All except the commoner class of laborers are making now anywhere from forty-five to sixty and seventy-five dollars--along there. The men in the steel-works are making about--well I should think anywhere from forty-five to sixty dollars--along there--it depends entirely on the product. We pay them according to the ton, and if they do small work they get small pay.

Q. Pay in proportion to the amount of work done?

A. Yes, sir; so much a ton. We pay a heater ten cents a ton. If he heats forty tons, he gets four dollars. Our mining wages are regulated entirely by the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western. We pay whatever wages they do. We tried to keep them working as full as possible.

Q. Can you give an estimate of what a man can make a day, should they work in the mines all day?

A. I am not so conversant with the special details of the mines. I can bring the pay-rolls, if you would like. I think that a miner--with our miners in Briggs shaft, I should think the average now depends a good deal on the men themselves--how smart they are--and I should think anywhere from thirty-eight to forty, along to fifty-five and sixty dollars a month. That is, a miner. Of course, a laborer don't make so much.

Q. Laborers in the mines work by the day or by the ton?

A. I think they are paid by the car. I don't remember how that is. A miner hires his own laborer, I believe.

Q. You haven't any particular charge of the details?

A. We pay it, that is all. I don't remember all this. Our Mr. Mattes could tell you better than I can. Our mining wages are virtually out of our hands. Whatever the D.L.W. pay, we pay, and the men, on their part, agree to work through, in case of a strike, and we agree to pay in advance, dating from the commencement of the strike, that the railroad may settle with their men to pay.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. Had there been any reduction prior to the 1st of August?

A. Our men, all excepting miners, had been reduced on the 1st of July. The reduction was ten per cent., some not that much, some more--averaging, probably, ten or twelve per cent., I suppose.

Q. Were there any men, under that reduction, that would make less than a dollar a day?

A. Our laborers were making less than eighty cents a day. The number of common laborers we have is very small. We don't have very many. I don't know how many we have, exactly. Our work is by the ton, as far as possible. Of course, it is better to have things by the ton.

Q. When was the reduction before the 1st of July?

A. I don't remember when we did last reduce. I could tell you this evening. Perhaps Mr. Mattes could tell you.

Q. Something has been said about a letter being read at the silk-factory--did you ever try to ascertain how that originated?--purporting to give some statement that you had made?

A. I hear of the letter, of course, that was all. No truth in that letter. The letter was forged. I don't know who wrote it. Perhaps I might give a very good guess, and also, about other things. You have a great deal of knowledge that you cannot give legal force to.

Q. You have never been able to ascertain who it was, so as to prove it, who wrote the letter?

A. I was perfectly satisfied in my mind--no, I have never been able to prove it, but the time will come, undoubtedly, that I shall, and a good many other things, too.

Q. Did you find out what motive induced or actuated the man to send it?

A. It was, undoubtedly, a desire at the time--the men knew, and were perfectly well aware that our men were, for the time being, just terrorized. They knew, as well as I did, that if I could get our iron company men to work, the thing would stop, therefore it was necessary to drive them out to prolong the strike. For the same reason the Pennsylvania Coal Company's head-house was burnt.

Q. How many men did your company employ?

A. I think we have got about eighteen hundred or two thousand. I think there is about sixteen or seventeen hundred signatures on the pay-roll, and a great many of them draw pay for their children--two or three--sometimes. I suppose we have probably employed somewhere in the neighborhood of seventeen or eighteen hundred.

Q. Boys employed?

A. To a very large extent, boys who are under eighteen or twenty give their pay to their parents. Their parents draw it for them. My impression is, there is a law by which a parent can take the child's pay under age. I think they do draw it, though in many cases they do not do it. Their parents are paid.

