Chapter XVII: Part 17

1791. Relative constructions often have the appearance of indirect questions, and care must be taken not to confound the two. Thus, #ut# is a relative in #hanc rem, ut factast, ēloquar#, Pl. _Am._ 1129, _I’ll tell this thing as it occurred_, i.e. not _how it occurred_. #nōstī quae sequontur#, _TD._ 4, 77, _you know the things that follow_, i.e. not _what follows_.

THE RELATIVE SENTENCE.

1792. Relative sentences are introduced by relative words, the most important of which is the pronoun #quī#, _who_, _which_, or _that_. The relative pronoun may be in any case required by the context, and may represent any of the three persons.

1793. The relative adverbs, #ubī̆#, #quō#, #unde#, often take the place of a relative pronoun with a preposition, chiefly in designations of place, and regularly with town and island names. Less frequently of persons, though #unde# is not uncommonly thus used.

1794. In a wider sense, sentences introduced by any relative conjunctive particle, such as #ubī̆#, _when_, are sometimes called relative sentences. Such sentences, however, are more conveniently treated separately, under the head of the several conjunctive particles.

1795. (1.) The relative pronoun, like the English relative _who_, _which_, was developed from the interrogative. Originally, the relative sentence precedes, and the main sentence follows, just as in question and answer.

Thus, #quae mūtat, ea corrumpit#, _Fin._ 1, 21, _what he changes, that he spoils_, is a modification of the older question and answer: #quae mūtat? ea corrumpit#, _what does he change? that he spoils_. With adjective relatives, the substantive is expressed in both members, in old or formal Latin: as, #quae rēs apud nostrōs nōn erant, eārum rērum nōmina nōn poterant esse ūsitāta#, Cornif. 4, 10, _what things did not exist among our countrymen, of those things the names could not have been in common use_.

1796. (2.) The relative sentence may also come last. As early as Plautus, this had become the prevalent arrangement, and the substantive of the main sentence is called the _Antecedent_: as,

#ultrā eum locum, quō in locō Germānī cōnsēderant, castrīs idōneum locum dēlēgit#, 1, 49, 1, _beyond the place in which place the Germans had established themselves, he selected a suitable spot for his camp_. The three words #diēs#, #locus#, and #rēs#, are very commonly expressed thus both in the antecedent and the relative sentence. This repetition is rare in Livy, and disappears after his time.

1797. In old Latin, rarely in classical poetry, a sentence sometimes begins with an emphasized antecedent put before the relative, and in the case of the relative: as, #urbem quam statuō vostra est#, V. 1, 573, _the city which I found is yours_; for #quam urbem statuō, ea vostra est#. In the main sentence, #is#, #hīc#, #iste#, or #ille#, is often used; less frequently, as in this example, an appellative.

1798. The main sentence often has the determinative or demonstrative, or the substantive, or both omitted: as,

(_a._) #ubī̆ intellēxit diem īnstāre, quō diē frūmentum mīlitibus mētīrī oportēret#, 1, 16, 5, _when he saw the day was drawing nigh, on which day the grain was to be measured out to his men_. (_b._) #quōs āmīsimus cīvīs, eōs Mārtis vīs perculit#, _Marc._ 17, _what fellow-citizens we have lost, those the fury of the War-god smote down_. (_c._) #Sabīnus quōs tribūnōs mīlitum circum sē habēbat, sē sequī iubet#, 5, 37, 1, _Sabinus ordered what tribunes of the soldiers he had about him, to follow him_.

1799. The antecedent is often omitted when it is indefinite, or is obvious from the context: as,

#sunt quī mīrentur#, _V_. 1, 6, _there be who wonder_. #dēlēgistī quōs Rōmae relinquerēs#, _C._ 1, 9, _you picked out people to leave in Rome_. #quod periīt, periīt#, Pl. _Cist._ 703, _gone is gone_. #Caesar cōgnōvit Cōnsidium, quod nōn vīdisset, prō vīsō sibī̆ renūntiāvisse#, 1, 22, 4, _Caesar ascertained that Considius had reported to him as seen what he had not seen_.

1800. An ablative or nominative abstract in the relative sentence sometimes represents an ablative of manner or quality omitted from the main sentence: as, #quā prūdentiā es, nihil tē fugiet#, _Fam._ 11, 13, 1, _with what sense you have, nothing will elude you_, i.e. #eā quā es prūdentiā, nihil tē fugiet. spērō, quae tua prūdentia est, tē valēre#, _Att._ 6, 9, 1, _I hope that, with your characteristic caution, you are well_. #at Āiāx, quō animō trāditur, mīlliēs oppetere mortem quam illa perpetī māluisset#, _Off._ 1, 113, _Ajax, on the contrary, with his traditional vehemence, would have chosen rather to die a thousand deaths than to submit to such indignities_. This ellipsis begins with Cicero, and is found a few times only in later writers.

AGREEMENT OF THE RELATIVE.

1801. The agreement of the relative has already been spoken of in a general way (1082-1098). For convenience, however, it may be set forth here more explicitly.

1802. A relative pronoun agrees with its antecedent in gender and number, but its case depends on the construction of the sentence in which it stands: as,

#Hippiās glōriātus est ānulum quem habēret, pallium quō amictus, soccōs quibus indūtus esset, sē suā manū cōnfēcisse#, _DO._ 3, 127, _Hippias prided himself that he had made with his own hand the ring that he wore, the cloak in which he was wrapped, and the slippers that he had on_. This holds of all relatives with inflected form, such as #quīcumque#, #quālis#, #quantus#, &c., &c.

1803. When the relative refers to two or more antecedents of different gender, its gender is determined like that of a predicate adjective (1087): as,

#mātrēs et līberī, quōrum aetās misericordiam vestram requīrēbat#, _V._ 5, 129, _mothers and babies, whose years would appeal to your sympathy_ (1088). #ōtium atque dīvitiae, quae prīma mortālēs putant#, S. _C._ 36, 4, _peace and prosperity, which the sons of men count chiefest of blessings_ (1089). #fortūna, quam nēmō ab incōnstantiā et temeritāte sēiunget, quae digna nōn sunt deō#, _DN._ 3, 61, _fortune, which nobody will distinguish from caprice and hazard, qualities which are not befitting god_ (1089). Sometimes the relative agrees with the nearest substantive: as, #eās frūges atque frūctūs, quōs terra gignit#, _DN._ 2, 37, _the crops, and the fruits of the trees that earth produces_.

1804. The relative is sometimes regulated by the sense, and not by the form of the antecedent: as,

#equitātum praemittit quī videant#, 1, 15, 1, _he sends the cavalry ahead, for them to see_ (1095). #ūnus ex eō numerō, quī ad caedem parātī erant#, S. _I_. 35, 6, _one of the number that were ready to do murder_ (1095). #duo prōdigia, quōs improbitās tribūnō cōnstrictōs addīxerat#, _Sest._ 38, _a pair of monstrosities, whom their depravity had delivered over in irons to the tribune_. #scrība pontificis, quōs nunc minōrēs pontificēs appellant#, L. 22, 57, 3, _a clerk of the pontiff, which clerks they call nowadays lesser pontiffs_, i.e. #quōs scrībās. Vēiēns bellum exortum, quibus Sabīnī arma coniūnxerant#, L. 2, 53, 1, _a Vejan war broke out, with whom the Sabines had allied themselves_, i.e. #bellum cum Vēientibus.#

1805. A relative referring to a proper name and explanatory appellative combined, may take the gender of either: as, #flūmine Rhēnō, quī agrum Helvētium ā Germānīs dīvidit#, 1, 2, 3, _by the river Rhine, which is the boundary between Helvetians and Germans_. #ad flūmen Scaldem quod īnfluit in Mosam#, 6, 33, 3, _to the river Scheldt, that empties itself into the Maas_.

