Chapter X (2)

“How necessary this interference was is shown by the fact that
this train with returning laborers had stopped at the same place
where a train with newly recruited Eastern laborers had stopped.
Because of the corpses in the train-load of returning laborers,
a catastrophe might have been precipitated had it not been for
the mediation of Mrs. Miller. In this train women gave birth to
babies who were thrown out of the windows during the journey,
people having tuberculosis and venereal diseases rode in the
same car, dying people lay in freight cars without straw, and
one of the dead was thrown on the railway embankment. The same
must have occurred in other returning transports.” (_084-PS_)

Some aspects of Nazi transport were described by Sauckel himself in a decree which he issued on 20 July 1942, (_2241-PS_). The original decree is published in section B1a, page 48e of a book entitled “_Die Beschaeftigung von auslaendischen Arbeitskraeften in Deutschland_.” The decree reads, in part, as follows:

“According to reports of transportation commanders
(_Transportleiters_) presented to me, the special trains
provided by the German railway have frequently been in a really
deficient condition. Numerous windowpanes have been missing in
the coaches. Old French coaches without lavatories have been
partly employed so that the workers had to fit up an emptied
compartment as a lavatory. In other cases, the coaches were not
heated in winter so that the lavatories quickly became unusable
because the water system was frozen and the flushing apparatus
was therefore without water.” (_2241-PS_)

Many of the foregoing documents, it will be noted, consist of complaints by functionaries of the Rosenberg ministry or by others concerning the conditions under which foreign workers were recruited and compelled to live. These documents establish not only the facts therein recited, but also show that the Nazi conspirators had knowledge of such conditions. Notwithstanding their knowledge of these conditions, however, the Nazi conspirators continued to countenance and assist in the enslavement of a vast number of citizens of occupied countries.

Once within Germany, slave laborers were subjected to treatment of an unusually brutal and degrading nature. The character of Nazi treatment was in part made plain by the conspirator’s own statements. Sauckel declared on one occasion:

“All the men must be fed, sheltered and treated in such a way as
to exploit them to the highest possible extent at the lowest
conceivable degree of expenditure.” (_016-PS_)

Force and brutality as instruments of production found a ready adherent in Speer who, in the presence of Sauckel, said at a meeting of the Central Planning Board:

“We must also discuss the slackers. Ley has ascertained that the
sick-list decreased to one-fourth or one-fifth in factories
where doctors are on the staff who are examining the sick men.
There is nothing to be said against SS and police taking drastic
steps and putting those known as slackers into concentration
camps. There is no alternative. Let it happen several times and
the news will soon go round.” (_R-124_)

At a later meeting of the Central Planning Board, Field Marshall Milch agreed that so far as workers were concerned,

“The list of the shirkers should be entrusted to Himmler’s
trustworthy hands.” (_R-124_)

Milch made particular reference to foreign workers by stating:

“It is therefore not possible to exploit fully all the
foreigners unless we compel them by piece-work or we have the
possibility of taking measures against foreigners who are not
doing their bit.” (_R-124_)

The policy as actually executed was even more Draconian than the policy as planned by the conspirators. Impressed workers were underfed and overworked. They were forced to live in grossly overcrowded camps where they were held as virtual prisoners and were otherwise denied adequate shelter. They were denied adequate clothing, adequate medical care and treatment and, as a result, suffered from many diseases and ailments. They were generally forced to work long hours up to and beyond the point of exhaustion. They were beaten and subjected to inhuman indignities.

An example of this mistreatment is found in the conditions which prevailed in the Krupp factories. Foreign laborers at the Krupp Works were given insufficient food to enable them to perform the work required of them. A memorandum upon Krupp stationery to Mr. Hupe, director of the Krupp Locomotive Factory in Essen, dated 14 March 1942, states:

“During the last few days we established that the food for the
Russians employed here is so miserable, that the people are
getting weaker from day to day.

“Investigations showed that single Russians are not able to
place a piece of metal for turning into position for instance,
because of lack of physical strength. The same conditions exist
at all places of work where Russians are employed.” (_D-316_)

The condition of foreign workers in Krupp workers camps is described in detail in an affidavit executed in Essen, Germany, on 15 October 1945 by Dr. Wilhelm Jager, who was the senior camp doctor. Dr. Jager makes the following statement:

“* * * Conditions in all these camps were extremely bad. The
camps were greatly overcrowded. In some camps there were twice
as many people in a barrack as health conditions permitted. At
Kramerplatz, the inhabitants slept in treble-tiered bunks, and
in the other camps they slept in double-tiered bunks. The health
authorities prescribed a _minimum_ space between beds of 50 cm.
but the bunks in these camps were separated by a _maximum_ of
20-30 cm.