Q. That includes the miners?

A. Yes; we have three mines. One of our mines is flooded--filled entirely.

Q. On account of the strike?

A. No; I flooded it myself, long ago, so as to run two mines, to give as steady work as possible to those that did work.

By Mr. Means:

Q. I would like you tell what passed between you and the chairman of the committee that waited upon you?

A. The men waited.

Q. First and foremost, do you know the chairman?

A. I really don't know who was chairman of that committee. The men can tell you that better themselves. There were a number of spokesmen. Mr. Duffy spoke, and I don't know but McNally did.

Q. Did you know the spokesmen yourself?

A. Yes; I knew the spokesmen.

Q. Who were they?

A. I think that John Evans was one. I am not sure; but McNally was another. I think Duffy said something.

Q. State what passed between you and the chairman of that committee?

A. They came out after the strike--after they had got the furnacemen off--came to the office to see me. I am not sure whether it was Wednesday or Thursday. I had sent around word, and a good many that I felt were not treating the company right to strike and stop their works, without letting us know what ground of complaint they had, and I sent word around there, so that a committee came, and they stated they wanted more pay. They said thirty-five per cent.

Q. Thirty-five?

A. Thirty-five; yes, sir. Of course, no one in the iron business now could do that. Such an advance as that was out of the question. I told them that was out of the question, we couldn't pay them any more. It was out of the question. We couldn't clear ourselves. I asked them whether it was not better to take what they could get, and work steady until times grew better, than to stop and get nothing. Well, they said, the long and short of the matter was they wouldn't work unless they got thirty-five per cent., and they went away.

Q. Did you say to those men--this committee--when the times got better you were willing to advance their wages?

A. I believe I did say something of that kind in reply. If we could afford it we would be glad to do so.

Q. Did they make any reply to that?

A. I don't remember that they did.

Q. They said they wouldn't work unless you did advance?

A. Yes, sir; but, at that same time, I was receiving information all the time from many sources, that the most of them were perfectly willing to work. All they wanted was protection, and that they would go to work, which they did do on the following Tuesday.

Q. They did go to work on the following Tuesday?

A. All of our men went to work on the following Tuesday, except our iron rolling men. We had no work for the steel mill.

Q. When that committee waited upon you, did they say to you, or did they intimate to you, that they would force you into measures?

A. We had quite a long talk. I don't remember anything of that kind. They said they wouldn't work until they got an advance; of course that is equivalent to forcing a way.

Q. They didn't make any threats?

A. I don't remember of that?

By Mr. Larrabee:

Q. In consequence of that strike, did you blow out your furnaces?

A. Lost two furnaces.

Q. What was the damage?

A. It cost us about ten thousand dollars. We made up an itemized list of it soon afterwards. It amounted to about ten thousand dollars--a trifle over. It was a direct damage--it took as much to blast out our scaffold and re-line it, and there was some other incidental damage.

Q. Ten thousand dollars about covers the damage?

A. That is the strike damages--actual loss.

Q. To say nothing of incidental losses?

A. Yes; we paid that out afterwards to fix it.

Q. Was there any loss in the vicinity?

A. The Pennsylvania Company's head-house was burnt; their trellising was burnt, not on the actual day of the riots--it was during that time.

Q. Can you give an estimate account of that?

A. Our Point Brook stable was burnt--that was after we started our works again.

Q. Can you estimate the damage to the Pennsylvania Company?

A. No; other people could tell you better about that.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Was there any disposition manifested on the part of your men, to go in to the furnaces and run them, if you would permit them?

A. I don't know of any such; no sir. Of course, we would only have been glad to have them run. If they run them at all, they must run under our protection.

Q. Was there any disposition, any offers made on the part of your men to go in and work?

A. If we would protect them. Oh, yes; if we would protect them after two or three days. The first day, they stated, they were afraid of men striking outside. We labored with the furnace men by night, talking with them, trying to get them to stay. They said they were afraid. The following Tuesday, they got more or less over the fear, and they did go back, if that is what you mean.

Q. Did your men say who made the threats against them--of who they were afraid?

A. No; it was that some men would come to their houses and tell them so and so--tell their wives so and so, some men either told their little girls, and that kind of thing. We could get very little information from them.