1806. With verbs of indeterminate meaning (1035), the relative pronoun sometimes agrees with the predicate substantive: as, #Thēbae ipsae, quod Boeōtiae caput est#, L. 42, 44, 3, _Thebes itself, which is the capital of Boeotia_. Often, however, with the antecedent: as, #flūmen quod appellātur Tamesis#, 5, 11, 8, _the river which is called the Thames_.

1807. When the relative is subject, its verb agrees with the person of the antecedent: as,

#haec omnia is fēcī, quī sodālis Dolābellae eram#, _Fam._ 12, 14, 7, _all this I did, I that was Dolabella’s bosom friend_. #inīquos es, quī mē tacēre postulēs#, T. _Hau._ 1011, _thou art unfair, expecting me to hold my tongue_. So also when the antecedent is implied in a possessive: as, #cum tū nostrā, quī remānsissēmus, caede tē contentum esse dīcēbās#, _C_. 1, 7, _when you said you were satisfied with murdering us, who had staid behind_.

1808. For an accusative of the relative with an ablative antecedent the ablative is rarely used: as, #notante iūdice quō nōstī populō#, H. _S_. 1, 6, 15, _the judge condemning--thou know’st who--the world_. This represents the older interrogative conception: #notante iūdice--quō?--nōstī, populō# (1795).

1809. A new substantive added in explanation of an antecedent is put after the relative, and in the same case: as, #ad Amānum contendī, quī mōns erat hostium plēnus#, _Att._ 5, 20, 3, _I pushed on to Amanus, a mountain that was packed with the enemy_. This use begins with Cicero; but from Livy on, the explanatory word is also put as an appositive, with the relative following: as, #Decius Magius, vir cui nihil dēfuit#, L. 23, 7, 4, _Magius, a man that lacked nothing_.

1810. An adjective, especially a comparative, superlative, or numeral, explanatory of a substantive in the main sentence, is often put in the relative sentence: as,

#palūs quae perpetua intercēdēbat Rōmānōs ad īnsequendum tardābat#, 7, 26, 2, _a morass, that lay unbroken between, hindered the Romans from pursuit_.

1811. When reference is made to the substance of a sentence, the neuter #quod# is used, or more commonly #id quod#, either usually in parenthesis: as,

#intellegitur, id quod iam ante dīxī, imprūdente L. Sūllā scelera haec fierī#, _RA._ 25, _it is plain, as I have said once before, that these crimes are committed without the cognizance of Sulla_. In continuations, #quae rēs#: as, #nāvēs removērī iussit, quae rēs māgnō ūsuī nostrīs fuit#, 4, 25, 1, _he ordered the vessels to be withdrawn, a course which proved very advantageous for our people_.

[Erratum:
1811 ... quae rēs māgnō
text unchanged: word generally spelled “magn-” (see endnote on
first edition)]

MOODS IN THE RELATIVE SENTENCE.

1812. The relative is sometimes equivalent to a conditional protasis. When thus used, it may have either the indicative or the subjunctive, as the sense requires: as,

(_a._) #quod beātum est, nec habet nec exhibet cuiquam negōtium#, _DN._ 1, 85, _whatsoever is blessed, has no trouble and makes none to anybody_. #quisquis hūc vēnerit, pugnōs edet#, Pl. _Am._ 309, _whoever comes this way, shall have a taste of fists_ (1796). #omnia mala ingerēbat quemquem adspexerat#, Pl. _Men._ 717, _she showered all possible bad names on every man she saw_ (1795). (_b._) #haec quī videat, nōnne cōgātur cōnfitērī deōs esse#, _DN._ 2, 12, _whoso should see this would be forced, wouldn’t he? to admit the existence of gods_. #quī vidēret, equom Trōiānum intrōductum dīceret#, _V._ 4, 52, _whoever saw it would have sworn it was the Trojan horse brought in_ (1559).

THE INDICATIVE MOOD.

1813. The indicative is used in simple declarations or descriptions introduced by a relative: as,

#quem dī dīligunt, adulēscēns moritur#, Pl. _B._ 816, _whom the gods love, dies young_. #reliquī, qui domī mānsērunt, sē alunt#, 4, 1, 5, _the others, that stay at home, support themselves_ (1736). #quōs labōrantēs cōnspexerat, hīs subsidia submittēbat#, 4, 26, 4, _to such as he saw in stress, he kept sending reinforcements_ (1736). #tū quod volēs faciēs#, _QFr._ 3, 4, 5, _do what you like_ (1735).

1814. The indicative is also used with indefinite relative pronouns and adverbs: as, #quidquid volt, valdē volt#, _Att._ 14, 1, 2, _whatever he wants, he wants mightily_. #quisquis est#, _TD._ 4, 37, _whoever he may be_. #quācumque iter fēcit#, _V._ 1, 44, _wherever he made his way_. In later writers the imperfect or pluperfect is often in the subjunctive: see 1730.

1815. An original indicative often becomes subjunctive, particularly in indirect discourse (1722); or by attraction (1728); or to indicate repeated action (1730). See also 1727 and 1731.

[Erratum:
1814 ... _TD._ 4, 37
4. 37]

THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.

1816. Relative pronoun sentences take the subjunctive to denote (1.) a purpose, (2.) a characteristic or result, (3.) a cause, reason, proof, or a concession.

SENTENCES OF PURPOSE.

1817. (1.) Relative sentences of purpose are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by #ut#, _in order that_, _to_ (1947): as,

#ea quī cōnficeret, C. Trebōnium relinquit#, 7, 11, 3, _he left Trebonius to manage this_. #quālis esset nātūra montis, quī cōgnōscerent, mīsit#, 1, 21, 1, _he sent some scouts to ascertain what the character of the mountain was_. #haec habuī dē amīcitiā quae dīcerem#, _L._ 104, _this was what I had to say of friendship_. Sentences of purpose are an extension of the subjunctive of desire (1540).

SENTENCES OF CHARACTERISTIC OR RESULT.

1818. (2.) Relative sentences of characteristic or result are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by #ut#, _so as to_, _so that_ (1947).

The main sentence sometimes has a word denoting character, such as #is#, #eius modī#, rarely #tālis#: as, #neque is sum, quī mortis perīculō terrear#, 5, 30, 2, _but I am not the man to be scared by danger of death, no not I_. Often, however, character is intimated by the mood alone: as, #secūtae sunt tempestātēs quae nostrōs in castrīs continērent#, 4, 34, 4, _there followed a succession of storms to keep our people in camp_. #quod miserandum sit labōrātis#, _DN._ 3, 62, _you struggle away to a pitiable degree_. Sentences of result are an extension of the subjunctive of action conceivable (1554).