“The diet prescribed for the eastern workers was altogether
insufficient. They were given 1,000 calories a day less than the
minimum prescribed for any German. Moreover, while German
workers engaged in the heaviest work received 5,000 calories a
day, the eastern workers in comparable jobs received only 2,000
calories. The eastern workers were given only 2 meals a day and
their bread ration. One of these two meals consisted of a thin,
watery soup. I had no assurance that the eastern workers, in
fact, received the minimum which was prescribed. Subsequently,
in 1943, when I undertook to inspect the food prepared by the
cooks, I discovered a number of instances in which food was
withheld from the workers.

“The plan for food distribution called for a small quantity of
meat per week. Only inferior meats, rejected by the veterinary
such as horse meat or tuberculin infested was permitted for this
purpose. This meat was usually cooked into a soup.

“The clothing of the eastern workers was likewise completely
inadequate. They worked and slept in the same clothing in which
they had arrived from the east. Virtually all of them had no
overcoats and were compelled, therefore, to use their blankets
as coats in cold and rainy weather. In view of the shortage of
shoes many workers were forced to go to work in their bare feet,
even in the winter. Wooden shoes were given to some of the
workers, but their quality was such as to give the workers sore
feet. Many workers preferred to go to work in their bare feet
rather than endure the suffering caused by the wooden shoes.
Apart from the wooden shoes, no clothing of any kind was issued
to the workers until the latter part of 1943, when a single blue
suit was issued to some of them. To my knowledge, this
represented the sole issue of clothing to the workers from the
time of their arrival until the American forces entered Essen.

“Sanitary conditions were exceedingly bad. At Kramerplatz, where
approximately 1,200 eastern workers were crowded into the rooms
of an old school, the sanitary conditions were atrocious in the
extreme. Only 10 children’s toilets were available for the 1,200
inhabitants. At Dechenschule, 15 children’s toilets were
available for the 400-500 eastern workers. Excretion
contaminated the entire floors of these lavatories. There were
also few facilities for washing. The supply of bandages,
medicine, surgical instruments, and other medical supplies at
these camps was likewise altogether insufficient. As a
consequence, only the very worst cases were treated.

“The percentage of eastern workers who were ill was twice as
great as among the Germans. Tuberculosis was particularly
widespread among the eastern workers. The T. B. rate among them
was 4 times the normal rate of (2 percent eastern workers,
German .5 percent). At Dechenschule approximately 2½ percent of
the workers suffered from open T. B. These were all active T. B.
cases. The Tartars and Kirghis suffered most; as soon as they
were overcome by this disease they collapsed like flies. The
cause was bad housing, the poor quality and insufficient
quantity of food, overwork, and insufficient rest.

“These workers were likewise afflicted with spotted fever. Lice
the carrier of this disease, together with countless fleas, bugs
and other vermin tortured the inhabitants of these camps. As a
result of the filthy conditions of the camps nearly all eastern
workers were afflicted with skin disease. The shortage of food
also caused many cases of Hunher-Oedem, Nephritis, and
Shighakruse.

“It was the general rule that workers were compelled to go to
work unless a camp doctor had prescribed that they were unfit
for work. At Seumannstrasse, Grieperstrasse, Germanistrasse,
Kapitanlehmannstrasse, and Dechenschule, there was no daily sick
call. At these camps, the doctors did not appear for two or
three days. As a consequence, workers were forced to go to work
despite illnesses.”

* * * * * *

“Camp Humboldstrasse has been inhabitated by Italian prisoners
of war. After it had been destroyed by an air raid, the Italians
were removed and 600 Jewish females from Buchenwald
Concentration Camp were brought in to work at the Krupp
factories. Upon my first visit at Camp Humboldstrasse, I found
these females suffering from open festering wounds and other
diseases.

“I was the first doctor they had seen for at least a fortnight.
There was no doctor in attendance at the camp. There was no
medical supplies in the camp. They had no shoes and went about
in their bare feet. The sole clothing of each consisted of a
sack with holes for their arms and head. Their hair was shorn.
The camp was surrounded by barbed wire and closely guarded by SS
guards.

“The amount of food in the camp was extremely meagre and of very
poor quality. The houses in which they lived consisted of the
ruins of former barracks and they afforded no shelter against
rain and other weather conditions. I reported to my superiors
that the guards lived and slept outside their barracks as one
could not enter them without being attacked by 10, 20 and up to
50 fleas. One camp doctor employed by me refused to enter the
camp again after he had been bitten very badly. I visited this
camp with a Mr. Green on two occasions and both times we left
the camp badly bitten. We had great difficulty in getting rid of
the fleas and insects which had attacked us. As a result of this
attack by insects of this camp, I got large boils on my arms and
the rest of my body. I asked my superiors at the Krupp works to
undertake the necessary steps to de-louse the camp so as to put
an end to this unbearable, vermin-infested condition. Despite
this report, I did not find any improvement in sanitary
conditions at the camp on my second visit a fortnight later.