Q. The threats were not open and above board?

A. Yes; may have been open, but they didn't give their names to us--were afraid we would act on them.

Q. In your opinion, were those men that made these threats in your employ?

A. Yes, sir; some were. You see, Mr. McGowan cleaned out the Mollies in Schuylkill. A great many of them who had not been apprehended have come up here and they now lie partly between here and Pittston, and Carbondale, and a good many in Oliphant and Carr's Patch; and the men who had been at Minica, were very largely men who were prominent in the riot. These Mollies are now re-organizing here more or less. We have got accurate information. Our information nowadays is very accurate. We know precisely where we stand.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. You have stated the substance of the agreement?

A. I have stated the substance of it, that is, with our miners alone. When we took our men back, we made an agreement with all our men, that hereafter they should give us thirty days' notice or forfeit their pay at the time of strike. That agreement was signed by every man who was of any consequence at all. Of course, there is a number of small fry that we don't care anything about.

Q. Signed by the men who carried on your works?

A. It is signed by three fourths of the men in our employ--miners, laborers, driver boys, &c. Our orders are strict in the matter.

Q. Did they enter into this article of agreement with a perfect understanding of what they were doing?

A. They received a printed copy. They agreed to give us thirty days' notice. They all agreed to work on in case of a strike, in case of any commotion elsewhere, they agreed to give us thirty days' notice. If they struck after thirty days' notice, they forfeited all pay due them at the time of the strike. That our miners, in case of a general strike, they agreed to work on through it and we agreed to pay them back pay when the railroad company pays.

Q. The railroad also engages in mining?

A. Yes; the D., L. and W., and the Delaware and Hudson are also mining. We mine no coal except for our own purposes--for our mills and steel-works--and we necessarily make a good deal of fine coal that is not convenient to use ourselves, and we sell what little fine coal we make that we don't want ourselves. We send nothing to New York.

Q. Did you notice any uneasiness among the men, or disposition to strike, prior to the strike at Pittsburgh?

A. No, sir. Of course, the great depression of business, and all that kind of thing contributed to make things very hard. There was a great many men out of work--that made it somewhat hard. Of course, a reduction of wages is a thing you never take until a necessity comes on, and you cannot help yourself.

Q. Had there been any talk or organization among the men about a strike prior to the strike at Pittsburgh?

A. Not that I know of, sir. It went like wild-fire everywhere, and took these men like everybody else.

* * * * *

... Powell, re-called:

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Are you prepared to give the figures as to the pay for mining per ton or per car?

A. You referred back, while I was on the stand before, to 1873. I have some figures for the price of mining coal from 1871 to 1878. The Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad Company in '71, 2, 3, and 4, the G vein would return per car, $1 17-1/2, the E vein, what they call the Diamond vein----

Q. One dollar seventeen and a half cents per car?

A. That was in 1874.

Q. The E vein, how much?

A. Ninety-three and a half cents. Six cars constitute a full shift between the miner and laborer.

Q. That makes what you would call a day's work?

A. A full shift; that is in the G vein. In the E vein, it is seven cars. The laborer draws one third of the total mined, then what remains after deducting expenses, on an average, amounts to about $1 10 at that time.

Q. One dollar and ten cents for a day for the six or seven cars?

A. Expense. That is the wear and tear that has got to come out of the miners. The miner at that wages, would get $3 50, and the laborer about $2 35.

Q. The miner how much?

A. Three dollars and fifty cents. That is, taking now the highest rates ever given. In January, 1875, I was getting ten per cent. reduction, and G vein was then reduced to $1 06 per car.