1819. The subjunctive with #quī# is often used with #dignus#, #indignus#, or #idōneus#, usually with a form of #sum#: as, #Līviānae fābulae nōn satis dignae quae iterum legantur#, _Br._ 71, _Livy’s plays are not worth reading twice_. #nōn erit idōneus quī ad bellum mittātur#, _IP._ 66, _he will not be a fit person to be sent to the war_. Twice thus, #aptus#, once in Cicero, once in Ovid. In poetry and late prose these adjectives sometimes have the infinitive. #dignus# and #indignus# have also #ut# in Plautus, Livy, and Quintilian.

1820. Relative subjunctive sentences are sometimes coordinated by #et# or #sed#, with a substantive, adjective, or participle: as, #audāx et coetūs possit quae ferre virōrum#, J. 6, 399, _a brazen minx, and one quite capable of facing crowds of men_.

1821. Relative sentences after assertions or questions of existence or non-existence, usually take the subjunctive: as,

#sunt quī putent#, _TD._ 1, 18, _there be people to think_, _there be who think_, or _some people think_. #nēmō est quī nesciat#, _Fam._ 1, 4, 2, _there is nobody that doesn’t know_. #sapientia est ūna quae maestitiam pellat ex animīs#, _Fin._ 1, 43, _wisdom is the only thing to drive sadness from the soul_.

1822. Such expressions are: #est (exsistit, exortus est), quī#; #sunt (reperiuntur, nōn dēsunt), quī#; #nēmō est, quī#; #quis est, quī#; #sōlus# or #ūnus est, quī#; #est, nihil est, quod#; #quid est, quod?# #habeō, nōn habeō, nihil habeō, quod#, &c., &c. Indefinite subjects are sometimes used with these verbs: as, #multī#, #quīdam#, #nōnnūllī#, #aliī#, #paucī#; sometimes appellatives: as, #hominēs#, #philosophī#.

1823. The indicative, however, is not infrequently found in affirmative sentences, particularly in old Latin and in poetry: as, #sunt quōs sciō esse amīcōs#, Pl. _Tri._ 91, _some men there are I know to be my friends_. #interdum volgus rēctum videt, est ubi peccat#, H. _E._ 2, 1, 63, _sometimes the world sees right, there be times when it errs_. #sunt item, quae appellantur alcēs#, 6, 27, 1, _then again there are what they call elks_.

[Erratum:
1823 ... #sunt quōs sciō esse amīcōs#, Pl. _Tri._ 91
printed . for ,]

SENTENCES OF CAUSE OR CONCESSION.

1824. (3.) Relative sentences of cause, reason, proof, or of concession, are equivalent to subjunctive sentences introduced by #cum#, _since_, _though_ (1877): as,

(_a._) #hospes, quī nihil suspicārētur, hominem retinēre coepit#, _V._ 1, 64, _the friend, suspecting nothing, undertook to hold on to the man_. Often justifying the use of a single word: as, #ō fortūnāte adulēscēns, quī tuae virtūtis Homērum praecōnem invēnerīs#, _Arch._ 24, _oh youth thrice-blest, with Homer trumpeter of thy prowess_. #ad mē vēnit Hēraclīus, homo nōbilis, quī sacerdōs Iovis fuisset#, _V._ 4, 137, _I had a call from Heraclius, a man of high standing, as is proved by his having been a priest of Jupiter_. (_b._) #Cicerō, quī mīlitēs in castrīs continuisset, quīnque cohortēs frūmentātum mittit#, 6, 36, 1, _though Cicero had kept his men in camp, he sends five cohorts foraging_.

1825. With #quī tamen#, however, the indicative is usual: as, #alter, quī tamen sē continuerat, nōn tenuit eum locum#, _Sest._ 114, _the other, though he had observed a quiet policy, did not hold the place_.

1826. Oftentimes, where a causal relation might be expected, a simple declaratory indicative is used: as,

#habeō senectūtī magnam grātiam, quae mihī̆ sermōnis aviditātem auxit#, _CM._ 46, _I feel greatly indebted to age, which has increased my eagerness for conversation_. Particularly thus in old Latin: as, #sed sumne ego stultus, quī rem cūrō pūblicam?# Pl. _Per._ 75, _but am I not a fool, who bother with the common weal?_ Compared with: #sed ego sum īnsipientior, quī rēbus cūrem pūplicis#, Pl. _Tri._ 1057, _but I’m a very fool, to bother with the common weal_. Often of coincident action (1733): as, #stultē fēcī, quī hunc āmīsī#, Pl. _MG._ 1376, _I’ve acted like a fool, in letting this man off_.

1827. The causal relative is often introduced by #quippe#, less frequently by #ut#, or #ut pote#, _naturally_: as,

#‘convīvia cum patre nōn inībat;’ quippe quī nē in oppidum quidem nisi perrārō venīret#, _RA._ 52, _‘he never went to dinner-parties with his father;’ why, of course not, since he never went to a simple country town even, except very rarely_. #dictātor tamen, ut quī magis animīs quam vīribus frētus ad certāmen dēscenderet, omnia circumspicere coepit#, L. 7, 14, 6, _but the dictator, naturally, since he went into the struggle trusting to mind rather than muscle, now began to be all on the alert_. With #quippe quī#, the indicative only is used by Sallust, and is preferred by Plautus and Terence. Cicero has, with one exception, the subjunctive, Tacitus and Nepos have it always. Livy has either mood. Not in Caesar. #ut quī# has the subjunctive. It occurs a few times in Plautus, Cicero, once in Caesar, oftenest in Livy. With the indicative once in Cicero, and once in Tacitus. #ut pote quī# has the subjunctive. It is used by Plautus, by Cicero, once with the indicative, by Sallust, and Catullus.

1828. The indefinite ablative #quī#, _somehow_, _surely_, sometimes follows #quippe# or #ut# in old Latin, in which case it must not be confounded with the relative: as, #quippe quī ex tē audīvī#, Pl. _Am._ 745, _why, sure I’ve heard from you_; it cannot be the relative here, as the speaker is a woman.

1829. The subjunctive is used in parenthetical sentences of restriction: as,

#quod sciam#, Pl. _Men._ 500; T. _Ad._ 641; _RA._ 17, _to the best of my knowledge and belief_. #quod sine molestiā tuā fīat#, _Fam._ 13, 23, 2, _as far as may be without trouble to yourself_. #quī# is often followed by #quidem#: as, #omnium ōrātōrum, quōs quidem ego cōgnōverim, acūtissimum iūdicō Q. Sertōrium#, _Br._ 180, _of all orators, at least of all that I have made the acquaintance of myself, I count Sertorius the sharpest_.

1830. The indicative, however, is used in #quod attinet ad#, _as to_, and usually with #quantum#, and with forms of #sum# and #possum#: as, #quod sine molestiā tuā facere poteris#, _Att._ 1, 5, 7, _as far as you can without troubling yourself_.

CORRELATIVE SENTENCES.

1831. Sentences are said to be _correlative_, when a relative pronoun or adverb has a corresponding determinative or demonstrative pronoun or adverb in the main sentence.

Thus, the ordinary correlative of #quī# is #is#, less frequently #hīc#, #ille#, #īdem#. Similarly #tot . . . quot# are used as correlatives; also #quō . . . eō#, #quantō . . . tantō#; #quantum . . . tantum#; #tam . . . quam#; #totiēns . . . quotiēns#; #tālis . . . quālis#; #ubī̆ . . . ibī̆#; #ut . . . ita#, #sīc#, or #item#; #cum ... tum#.