“When foreign workers finally became too sick to work or were
completely disabled they were returned to the Labour Exchange in
Essen and from there, they were sent to a camp at
Friedrichsfeld. Among persons who were returned over to the
Labour Exchange were aggravated cases of tuberculosis, malaria,
neurosis, career which could not be treated by operation, old
age, and general feebleness. I know nothing about conditions at
this camp because I have never visited it. I only know that it
was a place to which workers who no longer of any use to Krupp
were sent.

“My colleagues and I reported all of the foregoing matters to
Mr. Ihh, Director of Friedrich Krupp A. G. Dr. Wiels, personal
physician of Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, Senior Camp
Leader Kupke, and at all times to the health department.
Moreover, I know that these gentlemen personally visited the
camps.

“(Signed) Dr. Wilhelm Jager.” (_D-288_)

The conditions just described were not confined to the Krupp factories but existed throughout Germany. A report of the Polish Main Committee to the Administration of the Government-General of Poland, dated 17 May 1944, describes in similar terms the situation of Polish workers in Germany (_R-103_):

“The cleanliness of many overcrowded camp rooms is contrary to
the most elementary requirements. Often there is no opportunity
to obtain warm water for washing; therefore the cleanest parents
are unable to maintain even the most primitive standard of
hygiene for their children or often even to wash their only set
of linen. A consequence of this is the spreading of scabies
which cannot be eradicated * * *

“We receive imploring letters from the camps of Eastern workers
and their prolific families beseeching us for food. The quantity
and quality of camp rations mentioned therein—the so-called
fourth grade of rations—is absolutely insufficient to maintain
the energies spent in heavy work. 3.5 kg. of bread weekly and a
thin soup at lunch time, cooked with swedes or other vegetables
without any meat or fat, with a meager addition of potatoes now
and then is a hunger ration for a heavy worker.

“Sometimes punishment consists of starvation which is inflicted,
i.e. for refusal to wear the badge, ‘East’. Such punishment has
the result that workers faint at work (Klosterteich Camp,
Gruenheim, Saxony). The consequence is complete exhaustion, an
ailing state of health and tuberculosis. The spreading of
tuberculosis among the Polish factory workers is a result of the
deficient food rations meted out in the community camps because
energy spent in heavy work cannot be replaced * * *.

“The call for help which reaches us, brings to light starvation
and hunger, severe stomach intestinal trouble especially in the
case of children resulting from the insufficiency of food which
does not take into consideration the needs of children. Proper
medical treatment or care for the sick are not available in the
mass camps. * * *”

* * * * * *

“In addition to these bad conditions, there is lack of
systematic occupation for and supervision of these hosts of
children which affects the life of prolific families in the
camps. The children, left to themselves without schooling or
religious care, must run wild and grow up illiterate. Idleness
in rough surroundings may and will create unwanted results in
these children * * *. An indication of the awful conditions this
may lead to is given by the fact that in the camps for Eastern
workers—(camp for Eastern workers, ‘Waldlust’, Post Office
Lauf, Pegnitz)—there are cases of 8-year old delicate and
undernourished children put to forced labor and perishing from
such treatment.

“The fact that these bad conditions dangerously affect the state
of health and the vitality of the workers is proved by the many
cases of tuberculosis found in very young people returning from
the Reich to the General-Government as unfit for work. Their
state of health is usually so bad that recovery is out of the
question. The reason is that a state of exhaustion resulting
from overwork and a starvation diet is not recognized as an
ailment until the illness betrays itself by high fever and
fainting spells.

“Although some hostels for unfit workers have been provided as a
precautionary measure, one can only go there when recovery may
no longer be expected—(Neumarkt in Bavaria). Even there the
incurables waste away slowly, and nothing is done even to
alleviate the state of the sick by suitable food and medicines.
There are children there with tuberculosis whose cure would not
be hopeless and men in their prime who if sent home in time to
their families in rural districts, might still be able to
recover.

“No less suffering is caused by the separation of families when
wives and mothers of small children are away from their families
and sent to the Reich for forced labor.* * *”

* * * * * *

“If, under these bad conditions, there is no moral support such
as is normally based on regular family life, then at least such
moral support which the religious feelings of the Polish
population require should be maintained and increased. The
elimination of religious services, religious practice and
religious care from the life of the Polish workers, the
prohibition of church attendance at a time when there is a
religious service for other people and other measures show a
certain contempt for the influence of religion on the feelings
and opinions of the workers.” (_R-103_)

Particularly harsh and brutal treatment was reserved for workers imported from the conquered Eastern territories. They lived in bondage, were quartered in stables with animals, and were denied the right of worship and the pleasures of human society. A document entitled “Directives on the Treatment of Foreign Farmworkers of Polish Nationality”, issued by the Minister for Finance and Economy of Baden on 6 March 1941, describes this treatment (_EC-68_):

“The agencies of the Reich Food Administration
(_Reichsnaehrstand_) State Peasant Association of Baden have
received the result of the negotiations with the Higher SS and
Police Officer in Stuttgart on 14 February 1941, with great
satisfaction. Appropriate memoranda have already been turned
over to the District Peasants’ Associations. Below, I promulgate
the individual regulations, as they have been laid down during
the conference and how they are now to be applied accordingly:

“1. Fundamentally, farmworkers of Polish nationality no longer
have the right to complain, and thus no complaints may be
accepted any more by any official agency.