Q. Just give us the reduction?

A. March 15, in 1876, the Diamond G vein per car, ninety-five and one half.

Q. Was there reduction there?

A. Ten per cent.

Q. In addition to what you have stated?

A. Yes, sir; March 15, fifteen per cent. reduction.

Q. When was the ten per cent. reduction?

A. March, 1877.

Q. Now there is ten per cent. more?

A. Fifteen per cent.

Q. On July 1, was there any reduction?

A. June, 1875, ten per cent.; March 15, 1876, ten per cent.; January, 1876, ten per cent.; March 15, 1877, fifteen per cent.

Q. Was there any reduction after that?

A. No, sir; not for the miners. There is one thing, we have another vein here which we call the G vein, top and bottom, that is seventy-two cents per car.

Q. Has this reduction been general in all the mines, the same per centage?

A. The same per centage.

Q. Is there anything else?

A. You refer to the number of days worked. I can give you that.

Q. Your own days?

A. Through the courtesy of the superintendent of the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western I got the number of days from their books. The number of days worked in 1876, one hundred and sixty-five and three quarters. That was the breaker work in a year, making an average of $14 per month, that is the whole breaker work. You take the mines there, and all they make is an average of $12 per month--of the miners. In 1877 it averaged about--the breaker work--about $16; that would give the miners about $13 per month. In 1878 it lacks an average of $12, which would give the miners nearly $10.

Q. How many days did you make in any month?

A. I took the whole average of the mines.

Q. Got that from what?

A. The books of the company.

Q. Of the company you are working for?

A. Yes, sir.

* * * * *

Isaac Felts, _sworn_:

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. State whether your store was broken open on the 1st day of August last?

A. The 1st day of August I found it was broken open. They said it was broken open in the morning.

Q. Done in the night or during the morning?

A. After midnight.

Q. How far from Scranton is it?

A. It is about three miles, or three and one half, I should judge.

Q. In which direction?

A. It is south from here--pretty nearly south.

Q. How far beyond the silk-factory?

A. It must be two and one half miles, probably.

Q. Is it near the church that stands out at Greenwood?

A. It is beyond the church; it is about half a mile or so beyond the church.

Q. State what your damage was?

A. As near as I can judge, I think it is between $3,000 and $4,000.

Q. Goods that were carried off?

A. Goods carried off.

Q. What kind of goods?

A. All kinds of merchandise. Goods pretty much that belong to a country store. We had to keep a little of most everything there.

Q. Was anything in the shape of ammunition or arms taken away?

A. No, sir; not that I know of. I had mining supplies. I had some little powder there, and one thing or other that was not taken. There was no ammunition that I knew of.

* * * * *

Joe Shoemaker, _sworn_:

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. Were do you live?

A. Over in the Eleventh ward, Sixth street.

Q. What is your business?

A. Blacksmith.

Q. Where were you on the 1st day of August last?

A. The 1st day of August I went to work in the morning at the Lackawanna Iron and Coal Company's--down here at the flats.

Q. Go on and tell us what you did that day?

A. I worked there, and about between eleven and twelve o'clock--the miners had a meeting at the silk-factory, and the men came down and called us out. My woman was down there. "Joe," she says, "Come out, the miners will kill you;" says I, "I guess they won't do that." I went out and came up near the boiler-shop--and went out--I was the last man that went out of that shop. I didn't want to go out, I was satisfied with the wages Scranton offered me. I didn't want to go out, but they all went out, and so I went out--I closed the door of the shop, and I went out when everybody was done. I wanted to see what was going on, and I seen them--they went in the boiler-shop. There was a man working in there by the name of Hilton, and there was hollering inside, and I didn't know what was the matter, and I saw a man jump out and some fellow standing outside the door, he was jumping against the door. The door fly open and knocked them fellows back, and they run right in. They picked up stones and fired at them. They seen me, I had my sleeves rolled up. They thought that is a working man, and they fired at me. I got four stones, one on that shoulder, and one on that, and one right here, [indicating.] I sat down. I could not move myself any more. I hopped up, and when I got there he said, "Joe that blow I would not have for fifty dollars." I didn't want to tell them I got hurt. The engineer was getting out, he was half ways in the window and half ways out when they got at him.