RELATIVE SENTENCES COMBINED.

(A.) COORDINATION OF A RELATIVE.

1832. (1.) When two coordinate relative sentences would have the second relative in the same case as the first, the second relative is usually omitted: as,

#Dumnorīgī quī prīncipātum optinēbat, ac maximē plēbī acceptus erat, persuādet#, 1, 3, 5, _he prevails with Dumnorix, who held the headship, and was popular with the commons_.

1833. (2.) When two coordinate relative sentences require two different cases of the relative, the relative is usually expressed with both, or else the second relative, which is usually nominative or accusative, is omitted, or #is#, #hīc#, #ille#, or #īdem#, is substituted for it: as,

(_a._) #cūr loquimur dē eō hoste, quī iam fatētur sē esse hostem, et quem nōn timeō?# _C._ 2, 17, _why am I talking about an enemy who admits himself he is an enemy, and whom I do not fear?_ (_b._) #Bocchus cum peditibus, quōs Volux addūxerat, neque in priōre pugnā adfuerant#, S. _I._ 101, 5, _Bocchus with the infantry whom Volux had brought up, and who had not been engaged in the first skirmish_. (_c._) #Viriāthus, quem C. Laelius frēgit, ferōcitātemque eius repressit#, _Off._ 2, 40, _Viriathus, whom Laelius crushed, and curbed his fiery soul_. This last use is chiefly limited to old Latin, Cicero, and Lucretius.

(B.) SUBORDINATION OF A RELATIVE.

1834. A sentence consisting of a main and a relative member, may be further modified by a more specific relative sentence: as,

#proximī sunt Germānīs quī trāns Rhēnum incolunt# (general), #quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt# (specific), 1, 1, 3, _they are nearest to the Germans that live beyond the Rhine, with whom they carry on uninterrupted hostilities_. #īdem artifex Cupīdinem fēcit illum quī est Thespiīs# (general), #propter quem Thespiae vīsuntur# (specific), _V._ 4, 4, _the selfsame artist made the world-renowned Cupid at Thespiae, which is the attraction for tourists in Thespiae_.

THE RELATIVE INTRODUCING A MAIN SENTENCE.

1835. Besides the ordinary use of the relative, to introduce a subordinate sentence, it is often used like #hīc#, or #is#, or like #et is#, #is autem#, #is enim#, or #is igitur#, to append a fresh main sentence or period to the foregoing: as,

#cōnsiliō convocātō sententiās exquīrere coepit, quō in cōnsiliō nōnnūllae huius modī sententiae dīcēbantur#, 3, 3, 1, _calling a council of war, he proceeded to ask their opinion, and in this council some opinions of the following import were set forth_. #centuriōnēs hostēs vocāre coepērunt; quōrum prōgredī ausus est nēmō#, 5, 43, 6, _the officers proceeded to call the enemy; but not a man of them ventured to step forward_. #perūtilēs Xenophōntis librī sunt; quos legite studiōsē#, _CM._ 59, _Xenophon’s works are extremely profitable reading; so do read them attentively_. In Plautus this use is rare; but it becomes more and more prevalent, and in the time of Cicero the relative is one of the commonest connectives.

1836. From this use of the relative come many introductory formulas, such as #quō factō#, #quā rē cōgnitā#, #quae cum ita sint#, &c., &c.

1837. A connective #quod# is often used before #sī#, #nisi#, or #etsī#, less frequently before #quia#, #quoniam#, #utinam#, #quī#, &c.

This #quod# may be translated _so_, _but_, _now_, _whereas_, _as to that_, &c., or it is often best omitted in translation. See 2132.

THE CONJUNCTIVE PARTICLE SENTENCE.

#quod.#

1838. The conjunctive particle #quod#, originally the neuter of the relative pronoun, has both a declarative sense, _that_, and a causal sense, _because_. In both senses it regularly introduces the indicative (1721). For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is often used, and particularly in indirect discourse (1722).

1839. In some of its applications, particularly in old Latin, the conjunctive particle #quod# can hardly be distinguished from the pronoun #quod#, as follows:

1840. (1) In old Latin, #quod#, _why_, _for what_, is sometimes used with #veniō# and #mittō#. Thus, as in #id vēnimus#, Pl. _MG._ 1158, _that’s why we’ve come_, #id# is used to define the purpose of the motion (1144), so also #quod#, in #quod vēnī, ēloquar#, T. _Hau. prol._ 3, _what I’ve come for, I’ll set forth_. Instead of #quod#, more explicitly #quam ob rem#: as, #quam ob rem hūc sum missa#, Pl. _R._ 430, _what I am sent here for_.

1841. (2.) #quod#, _why_, _for what_, is used in such expansions as #quid est quod?# #quid habēs quod?# or #nihil est quod#: as,

#quid est quod mē excīvistī?# Pl. _E._ 570, _why is it that you’ve called me out?_ (1144). Usually with the subjunctive (1563): as, #quid est quod plūra dīcāmus?# _Clu._ 59, _what reason is there for saying more?_ For #quod#, sometimes #quā rē#, #quam ob rem#, #cūr#, &c. The question itself is also sometimes varied: as, #quid fuit causae, cūr in Āfricam Caesarem nōn sequerēre?# _Ph._ 2, 71, _what earthly reason was there, why you should not have followed Caesar to Africa?_

1842. (3.) #quod#, _as to what_, or _that_, is used, especially at the beginning of a sentence, to introduce a fact on which something is to be said, often by way of protest or refutation: as,

#vērum quod tū dīcis, nōn tē mī īrāscī decet#, Pl. _Am._ 522, _but as to what you say, it is n’t right that you should get provoked with me_. #quod multitūdinem Germānōrum in Galliam trādūcat, id sē suī mūniendī causā facere#, 1, 44, 6, _as to his moving a great many Germans over to Gaul, that he did for self-protection_ (1722). This construction is particularly common in Caesar, and in Cicero’s letters.

1843. When #quod#, _in case_, _suppose_, _although_, introduces a mere conjecture or a concession, the subjunctive is used (1554): as, #quod quispiam ignem quaerat, extinguī volō#, Pl. _Aul._ 91, _in case a man may come for fire, I want the fire put out_. This use is principally found in old Latin, but once or twice also in Cicero.

1844. #quod#, _that_, _the fact that_, is often used in subordinate sentences which serve to complete the sense of the main sentence.