“2. The farmworkers of Polish nationality may not leave the
localities in which they are employed, and have a curfew from 1
October to 31 March from 2000 hours to 0600 hours, and from 1
April to 30 September from 2100 hours to 0500 hours.

“3. The use of bicycles is strictly prohibited. Exceptions are
possible for riding to the place of work in the field if a
relative of the employer or the employer himself is present.

“4. The visit of churches, regardless of faith, is strictly
prohibited, even when there is no service in progress.
Individual spiritual care by clergymen outside of the church is
permitted.

“5. Visits to theaters, motion pictures or other cultural
entertainment are strictly prohibited for farmworkers of Polish
nationality.

“6. The visit of restaurants is strictly prohibited to
farmworkers of Polish nationality except for one restaurant in
the village, which will be selected by the Rural Councillor’s
office (_Landratsamt_), and then only one day per week. The day,
which is determined as the day to visit the restaurant, will
also be determined by the _Landratsamt_. This regulation does
not change the curfew regulation mentioned above under No. 2.

“7. Sexual intercourse with women and girls is strictly
prohibited, and where it is established, it must be reported.

“8. Gatherings of farmworkers of Polish nationality after work
is prohibited, whether it is on other farms, in the stables, or
in the living quarters of the Poles.

“9. The use of railroads, buses or other public conveyances by
farmworkers of Polish nationality is prohibited.

“10. Permits to leave the village may only be granted in very
exceptional cases, by the local police authority (Mayor’s
office). However, in no case may it be granted if he wants to
visit a public agency on his own, whether it is a labor office
or the District Peasants Association or whether he wants to
change his place of employment.

“11. Arbitrary change of employment is strictly prohibited. The
farmworkers of Polish nationality have to work daily so long as
the interests of the enterprise demands it, and as it is
demanded by the employer. There are no time limits to the
working time.

“12. Every employer has the right to give corporal punishment
toward farmworkers of Polish nationality, if instructions and
good words fail. The employer may not be held accountable in any
such case by an official agency.

“13. Farmworkers of Polish nationality should, if possible, be
removed from the community of the home and they can be quartered
in stables, etc. No remorse whatever should restrict such
action.

“14. Report to the authorities is compulsory in all cases, when
crimes have been committed by farmworkers of Polish nationality,
which are to sabotage the enterprise or slow down work, for
instance unwillingness to work, impertinent behavior; it is
compulsory even in minor cases. An employer, who loses his Pole
who must serve a longer prison sentence because of such a
compulsory report, will receive another Pole from the competent
labor office on request with preference.

“15. In all other cases, only the state police is still
competent.

“For the employer himself, severe punishment is contemplated if
it is established that the necessary distance from farmworkers
of Polish nationality has not been kept. The same applies to
women and girls. Extra rations are strictly prohibited.
Noncompliance to the Reich tariffs for farmworkers of Polish
nationality will be punished by the competent labor office by
the taking away of the worker.” (_EC-68_)

The women of the conquered territories were led away against their will to serve as domestics. Sauckel described this program as follows:

“* * * In order to relieve considerably the German housewife,
especially the mother with many children and the extremely busy
farmwoman, and in order to avoid any further danger to their
health, the Fuehrer also charged me with procurement of
400,000-500,000 selected, healthy and strong girls from the
territories of the East for Germany.” (_016-PS_)

Once captured, these Eastern women, by order of Sauckel, were bound to the household to which they were assigned, permitted at the most three hours of freedom a week, and denied the right to return to their homes. The decree issued by Sauckel containing instructions for housewives concerning Eastern household workers, provides in part, as follows:

“* * * There is no claim for free time. Female domestic workers
from the East may, on principle, leave the household only to
take care of domestic tasks. As a reward for good work, however,
they may be given the opportunity to stay outside the home
without work for 3 hours once a week. This leave must end with
the onset of darkness, at the latest at 20:00 hours. It is
prohibited to enter restaurants, movies, or other theatres and
similar establishments provided for German or foreign workers.
Attending church is also prohibited. Special events may be
arranged for Eastern domestics in urban homes by the German
Workers’ Front, for Eastern domestics in rural homes by the
Reich Food Administration with the German Women’s League
(_Deutsches Frauenwerk_). Outside the home, the Eastern domestic
must always carry her work card as a personal pass.

“10. Vacations, Return to Homes.