Q. Do you know any of those men that were hammering your engineer?

A. I was too far away. I was up at Robinson's brewery. I was too far off. I didn't go near them any more. He run around the building, and when he got to the foundry there was a pile of pig iron of about three foot high, and he run down, and some people stopped there by the foundry, and they picked up stones and fired at him. When he was behind that pig iron, he was gone from my eyes. That was all I could see of him. If it was not for the stopping work, I would have had about $120 in my pocket, where I didn't have a cent. I was willing to work on, but they didn't let me.

Q. How long was you idle?

A. Three months idle. Had a family with three children, and was willing to work, but I couldn't work.

Q. Because they would not let you?

A. No.

Q. How much did you get a day when they drove you out of the shop?

A. I had $1 53. My wages is $40 any how, and then the three months makes me $120 lost. Whose fault is it? Not mine. I was willing to work. It was not the company's fault either.

Q. The fault of strikers, was not it?

A. Yes; and then they hit me, and I had to lay two weeks in the bed, and the society to where I belong had to pay me benefits.

Q. What society do you belong to?

A. To a Dutch society--to two of them. I belong now twenty years--to one of them twenty-five years.

Q. What is the name of that society?

A. St. Joseph's Verein and Lackawanna Mutual Association.

Q. What is that society for?

A. For to pay benefits, same as Odd Fellows. Pay benefit if a man is sick. If you die, the woman gets $50. If you are sick, you have $4 a week. The society paid that at the time they hit me, and they had to pay me for it because it was not my fault. They didn't want to do it, but they had to do it. I said it was not my fault. I went to work for my family, and I got hurt. It was not my fault, and they had to pay me, so they did.

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Charles F. Mattes, _sworn_:

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. State your residence and your business, if you please?

A. My residence is here in Scranton. I have general charge of the coal mines, and real estate agent of the Lackawanna Iron and Coal Company. In reference to this matter, I will state just here that I was not an eye witness of those riots. When this suit was brought against the parties who were engaged in the shooting, I was charged with the gathering of evidence in the case on the part of the defendants, and it brought me in communication with a great many persons who were witnesses who were directly concerned, and I presume it is supposed for that reason that I could give more information than, perhaps, any other person in reference to it; but what I would have to say would not be from observation, but from other parties.

Q. We don't care to have you describe the riot as it occurred here that day. That has been described by so many gentlemen. I wish you would give us what information you have as to the cause of the riots, and what your information is as to what produced them, based upon information that you collected in making these defenses?

A. In the first place, the strike originated here with the railroad employés--firemen and brakemen ostensibly. Miners and mechanics, generally, and workmen generally were working on quietly, and with no demonstration of any sort, apparently reasonably well satisfied. There had been, from time to time, reductions in the wages, which are always accompanied, as every one knows, with more or less feeling of dissatisfaction on the part of those whose pay is reduced; but this strike here, it occurred to me, was a sympathetic movement in accord with the strike of the firemen. By that strike all transportation ceased. Of course the mines could not be carried on. The men were thrown out of employment; they could not work if they desired to, because there were no cars and no means of carrying away the product of the mines. The consequence was, they would meet together, and these matters were discussed. Agitators would go among them. The better class of men were overruled, and the more violent agitators carried the day, and it resulted in a strike and demand of an increase of twenty-five per cent. in the rate of wages, at a time when everything was depressed, and it was so preposterous. They were assured by a good many that it was a foolish demand, and one they could not expect to have acceded to, and must result in a prolongation of their idleness if they insisted upon that demand. I don't know as I could add anything to what has already been said here as to the cause. The strike on the railroad, in my view, was the primary cause, and it threw the men idle, and as is pretty nearly always the case, there was more or less trouble.

By Mr. Means:

Q. You think the strike at Pittsburgh was the cause of the strike at Scranton?

A. ...

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Why was it?