1845. The sentence with #quod# may represent a subject, as with #accēdit#; an object, as with #praetereō#, &c.; or any case of a substantive; frequently it is in apposition with a demonstrative or an appellative: as,

(_a._) #accēdēbat, quod suōs ab sē līberōs abstrāctōs dolēbant#, 3, 2, 5, _there was added this fact, that they lamented that their own children were torn from them_; or less clumsily, _then too they lamented_. #praetereō, quod eam sibī̆ domum sēdemque dēlēgit, in quā cōtīdiē virī mortis indicia vidēret#, _Clu._ 188, _I pass over the fact that she picked out a house to live in, in which she would see, day in day out, things to remind her of her husband’s death_. #illud minus cūrō, quod congessistī operāriōs omnēs#, _Br._ 297, _I am not particularly interested in the fact that you have lumped together all sorts of cobblers and tinkers_. (_b._) #Caesar senātūs in eum beneficia commemorāvit, quod rēx appellātus esset ā senātū#, 1, 43, 4, _Caesar told of the kindnesses of the senate to the man, the fact that ‘he had been styled king by the senate’_ (1722). #quō factō duās rēs cōnsecūtus est, quod animōs centuriōnum dēvinxit et mīlitum voluntātēs redēmit#, Caes. _C._ 1, 39, 4, _thus he killed two birds with one stone: he won the hearts of the officers, and he bought golden opinions of the rank and file_. #hōc ūnō praestāmus vel maximē ferīs, quod conloquimur inter nōs#, _DO._ 1, 32, _in this one circumstance do we perhaps most of all surpass brutes, that we can talk with each other_. #labōre et industriā et quod adhibēbat grātiam, in prīncipibus patrōnīs fuit#, _Br._ 233, _thanks to his untiring industry, and to his bringing his winning manners to bear, he figured among the leaders of the bar_.

1846. #accēdit#, as the passive of #addō#, often has the subjunctive with #ut#: see 1965. #addō quod#, especially in the imperative form #adde quod#, occurs in Accius, Terence, Lucretius, Horace, and Ovid. #adiciō quod# begins with Livy.

1847. The sentence with #quod# is often introduced by a prepositional expression, such as #eō# with #dē#, #ex#, #in#, #prō#, rarely with #cum#; or #id# with #ad# in Livy, #super# in Tacitus.

1848. #nisi quod#, or in Plautus and Terence #nisi quia#, _but for the fact that_, _except_, _only that_, and #praeter quam quod#, _besides the fact that_, are used in limitations: as, #nihil peccat, nisi quod nihil peccat#, Plin. _Ep._ 9, 26, 1, _he erreth naught, save that he naught doth err_. Livy has also #super quam quod#. #tantum quod# in the sense of #nisi quod# is rare; more commonly of time, _just_, _hardly_.

1849. #quid quod?# for #quid dē eō dīcam quod?# _what of the fact that_, or _nay more_, marks an important transition: as, #quid quod salūs sociōrum in perīculum vocātur?# _IP._ 12, _nay more, the very existence of our allies is endangered_.

1850. With verbs of doing or happening, accompanied by some word of manner, #quod# introduces a verb of coincident action (1733): as,

#bene facis quod mē adiuvās#, _Fin._ 3, 16, _you are very kind in helping me_. #videor mihī̆ grātum fēcisse Siculīs, quod eōrum iniūriās sum persecūtus#, _V._ 2, 16, _I flatter myself that I have won the gratitude of the Sicilians in acting as avenger of their wrongs_. In this sense #quī# (1826) or #cum# (1874) is often used, or in Plautus and once in Horace #quia#.

1851. #quod#, _that_, _because_, is used to denote cause with verbs of emotion.

Thus, as with #id# in #id gaudeō#, T. _Andr._ 362, _I’m glad of that_ (1144), so with an object sentence, as #gaudeō quod tē interpellāvī#, _Leg._ 3, 1, _I’m glad that I interrupted you_. Such verbs are: #gaudeō#, #laetor#; #mīror#; #doleō#, #maereō#, #angor#, #indignor#, #suscēnseō#, #īrāscor#, &c. In old Latin, Cicero’s letters, Livy, and rarely in Tacitus such verbs may have #quia#, sometimes #quom# (1875). For the accusative with the infinitive, see 2187.

1852. Verbs of praising, blaming, accusing, and condemning, often take #quod#: as,

#quod bene cōgitāstī aliquandō, laudō#, _Ph._ 2, 34, _that you have ever had good intentions, I commend_. #laudat Africānum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinēns#, _Off._ 2, 76, _Panaetius eulogizes Africanus, ‘for being so abstinent’_ (1725). #ut cum Sōcratēs accūsātus est quod corrumperet iuventūtem#, Quintil. 4, 4, 5, _as when Socrates was charged with ‘demoralizing the rising generation’_ (1725). #grātulor#, _congratulate_, and #grātiās agō#, _thank_, have regularly #quod# or #cum# (1875). Verbs of accusing sometimes have #cūr#.

1853. Causal #quod#, _owing to the fact that_, _because_, introduces an efficient cause, or a reason or motive: as,

(_a._) #in hīs locīs, quod omnis Gallia ad septentriōnēs vergit, mātūrae sunt hiemēs#, 4, 20, 1, _in these parts the winter sets in early, owing to the fact that Gaul in general lies to the north_. #Helvētiī reliquōs Gallōs virtūte praecēdunt, quod ferē cōtīdiānīs proeliīs cum Germānīs contendunt#, 1, 1, 4, _the Helvetians outshine the rest of the Gauls in bravery, because they do battle with the Germans almost every day_. #hōrum fortissimī sunt Belgae, proptereā quod a cultū prōvinciae longissimē absunt#, 1, 1, 3, _of these the stoutest fighting-men are the Belgians, for the reason that they live furthest away from the comforts of the province_. (_b._) #T. Mānlius Torquātus fīlium suum, quod is contrā imperium in hostem pugnāverat, necārī iussit#, S. _C._ 52, 30, _Torquatus ordered his own son to be put to death, because the young man had fought with the enemy contrary to orders_. #exōrāvit tyrannum ut abīre licēret, quod iam beātus nōllet esse#, _TD._ 5, 62, _he induced the monarch to let him go, ‘because he didn’t care to be Fortune’s pet any longer’_ (1725). #Bellovacī suum numerum nōn contulērunt, quod sē suō arbitriō bellum esse gestūrōs dīcerent#, 7, 75, 5, _the Bellovacans would not put in their proper quota, saying they meant to make war on their own responsibility_ (1727).

[Erratum:
1845a ... Caesar told of the kindnesses of the senate
told off]

1854. #quod# often has a correlative in the main sentence, such as #eō#, #ideō#, #idcircō#, #proptereā#. In Sallust, #eā grātiā#. In Plautus, causal #quod# is very rare compared to causal #quia#.

1855. An untenable reason is introduced in Plautus by #nōn eō quia#, in Terence by #nōn eō quō#; in Cicero very rarely by #neque# or #non eō quō#, usually by #nōn quod# or #nōn quō#; by #nōn quia# rarely in classical Latin, but commonly from Livy on. The valid reason follows, with #sed quod#, #sed quia#, or with #sed# and a fresh main sentence.

The mood is usually subjunctive (1725): as, #pugilēs ingemīscunt, nōn quod doleant, sed quia prōfundendā vōce omne corpus intenditur#, _TD._ 2, 56, _boxers grunt and groan, not because they feel pain, but because by explosion of voice the whole system gets braced up_. Sometimes, but very rarely in classical prose, the indicative. Correlatives, such as #idcircō#, _ideō_, &c., are not uncommon. Reversed constructions occur, with #magis# followed by #quam#, as: #magis quod#, #quō#, or #quia#, followed by #quam quō#, #quod#, or #quia#. The negative _not that . . . not_, is expressed by #nōn quod nōn#, #nōn quō nōn#, or #nōn quīn#.

[Erratum:
1855 ... #nōn quō nōn#, or #nōn quīn#
quin]

#quia.#

1856. #quia#, a neuter accusative plural of the relative stem (701) is used in both a declarative and a causal sense, like #quod# (1838). It is, however, more prevalent in Plautus, less so from Terence on.