“Vacations are not granted as yet. The recruiting of Eastern
domestics is for an indefinite period.” (_3044-B-PS_)

At all times the shadow of the Gestapo and the concentration camp hovered over the enslaved workers. As with the other major programs of the Nazi conspirators, Himmler’s black-shirted SS formations were the instruments employed for enforcement. A secret order dated 20 February 1942, issued by Reichsfuehrer SS Himmler to SD and security police officers spells out the violence which was applied against the Eastern workers. (_3040-PS_):

“III. Combatting violations against discipline.

“(1) According to the equal status of the manpower from the
original Soviet Russian territory with prisoners of war, a
strict discipline must be exercised in the quarters and at the
working place. Violations against discipline, including work
refusal and loafing at work, will be fought exclusively by the
secret State police. The smaller cases will be settled by the
leader of the guard according to instruction of the State police
administration offices with measures as provided for in the
enclosure. To break acute resistance, the guards shall be
permitted to use also physical power against the manpower. But
this may be done only for a cogent cause.

The manpower should always be informed about the fact that they
will be treated decently when conducting themselves with
discipline and accomplishing good work.

“(2) In severe cases, that is in such cases where the measures
at the disposal of the leader of the guard do not suffice, the
State police office has to act with its means. Accordingly, they
will be treated, as a rule, only with strict measures, that is
with transfer to a concentration camp or with special treatment.

“(3) The transfer to a concentration camp is done in the usual
manner.

“(4) In especially severe cases special treatment is to be
requested at the Reich Security Main Office, stating personnel
data and the exact history of the act.

“(5) Special treatment is hanging. It should not take place in
the immediate vicinity of the camp. A certain number of manpower
from the original Soviet Russian territory should attend the
special treatment; at that time they are warned about the
circumstances which led to this special treatment.

“(6) Should special treatment be required within the camp for
exceptional reasons of camp discipline, this is also to be
requested.”

* * * * * *

“VI. Sexual Intercourse.

“Sexual intercourse is forbidden to the manpower of the original
Soviet Russian territory. By means of their closely confined
quarters they have no opportunity for it. Should sexual
intercourse be exercised nevertheless—especially among the
individually employed manpower on the farms—the following is
directed:

“(1) For every case of sexual intercourse with German countrymen
or women, special treatment is to be requested for male manpower
from the original Soviet Russian territory, transfer to a
concentration camp for female manpower.

“(2) When exercising sexual intercourse with other foreign
workers, the conduct of the manpower from the original Soviet
Russian territory is to be punished as severe violation of
discipline with transfer to a concentration camp.”

* * * * * *

“VIII. Search.

“(1) Fugitive workers from the original Soviet Russian territory
are to be announced principally in the German search book
(_Fanndungsbuch_). Furthermore, search measures are to be
decreed locally.

“(2) When caught, the fugitive must receive special treatment *
* *.” (_3040-PS_)

6. USE OF SLAVE LABOR IN GERMAN WAR INDUSTRIES

The primary purpose of the slave labor program was to compel the people of the occupied countries to work for the German war economy. The decree appointing Sauckel Plenipotentiary-General for Manpower declares the purpose of the appointment to be to facilitate acquisition of the manpower required for German war industries, and in particular the armaments industry, by centralizing under Sauckel responsibility for the recruitment and allocation of foreign labor and prisoners of war in these industries (_1666-PS_). This decree, signed by Hitler, Lammers and Keitel, and dated 21 March 1942, provides:

“In order to secure the manpower requisite for the war
industries as a whole, and particularly for armaments, it is
necessary that the utilization of all available manpower,
including that of workers recruited (_angeworbenen_) abroad and
of prisoners of war, should be subject to a uniform control,
directed in a manner appropriate to the requirements of war
industry, and further that all still incompletely utilized
manpower in the Greater German Reich, including the
Protectorate, and in the General Government and in the occupied
territories should be mobilized.

“_Reichsstatthalter_ and _Gauleiter_ Fritz Sauckel will carry
out this task within the framework of the Four Year Plan, as
Plenipotentiary General, for the utilization of labor. In that
capacity he will be directly responsible to the Commissioner for
the Four Year Plan.

“Section III (Wages) and Section V (Utilization of labor) of the
Reich Labor Ministry, together with their subordinate
authorities, will be placed at the disposal of the
Plenipotentiary General for the accomplishment of his task.”
(_1666-PS_)

Sauckel’s success can be gauged from a letter he wrote to Hitler on 15 April 1943, containing a report on one year’s activities:

“1. After one year’s activity as Plenipotentiary for the
Direction of Labor, I can report that 3,638,056 new foreign
workers were given to the German war economy from 1 April of
last year to 31 March this year.