A. Because this movement was carried through on the railroads. The railroads were all stopped. Many other classes of men were working along contentedly, satisfied that they were doing the best thing they could do, if they were not satisfied with their wages. We all know they were feeling as though they were working for low wages, and those men who came among them did their utmost to create this spirit of dissatisfaction, and induce the strike.

Q. What combination, if any, was there between railroad men and other laborers?

A. I don't know that there was any direct combination. There was said to be a general labor union organized at the time. We heard a great deal of unions of various occupations, and of a general union of laboring and workingmen.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. Did you succeed in tracing that thing to a reliable source to find whether there was a union organized here?

A. I was perfectly satisfied in my own mind that there was a union. As to the existence of it, I couldn't definitely say.

Q. Was there any riot organized in the city of Scranton?

A. I think so.

Q. Composed of what class of men?

A. Composed of all classes of workingmen, so far as I could get at it. I was satisfied it was so. I couldn't state that positively, nor I couldn't point to men as directly connected with it.

By Mr. Means:

Q. Were the railroad employés the prime movers in this strike?

A. It occurred to me they were. They took the initiative at any rate in striking. They spoke first.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. The railroad employés did.

A. Yes. I mean by the railroad men, the men operating their trains. There was a large mass of miners--much the larger mass of miners are employés of the railroad company in this vicinity.

By Senator Reyburn:

Q. From the information you got, do you think there was an organization, and it was understood that the railroad men were the first to strike?

A. No, sir; I don't know that that is so.

Q. From your own knowledge of the state of the case then, as I understand it, you think the railroad men struck first of their own accord?

A. It appeared so to me, and, from any knowledge I have, I should judge it was so.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. And the rest followed from a general sympathy of all laboring classes with them?

A. Yes, sir.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. I want to know whether the railroad men struck before or after the strike at Pittsburgh?

A. I think it was directly after--just about that same time, and just about the same time the thing followed around all over in quick succession.

Q. Do you recollect the day when they struck?

A. No, sir; I don't.

Q. Do you recollect the day the trains stopped running?

A. No, sir. I could easily have ascertained this point, only I didn't suppose I would be called upon for anything of the kind, and made no preparations.

Q. You think it was not until after the strike at Pittsburgh?

A. It was just about that time. I think it was just after.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Have you learned whether it was by a pre-concerted arrangement that they should strike here?

A. No, sir; but it appeared as if they did so. We knew very well there were labor organizations among the railroad men. They had their brotherhoods of engineers, and of firemen, and of brakemen, &c.

Q. Was there such an organization here as the Trainmen's Union that you knew of?

A. I never heard of it by that name. I had nothing particularly to do with the railroad, and, of course, wouldn't be as well posted in that as in some other matters.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. From the investigation you made, and from your knowledge of the strike here, do you think there would have been any strike here had you heard nothing of the strike at Pittsburgh and other parts of the country?

A. I think there would have been.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. Why do you think there would not have been?

A. The men were working on peaceably, and apparently contented, and there were no demonstrations made, whatever, and they were getting reasonable pay.

Q. Did you hear any of those strikers say it was because the men struck at Pittsburgh and in Virginia or any other place?

A. You could get no reason out of them. I conversed with many men, but there was scarcely an instance in which he would acknowledge that he was a striker. He stopped simply because the rest of the men stopped.

Q. It was apparently infectious?

A. I don't think I met with a dozen men who would acknowledge that they were interested in the strike.

By Mr. Means:

Q. He proposed that if he was in Rome he would do as Rome does?

A. There was another reason assigned, something in substance to that.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. They wouldn't acknowledge that they were engaged in striking, in the conversations you had with them?

A. No, sir.

Q. Was there any fear, you think, operating on the minds of those men with whom you conversed that if they did acknowledge they were engaged in a strike they might be discharged by their several employers?