1857. For the uses of declarative #quia#, see under 1848, 1850, 1851.

1858. Causal #quia#, with or without a correlative, such as #ideō#, #eō#, #proptereā#, &c., is common in old Latin (1854) and poetry, unusual in prose (once in Caesar) before Tacitus. For #nōn quia#, &c., see 1855.

#quom# or #cum#.

1859. #quom# or #cum# (157, 711), used as a relative conjunctive particle (1794), has a temporal meaning, _when_, which readily passes over to an explanatory or causal meaning, _in that_, _since_ or _although_. In both meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin. In classical Latin, temporal #cum# in certain connections, and causal #cum# regularly, introduces the subjunctive. The subjunctive is also used with #cum# for special reasons, as in the indefinite second person (1731), by attraction (1728), and commonly by late writers to express repeated past action (1730). #cum#, _when_, is often used as a synonym of #sī#, _if_, and may then introduce any form of a conditional protasis (2016, 2110).

(A.) TEMPORAL #cum#.

WITH THE INDICATIVE.

1860. #cum#, _when_, _whenever_, _if_, of indefinite time, may introduce any tense of the indicative required by the context: as,

#facile omnēs, quom valēmus, rēcta cōnsilia aegrōtīs damus#, T. _Andr._ 309, _we all, when well, give good advice to sick folk easily_. #Rōmae videor esse, cum tuās litterās legō#, _Att._ 2, 15, 1, _I always fancy myself in Rome, when I am reading a letter from you_. #cum posuī librum, adsēnsiō omnis ēlābitur#, _TD._ 1, 24, _when I drop the book, all assent melts away_ (1613). #incenderis cupiditāte lībertātis, cum potestātem gustandī fēceris#, _RP._ 2, 50, _you will inspire them with a passion for freedom, when you give them a chance to taste it_ (1627). #hīs cum fūnēs comprehēnsī adductīque erant, praerumpēbantur#, 3, 14, 6, _every time the lines were caught by these and hauled taut, they would part_ (1618). The subjunctive is used, chiefly by late writers, rarely by Cicero and Caesar, to express repeated past action (1730): as, #cum in convīvium vēnisset, sī quicquam caelātī adspexerat, manūs abstinēre nōn poterat#, _V._ 4, 48, _when he went to a dinner party, if he ever caught sight of a bit of chased work, he never could keep his hands off_ (2050).

1861. #cum#, _when_, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative in old Latin, even where the subjunctive is required in classical Latin (1872): as,

#nam illa, quom tē ad sē vocābat, mēmet esse crēdidit#, Pl. _Men._ 1145, _for when that lady asked you in, she thought ’twas I_. #postīculum hoc recēpit, quom aedīs vēndidit#, Pl. _Tri._ 194, _this back part he excepted, when he sold the house_.

1862. #cum#, _when_, of definite time, regularly introduces the indicative of any action, not of past time: as,

#sed dē hīs etiam rēbus, ōtiōsī cum erimus, loquēmur#, _Fam._ 9, 4, _but we will talk of this when we have time_. #cum ego P. Grānium testem prōdūxerō, refellitō, sī poteris#, _V._ 5, 154, _when I put Granius on the witness stand, refute him if you can_.

1863. With #cum#, _when_, the indicative is used of definite past time to date the action of the main clause, as follows:

1864. (1.) The indicative imperfect is regularly used with #cum#, _when_, to denote a continued action parallel and coincident in duration with another continued action, also in the imperfect: as,

#quom pugnābant maxumē, ego tum fugiēbam maxumē#, Pl. _Am._ 199, _while they were fighting hardest, then I was running hardest_. #tum cum rem habēbās, quaesticulus tē faciēbat attentiōrem#, _Fam._ 9, 16, 7, _as long as you were a man of substance, the fun of making money made you a little close_.

1865. (2.) The indicative imperfect is often used with #cum#, _when_, denoting a continued action, to date an apodosis in the perfect: as,

#legiōnēs quom pugnābant maxumē, quid in tabernāclō fēcistī?# Pl. _Am._ 427, _what did’st thou in the tent what time the legions fought their mightiest?_ #hīs librīs adnumerandī sunt sex dē rē pūblicā, quōs tum scrīpsimus cum gubernācula rē̆ī pūblicae tenēbāmus#, _Div._ 2, 3, _to these books are to be added the six On the State, which I wrote at the time I was holding the helm of state_. But when the object of the clause is not distinctly to date the apodosis, its verb is in the subjunctive (1872).

1866. (3.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is used with #cum#, _when_, to date an apodosis in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

#‘per tuās statuās’ vērō cum dīxit, vehementius rīsimus#, _DO._ 2, 242, _but when he uttered the words ‘by your statues’ we burst into a louder laugh_. #cum occīditur Sex. Rōscius, ibīdem fuērunt#, _RA._ 120, _when Roscius was murdered, they were on the spot_. #cum diēs vēnit, causā ipse prō sē dictā, damnātur#, L. 4, 44, 10, _when the day of the trial came, he spoke in his own defence and was condemned_. The present is particularly common in old colloquial Latin: as, #vivom, quom abīmus, līquimus#, Pl. _Cap._ 282, _we left him alive when we came away_. For #cum prīmum# in narration, see 1925; for #cum extemplō#, 1926.

1867. (4.) The indicative perfect or present of vivid narration is regularly used with #cum#, _when_, to denote a momentary action when the apodosis denotes continued action: as,

#cum Caesar in Galliam vēnit, alterīus factiōnis prīncipēs erant Aeduī, alterīus Sēquanī#, 6, 12, 1, _when Caesar came to Gaul, the leaders of one party were the Aeduans, of the other the Sequanians_. #eō cum veniō, praetor quiēscēbat#, _V._ 4, 32, _when I got there, the praetor was taking a nap_.

1868. An emphatic indicative clause with #cum#, _while_, often follows the main action.

The clause with #cum# is usually inconsistent with the main action, and #cum# is often attended by #intereā#, #interim#, _all the time_, #etiam tum#, _still_, #nōndum#, #hauddum#, _not yet_, _no longer_, #quidem#, _by the way_, or #tamen#, #nihilōminus#, _nevertheless_: as,

#caedēbātur virgīs in mediō forō Messānae cīvis Rōmānus, cum intereā nūllus gemitus audiēbātur#, _V._ 5, 162, _there was flogged with rods in open market place at Messana a citizen of Rome, while all the time not a groan was to be heard_. #ēvolārat iam ē cōnspectū quadrirēmis, cum etiam tum cēterae nāvēs ūnō in locō mōliēbantur#, _V._ 5, 88, _she had already sped out of sight, the four-banker, while the rest of the vessels were still struggling round in one and the same spot_. This use is very rare in old Latin. Not in Caesar. With the infinitive of intimation, see 1539.

1869. An indicative clause with #cum#, usually expressing sudden or unexpected action, sometimes contains the main idea, and is put last.