“2. The 3,638,056 are distributed amongst the following branches
of the German war economy

Armament—1,568,801.” (_407-VI-PS_)

Further evidence of this use of enslaved foreign labor is found in a report of a meeting of the Central Planning Board on 16 February 1944, during which Field Marshal Milch stated:

“The armament industry employs foreign workmen to a large
extent; according to the latest figures—40 percent.” (_R-124_)

Moreover, according to tabulations of Speer’s Ministry, as of 31 December 1944 approximately two million civilian foreign workers were employed directly in the manufacture of armaments and munitions (end products or components). (_2520-PS_)

Sauckel, Speer, and Keitel also succeeded in forcing foreign labor to construct military fortifications. Thus, citizens of France, Holland, and Belgium were compelled against their will to engage in the construction of the “Atlantic Wall”. Hitler, in an order dated 8 September 1942, initialed by Keitel, decreed that:

“The extensive coastal fortifications which I have ordered to be
erected in the area of Army Group West make it necessary that in
the occupied territory all available workers should be committed
and should give the fullest extent of their productive
capacities. The previous allotment of domestic workers is
insufficient. In order to increase it, I order the introduction
of compulsory labor and the prohibition of changing the place of
employment without permission of the authorities in the occupied
territories. Furthermore, the distribution of food and clothing
ration cards to those subject to labor draft should in the
future depend on the possession of a certificate of employment.
Refusal to accept an assigned job, as well as abandoning the
place of work without the consent of the authorities in charge,
will result in the withdrawal of the food and clothing ration
cards. The GBA (Deputy General for _Arbeitseinsatz_) in
agreement with the military commander as well as the Reich
Commissar, will issue the corresponding decrees for execution.”
(_556-2-PS_)

Sauckel boasted to Hitler concerning the contribution of the forced labor program to the construction of the Atlantic Wall by Speer’s Organization Todt (OT). In a letter to Hitler dated 17 May 1943, Sauckel wrote:

“* * * In addition to the labor allotted to the total German
economy by the Arbeitseinsatz since I took office, the
Organization Todt was supplied with new labor continually. * * *

“Thus, the Arbeitseinsatz has done everything to help make
possible the completion of the Atlantic Wall.” (_407-VIII-PS_)

Similarly, Russian civilians were forced into labor battalions and compelled to build fortifications to be used against their own countrymen. A memorandum of the Rosenberg Ministry states that:

“* * * men and women in the theaters of operations have been and
will be conscripted into labor battalions to be used in the
construction of fortifications * * *.” (_031-PS_)

In addition, the Nazi conspirators compelled Prisoners of War to engage in operations of war against their own country and its Allies. At a meeting of the Central Planning Board held on February 19, 1943, attended by Speer, Sauckel, and Field Marshal Milch, the following conversation occurred:

“Sauckel: If any prisoners are taken, there, they will be
needed.

“Milch: We have made a request for an order that a certain
percentage of men in the antiaircraft artillery must be
Russians. 50,000 will be taken altogether; 30,000 are already
employed as gunners. This is an amusing thing that Russians must
work the guns.” (_R-124_)

(At this point a series of official German Army photographs were offered in evidence. The first one shows Russian Prisoners of War acting as ammunition bearers during the attack upon Tschudowo. The second group consists of a series of official German Army photographs taken in July and August 1941 showing Russian prisoners of war in Latvia and the Ukraine being compelled to load and unload ammunition trains and trucks and being required to stack ammunition.)

This use of prisoners of war was in flagrant disregard of the rules of international law, particularly Article 6 of the Regulations annexed to Hague Convention Number 4 of 1907, which provides that the tasks of prisoners of war shall have no connection with the operations of war.

The Nazi conspirators made extensive use of prisoners of war not only in active operations of war but also in the German armament industry. A secret letter from the Reichminister of Labor to the Presidents of the Regional Labor Exchange Offices refers to an order of Goering to the effect that:

“Upon personal order of the Reich Marshal, 100,000 men are to be
taken from among the French PWs not yet employed in armament
industry, and are to be assigned to the armament industry
(airplanes industry). Gaps in manpower supply resulting
therefrom will be filled by Soviet PWs. The transfer of the
above-named French PWs is to be accomplished by 1 October.”
(_3005-PS_)

A similar policy was followed with respect to Russian prisoners of war. In a secret memorandum issued from Hitler’s headquarters on 31 October 1942, Keitel directed the execution of Hitler’s order to use such prisoners in the German war economy (_EC-194_):

“The lack of workers is becoming an increasingly dangerous
hindrance for the future German war and armament industry. The
expected relief through discharges from the armed forces is
uncertain as to the extent and date; however, its possible
extent will by no means correspond to expectations and
requirements in view of the great demand.

“The Fuehrer has now ordered that even the working power of the
Russian prisoner of war should be utilized to a large extent by
large scale assignment for the requirements of the war industry.
The prerequisite for production is adequate nourishment. Also
very small wages are to be planned for the most modest supply
with a few consumers’ goods (_Genussmittel_) for every day’s
life, eventual rewards for production.”

* * * * * *

“II. _Construction and Armament Industry._

“_a._ Work units for constructions of all kind, particularly for
the fortification of coastal defenses (concrete workers,
unloading units for essential war plants).