A. There may have been. I have no doubt some were affected in that way--no doubt of that, whatever.

By Senator Yutzy:

Q. I understood the witness to say that the railroad men struck first?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. Was there not a strike among other classes of men--iron men and rolling-mill men?

A. Not until after the railroad strike occurred.

Q. Another strike preceding that?

A. I have no recollection of any; no, sir. Not a matter of recent date. There may have been some local strikes about here, or some local difficulties, as is frequently the case. Sometimes there would be a strike at one mine because of some local difficulty. That won't affect the general region, whatever. That is frequently the case.

Q. What is the general custom of the men that strike? Is it their custom, when they quit work, to prevent other men from working?

A. Almost universally so.

Q. And by what means?

A. By intimidation of various sorts. Doing it at their houses mainly?

Q. Threatening them?

A. While the miners were idle, it has been the practice, heretofore, in this valley, for pump men to continue at work through the strike. I have never known a case but where they were stopped. In this case--I can speak positively to this one fact--that at one of the collieries that I have charge of, the pump men were visited by a crowd of men at night and threatened, and ordered to stop. This I have from the men themselves.

Q. Threatened with what?

A. Threatened with violence--to be beaten--forced out, if they didn't stop. The men, in this particular case, requested to remain until morning, and not to drop everything, and leave it unprotected. In the morning they were so badly frightened that they refused to continue at work. Then there was no recourse but either to let the mines fill, or to get other parties to work in their places.

Q. What means were resorted to prevent men from working that wished to work?

A. By beating them, going to their houses, and threatening them, sometimes, sending communications--sometimes are ornamented with cross-bones, and coffins, and pistols, and skulls.

Q. Drawings on paper?

A. Enough to frighten them. Sometimes men desire to be intimidated that way, as an excuse. I think so, many times.

Q. Have any of those threats ever been carried out?

A. Yes. Men have frequently been beaten.

Q. And killed?

A. I cannot re-call of any cases here, where men have been killed.

Q. Driven away by force?

A. Yes, sir. In this case of our colliery, the house of the man who was working as a pump-man--he had been working in the mines for years--been foreman at one time--his house--his house was visited twice, pistol shots fired into it, stones thrown at it, he was stoned and forced from his work; and another man, who was working with me was stoned, his house was stoned several times by parties, in the night. Who they were, we cannot tell, of course.

Q. Where men didn't obey the advice of those men that threatened them, was it generally followed by violence?

A. It very frequently has been.

Q. Has it been generally followed by violence, so far as your observation and knowledge extends?

A. No, sir; I wouldn't say generally, because threats have been so common. I could hardly say it was general; but, as a rule, men have been intimidated by the threats.

Q. I want to know whether, where they didn't obey the commands of these men that made the threats, and didn't cease work, whether that was generally followed by violence?

A. That is a very general question.

Q. So far as your observation extends?

A. I wouldn't say generally; no, sir; I would say that it has been frequently followed by violence.

By Mr. Lindsey:

Q. Have you seen any of the threatening letters--letters with coffins, &c., on them?

A. Oh, yes.

Q. Been shown you by the men?

A. Yes. I have sometimes taken them off the works.

Q. Taken them off--how?

A. Found them posted up; because where they had been posted up, they had been so frightened by them, that they wouldn't go in--wouldn't go to work for a day or two, until they got over the strike. I have some of them. I think I could scare up a few.

Q. In our examination we have had a good many terms we are not familiar with, and I don't know but what we ought to have some definition of them. For instance, blacklegs?

A. A blackleg, as I understand it, is generally applied to a man who takes another man's place. This I understand to apply to a man who, when one man strikes, another goes in and takes his place; but it is just as commonly applied to those who continue at work, and will not go on a strike--they are denominated blacklegs. That was so in this case.

Q. Have you any scabs in this county?

A. I don't think that is used much about the mines. I have heard that applied to shoe-makers more than any one else. That is, fellows who were wandering about, without any settled place.

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