In this case #cum# is often attended by #subitō# or #repente#, _suddenly_, and the first clause contains #iam#, _already_, _by this time_, #vix#, #aegrē#, _hardly_, #vixdum#, _hardly yet_, or #nōndum#, _not yet_. The first verb is commonly in the imperfect or pluperfect, and the second in the perfect or present of vivid narration: as,

#dīxerat hoc ille, cum puer nūntiāvit venīre Laelium#, _RP._ 1, 18, _scarcely had he said this, when a slave announced that Laelius was coming_. #vix ea fātus eram, gemitū cum tālia reddit#, V. 2, 323, _scarce had I spoke the words, when with a groan he answers thus_. #Hannibal iam subībat mūrōs, cum repente in eum patē̆factā portā ērumpunt Rōmānī#, L. 29, 7, 8, _Hannibal was already moving up to the walls, when all of a sudden the gate flies open and the Romans come pouring out upon him_. #iamque hoc facere apparābant, cum mātres familiae repente prōcurrērunt#, 7, 26, 3, _they were already preparing to do it, when suddenly the married women rushed forward_. This use is very rare in old Latin. From Sallust on, it is found occasionally with the infinitive of intimation (1539).

1870. A clause with #cum# is often used attributively with words denoting time, or with #est#, #fuit#, or #erit#.

The mood is the same as with a relative pronoun, sometimes the indicative, and regularly in old Latin, but usually the subjunctive: as, #fuit quoddam tempus cum in agrīs hominēs vagābantur#, _Inv._ 1, 2, _there was an age of the world when men roved round in the fields_ (1813, 1823). #fuit tempus cum rūra colerent hominēs#, Varro, _RR._ 3, 1, 1, _there was a time when men dwelt in the fields_ (1818, 1821). #est cum exōrnātiō praetermittenda est#, Cornif. 2, 30, _sometimes ornamentation should be avoided_. #fuit anteā tempus, cum Germānōs Gallī virtūte superārent#, 6, 24, 1, _there was a time when the Gauls outdid the Germans in valour_. The subjunctive is also used with #audiō cum# (1722), but with #meminī cum# the indicative: as, #saepe ex socerō meō audīvī, cum is dīceret#, _DO._ 2, 22, _I have often heard my father-in-law saying_. #meminī cum mihī̆ dēsipere vidēbāre#, _Fam._ 7, 28, 1, _I remember when I thought you showed bad taste_.

1871. The indicative present or perfect with #cum# is used in expressions equivalent to an emphasized accusative or ablative of time, the main verb being #est# or #sunt#: as, #annī prope quadringentī sunt, cum hoc probātur#, _O._ 171, _it is nearly four hundred years that this has been liked_. #nōndum centum et decem annī sunt, cum lāta lēx est#, _Off._ 2, 75, _it is not a hundred and ten years yet since the law was passed_. In old Latin, the clause with #cum# is made the subject of #est#, and the substantive of time is put in the accusative: as, #hanc domum iam multōs annōs est quom possideō#, Pl. _Aul._ 3, _’tis many years now I have occupied this house_.

WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE.

1872. With #cum#, _when_, the imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive is used to describe the circumstances under which the action of the main clause took place: as,

#cum rēx Pyrrhus populō Rōmānō bellum intulisset cumque dē imperiō certāmen esset cum rēge potentī, perfuga ab eō vēnit in castra Fabriciī#, _Off._ 3, 86, _king Pyrrhus having made war on the Roman nation, and there being a struggle for sovereignty with a powerful king, a deserter from him came into Fabricius’s camp_. #eōdem tempore Attalus rēx moritur alterō et septuāgēsimō annō, cum quattuor et quadrāgintā annōs rēgnāsset#, L. 33, 21, 1, _the same year Attalus the king dies, in his seventy-second year, having reigned forty-four years_. #hīc pāgus, cum domō exīsset patrum nostrōrum memoriā, L. Cassium cōnsulem interfēcerat#, 1, 12, 5, _this canton, sallying out from home in our fathers’ recollection, had put Cassius, the consul, to death_. #nam cum inambulārem in xystō, M. ad mē Brūtus vēnerat#, _Br._ 10, _for as I was pacing up and down my portico, Brutus had come to see me_. #Antigonus in proeliō, cum adversus Seleucum et Lȳsimachum dīmicāret, occīsus est#, N. 21, 3, 2, _Antigonus was killed in battle fighting against Seleucus and Lysimachus_. #haec cum Crassus dīxisset, silentium est cōnsecūtum#, _DO._ 1, 160, _a deep silence ensued after Crassus had finished speaking_. #cum annōs iam complūrīs societās esset, moritur in Galliā Quīnctius, cum adesset Naevius#, _Quinct._ 14, _the partnership having lasted several years, Quinctius died in Gaul, Naevius being there at the time_.

In this use, as the examples show, #cum# with the subjunctive is often equivalent to a participle or an ablative absolute. The use is not found in Plautus (1861). Ennius and Terence have possibly each an instance (disputed) of it, but it was certainly rare until the classical period, when it became one of the commonest of constructions. It must not be confounded with the special uses of the subjunctive mentioned in 1859.

1873. The difference in meaning between #cum# with the indicative and #cum# with the subjunctive may be illustrated by the following examples:

#Gallō nārrāvī, cum proximē Rōmae fuī, quid audīssem#, _Att._ 13, 49, 2, _I told Gallus, when I was last in Rome, what I had heard_ (1866), #a. d. III kal. Maiās cum essem in Cūmānō, accēpī tuās litterās#, _Fam._ 4, 2, 1, _I received your letter on the twenty-eighth of April, being in my villa at Cumae_ (1872). #cum vāricēs secābantur C. Mariō, dolēbat#, _TD._ 2, 35, _while Marius was having his varicose veins lanced, he was in pain_ (1864). #C. Marius, cum secārētur, ut suprā dīxī, vetuit sē adligārī#, _TD._ 2, 53, _Marius being under the surgeon’s knife, as above mentioned, refused to be bound_ (1872). #num P. Decius, cum sē dēvovēret et in mediam aciem inruēbat, aliquid dē voluptātibus suīs cōgitābat?# _Fin._ 2, 61, _did Decius, offering himself up, and while he was dashing straight into the host, have any thought of pleasures of his own?_ (1872, 1864).

(B.) EXPLANATORY AND CAUSAL #cum#.

1874. The indicative is often used with explanatory #cum# when the action of the protasis is coincident with that of the apodosis (1733).

In this use #cum# passes from the meaning of _when_ to _that_, _in that_, or _in_ or _by_ with a verbal in _-ing_: as, #hoc verbum quom illī quoidam dīcō, praemōstrō tibī̆#, Pl. _Tri._ 342, _in laying down this lesson for your unknown friend I’m warning you_. #cum quiēscunt, probant#, _C._ 1, 21, _their inaction is approval_. Denoting the means: as, #tūte tibi prōdes plūrumum, quom servitūtem ita fers ut ferrī decet#, Pl. _Cap._ 371, _you do yourself most good by bearing slavery as it should be borne_. For similar uses of #quod#, #quia#, and #quī#, see 1850.

1875. Explanatory #cum# is also used with verbs of emotion; likewise with #grātulor# and #grātiās agō#: as, #quom tu ’s līber, gaudeō#, Pl. _Men._ 1148, _that you are free, I’m glad_. #grātulor tibī̆, cum tantum valēs apud Dolābellam#, _Fam._ 9, 14, 3, _I give you joy that you stand so well with Dolabella_. #tibī̆ maximās grātiās agō, cum tantum litterae meae potuērunt#, _Fam._ 13, 24, 2, _I thank you most heartily in that my letter had such influence_. For similar uses of #quod# and #quia#, see 1851, 1852.