“_b._ Suitable armament factories which have to be selected in
such a way that their personnel should consist in the majority
of prisoners of war under guidance and supervision (eventually
after withdrawal and other employment of the German workers).

“III. _Other War Industries._

“_a._ Mining as under II _b._

“_b._ Railroad construction units for building tracks etc.

“_c._ Agriculture and forestry in closed units. The utilization
of Russian prisoners of war is to be regulated on the basis of
above examples by:

“To I. The armed forces

“To II. The Reich Minister for Arms and Ammunition and the
Inspector General for the German road system in agreement with
the Reich Minister for Labor and Supreme Commander of the Armed
Forces (_Wi Rue Amt_). Deputies of the Reich Minister for Arms
and Ammunition are to be admitted to the prisoner of war camps
to assist in the selection of skilled workers.” (_EC-194_)

Goering, at a conference at the Air Ministry on 7 November 1941, also discussed the use of prisoners of war in the armament industry. The Top Secret notes on Goering’s instructions as to the employment and treatment of prisoners of war in many phases of the German war industry read as follows (_1206-PS_):

“The Fuehrer’s point of view as to employment of prisoners of
war in war industries has changed basically. So far a total of 5
million prisoners of war—employed so far 2 million.”

* * * * * *

“For 4) _In the Interior and the Protectorate_, it would be
ideal if entire factories could be manned by Russian PW’s except
the employees necessary for direction. For employment in the
Interior and the Protectorate the following are to have
priority:

“_a._ _At the top coal mining industry._

“Order by the Fuehrer to investigate all mines as to suitability
for employment of Russians. At times manning the entire plant
with Russian laborers.

“_b._ _Transportation_ (construction of locomotives and cars,
repair shops).

“Railroad-repair and industry workers are to be sought out from
the PW’s. Railroad is most important means of transportation in
the East.

“_c._ _Armament industries_

“Preferably factories of armor and guns. Possibly also
construction of parts for airplane engines. Suitable complete
sections of factories to be manned exclusively by Russians. For
the remainder employment in columns. Use in factories of tool
machinery, production of farm tractors, generators, etc. In
emergency, erect in individual places barracks for occasional
workers which are used as unloading details and similar
purposes. (Reich Minister of the Interior through communal
authorities.)

“OKW/AWA is competent for _transporting_ Russian PW’s employment
through “_Planning Board for Employment of all PW’s_
(_Planstelle fuer den Einsatz fuer alle Kriegsgefangenen_).” If
necessary, offices of Reich Commissariates.

“No employment where _danger to men_ or their supply exists,
i.e. factories exposed to explosives, waterworks, powerworks,
etc. No contact with German population, especially no
‘solidarity.’ German worker as a rule is foreman of Russians.

“Food is a matter of the Four Years’ Plan. Supply their own food
(cats, horses, etc.)

“_Clothes_, _billeting_, _messing_ somewhat better than at home
where part of the people live in caverns.

“_Supply of shoes_ for Russians as a rule wooden shoes, if
necessary install Russian shoe repair shops.

“Examination of _physical fitness_, in order to avoid
importation of diseases.

“_Clearing of mines_ as a rule by Russians if possible by
selected Russian engineers.” (_1206-PS_)

Speer also sponsored and applied the policy of using prisoners of war in the armament industry. In a speech to the Nazi Gauleiters on 24 February 1942, Speer said:

“I therefore proposed to the Fuehrer at the end of December that
all my labor force, including specialists be released for mass
employment in the East. Subsequently the remaining PW’s, about
10,000 were put at disposal of the armaments industry by me.”
(_1435-PS_)

Speer also reported at the 36th meeting of the Central Planning Board, held on 22 April 1943, that only 30% of the Russian prisoners of war were engaged in the armament industry. This he found unsatisfactory. Speer continued:

“There is a specified statement showing in what sectors the
Russian PW’s have been distributed, and this statement is quite
interesting. It shows that the armaments industry only received
30%. I always complained about this.”

* * * * * *

“The 90,000 Russian PW’s employed in the whole of the armaments
industry are for the greatest part skilled men.” (_R-124_)

Sauckel, who was appointed Plenipotentiary General for the utilization of labor for the express purpose, among others, of integrating prisoners of war into the German war industry, made it plain that prisoners of war were to be compelled to serve the German armament industry. His labor mobilization program contains the following statement:

“All prisoners of war, from the territories of the West as well
as of the East, actually in Germany, must be completely
incorporated into the German armament and nutrition industries.
Their production must be brought to the highest possible level.”
(_016-PS_)

7. THE CONCENTRATION CAMP PROGRAM OF EXTERMINATION THROUGH WORK

A special Nazi program combined the brutality and the purposes of the slave labor program with those of the concentration camp. The Nazis placed Allied nationals in concentration camps and forced them, along with the other inmates of the concentration camps, to work in the armaments industry under conditions designed to exterminate them. This was the Nazi program of extermination through work.