1876. Explanatory #cum# is also used in the sense of _since_, _although_, or _even though_. In these meanings it introduces the indicative in old Latin (1878): as,

Denoting cause: #istō tū pauper es, quom nimis sānctē piu ’s#, Pl. _R._ 1234, _that’s why you are poor yourself, since you are over-scrupulously good_. #quom hoc nōn possum, illud minus possem#, T. _Ph._ 208, _since this I can’t, that even less could I_. Adversative cause: #īnsānīre mē aiunt, quom ipsī īnsāniunt#, Pl. _Men._ 831, _they say I’m mad, whereas they are mad themselves_. Concession: #sat sīc suspectus sum, quom careō noxiā#, Pl. _B._ 1005, _I am enough distrusted as it is, even though I’m void of wrong_.

1877. #cum#, _since_, _although_, _even though_, usually introduces the subjunctive: as,

Denoting cause: #cum in commūnibus suggestīs cōnsistere nōn audēret, contiōnārī ex turrī altā solēbat#, _TD._ 5, 59, _since he did not dare to stand up on an ordinary platform, he always did his speaking from a lofty tower_, of Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. #Aeduī cum sē dēfendere nōn possent, lēgātōs ad Caesarem mittunt#, 1, 11, 2, _since the Aeduans could not defend themselves, they sent ambassadors to Caesar_. Adversative cause: #fuit perpetuō pauper, cum dīvitissimus esse posset#, N. 19, 1, 2, _he was always poor, whereas he might have been very rich_, of Phocion. #Pyladēs cum sīs, dīcēs tē esse Orestēn?# _Fin._ 2, 79, _whereas you are Pylades, will you declare yourself Orestes?_ Concession: #ipse Cicerō, cum tenuissimā valētūdine esset, nē nocturnum quidem sibī̆ tempus ad quiētem relinquēbat#, 5, 40, 7, _Cicero himself, though he was in extremely delicate health, did not allow himself even the night-time for rest_. #ille Catō, cum esset Tusculī nātus, in populī Rōmānī cīvitātem susceptus est#, _Leg._ 2, 5, _the great Cato, though born at Tusculum, was received into the citizenship of the Roman nation_.

1878. This use of the subjunctive is not found in Plautus. It is thought to have begun in the time of Terence, who may have a couple of instances (disputed). Thereafter, it grew common and was the regular mood used with explanatory and causal #cum# in the classical period.

1879. Explanatory #cum# is sometimes introduced by #quippe#, rarely by #ut pote#, _naturally_: as,

#tum vērō gravior cūra patribus incessit, quippe cum prōdī causam ab suīs cernerent#, L. 4, 57, 10, _then the senators were still more seriously concerned, and naturally enough, since they beheld their cause betrayed by their own people_. #valētūdō, ē quā iam ēmerseram, ut pote cum sine febrī labōrāssem#, _Att._ 5, 8, 1, _an illness from which I had already recovered, naturally, since it was unaccompanied by fever_. #quippe cum# occurs in Cicero, Nepos, and Livy; #ut pote cum# is used once in Cicero’s letters, once by Pollio to Cicero, and in late writers. For #quippe# and #ut pote# with a causal relative, see 1827.

1880. The adversative idea is often emphasized by the use of #tamen# in the main clause: as, #cum prīmī ōrdinēs hostium concidissent, tamen ācerrimē reliquī resistēbant#, 7, 62, 4, _though the front ranks of the enemy had fallen, yet the rest made a most spirited resistance_.

(C.) #cum . . . tum.#

1881. A protasis with #cum# is often followed by an emphatic apodosis introduced by #tum#.

The protasis denotes what is general or common or old; the apodosis what is special or strange or new. In classical Latin #tum# is often emphasized by #maximē#, #in prīmīs#, #vērō#, &c.

In this use the mood is more commonly the indicative and the time of the two verbs is apt to be identical: as, #quom mihi paveō, tum Antiphō mē excruciat animī#, T. _Ph._ 187, _whilst for myself I tremble, Antipho puts me in a perfect agony of soul_. But #cum anteā distinēbar maximīs occupātiōnibus, tum hōc tempore multō distineor vehementius#, _Fam._ 12, 30, 2, _I was distracted by most important engagements before, but now I am very much more distracted_. Less frequently the subjunctive, to denote cause or concession (1877): as, #cum tē ā pueritiā tuā dīlēxerim, tum hōc multō ācrius dīligō#, _Fam._ 15, 9, 1, _whereas I have always loved you from your boyhood, for this I love you with a far intenser love_. By abridgement of the sentence (1057), #cum . . . tum# come to be copulative conjunctions (1687): as, #mōvit patrēs cōnscrīptōs cum causa tum auctor#, L. 9, 10, 1, _both the cause and its supporter touched the conscript fathers_.

#quoniam.#

1882. #quoniam#, compounded of #quom# and #iam#, _when now_, refers primarily to time, but is seldom so used and only by early writers. The temporal meaning passed early into an exclusively causal meaning, _since_. In both meanings it regularly introduces the indicative (1721). For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in indirect discourse (1725), or by attraction (1728).

1883. (1.) #quoniam#, _when now_, used of time in early Latin, has sometimes as a correlative #continuō#, #subitō#, or #extemplō#; it usually introduces the present indicative (1590): as,

#is quoniam moritur, numquam indicāre id fīliō voluit suō#, Pl. _Aul._ 9, _when he was on his dying bed, he ne’er would point it out to his own son_, of a hidden treasure. #quoniam sentiō quae rēs gererētur, nāvem extemplō statuimus#, Pl. _B._ 290, _when now I saw what was doing, we stopped the ship at once_.

1884. (2.) #quoniam#, _since_, _seeing that_, _now that_, with the indicative, introduces a reason, usually one known to the person addressed, or one generally known: as,

#vēra dīcō, sed nēquīquam, quoniam nōn vīs crēdere#, Pl. _Am._ 835, _the truth I speak, but all in vain, since thou wilt not believe_. #vōs, Quirītēs, quoniam iam nox est, in vestra tecta discēdite#, _C._ 3, 29, _do you, citizens, since it is now grown dark, depart and go to your own several homes_. #quoniam in eam ratiōnem vītae nōs fortūna dēdūxit, ut sempiternus sermō dē nōbīs futūrus sit, caveāmus#, _QFr._ 1, 1, 38, _since fortune has set us in such a walk of life that we are to be eternally talked about, let us be on our guard_. Often in transition: as, #quoniam dē genere bellī dīxī, nunc dē magnitūdine pauca dīcam#, _IP._ 20, _since I have finished speaking about the character of the war, I will now speak briefly about its extent_. With the subjunctive in indirect discourse (1725): as, #crēbrīs Pompēī litterīs castīgābantur, quoniam prīmō venientem Caesarem nōn prohibuissent#, Caes. _C._ 3, 25, 3, _they were rebuked in numerous letters of Pompey, ‘because they had not kept Caesar off as soon as he came.’_

#quotiēns#, #quotiēnscumque#.

1885. The relative particle #quotiēns# (711), or #quotiēnscumque#, _every time that_, _whenever_, introduces the indicative: as,