The program was initiated in the spring of 1942. It was outlined as follows in a letter to Himmler, dated 30 April 1942, from his subordinate Pohl, SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS:

“Today I report about the present situation of the concentration
camps and about measures I have taken to carry out your order of
the 3rd March 1942.”

* * * * * *

“1. The war has brought about a marked change in the structure
of the concentration camps and has changed their duties with
regard to the employment of the prisoners. The custody of
prisoners for the sole reasons of security, education, or
prevention is no longer the main consideration. The mobilization
of all prisoners who are fit for work for purposes of the war
now, and for purposes of construction in the forthcoming peace,
come to the foreground more and more.

“2. From this knowledge some necessary measures result with the
aim to transform the concentration camps into organizations more
suitable for the economic tasks, whilst they were formerly
merely politically interested.

“3. For this reason I have gathered together all the leaders of
the former inspectorate of Concentration Camps, all Camp
Commanders, and all managers and supervisors of work on the 23rd
and 24th of April, 1942; I have explained personally to them
this new development. I have compiled in the order attached the
main essentials, which have to be brought into effect with the
utmost urgency if the commencement of work for purposes of the
armament industry is not to be delayed.” (_R-129_)

The order referred to in paragraph 3 above set the framework for a program of relentless exploitation, providing in part as follows:

“4. The camp commander alone is responsible for the employment
of the labor available. This employment must be, in the true
meaning of the word, exhaustive, in order to obtain the greatest
measure of performance. Work is allotted by the Chief of the
Department D centrally and alone. The camp-commanders themselves
may not accept on their own initiative work offered by third
parties and may not negotiate about it.

“5. There is no limit to working hours. Their duration depends
on the kind of working establishments in the camps and the kind
of work to be done. They are fixed by the camp commanders alone.

“6. Any circumstances which may result in a shortening of
working hours (e.g. meals, roll-calls) have therefore to be
restricted to the minimum which cannot be condensed any more. It
is forbidden to allow long walks to the place of working and
noon intervals only for eating purposes.” (_R-129_)

This armaments production program was not merely a scheme for mobilizing the manpower potential of the camps. It was directly integrated into the larger Nazi program of extermination. A memorandum of an agreement between Himmler and the Minister of Justice, Thierack sets for the Nazi objective of extermination through work:

“* * * 2. The delivery of anti-social elements from the
execution of their sentence to the Reich Fuehrer of SS to be
worked to death. Persons under protective arrest, Jews, Gypsies,
Russians and Ukrainians, Poles with more than 3-year sentences,
Czechs and Germans with more than 8-year sentences, according to
the decision of the Reich Minister for Justice. First of all the
worst anti-social elements amongst those just mentioned are to
be handed over. I shall inform the Fuehrer of this through
Reichsleiter Bormann.”

* * * * * *

“14. It is agreed that, in consideration of the intended aims of
the Government for the clearing up of the Eastern problems, in
future Jews, Poles, Gypsies, Russians and Ukrainians are no
longer to be judged by the ordinary courts, so far as punishable
offenses are concerned, but are to be dealt with by the Reich
Fuehrer of SS. This does not apply to civil lawsuits, nor to
Poles whose names are announced or entered in the German Racial
Lists.” (_654-PS_)

In September, 1942, Speer arranged to bring this new source of labor within his jurisdiction. Speer convinced Hitler that significant production could be obtained only if the concentration camp prisoners were employed in factories under the technical control of the Speer Ministry instead of in camps. In fact, without Speer’s cooperation, it would have been difficult to utilize the prisoners on any large scale for war production since he would not allocate to Himmler the machine tools and other necessary equipment. Accordingly, it was agreed that the prisoners were to be exploited in factories under Speer’s control. To compensate Himmler for surrendering this jurisdiction to Speer, Speer proposed, and Hitler agreed, that Himmler would receive a share of the armaments output, fixed in relation to the man hours contributed by his prisoners. The minutes of Speer’s conference with Hitler on 20, 21, 22 September 1942, are as follows (_R-124_):

“* * * I pointed out to the Fuehrer that, apart from an
insignificant amount of work, no possibility exists of
organizing armament production in the concentration camps,
because:

“1. the machine tools required are missing,

“2. there are no suitable premises.

“Both these assets would be available in the armaments industry,
if use could be made of them by a second shift.

“The Fuehrer agrees to my proposal, that the numerous factories
set up outside towns for ARP reasons, should release their
workers for supplementing the second shift in town factories and
should in return be supplied with labor from the concentration
camps—also two shifts.

“I pointed out to the Fuehrer the difficulties which I expect to
encounter if Reichsfuehrer SS Himmler should be able, as he
requests, to exercise authoritative influence over these
factories. The Fuehrer, too, does not consider such an influence
necessary.

“The Fuehrer however agrees that Reichsfuehrer SS Himmler should
draw advantages from making his prisoners available; he should
get equipment for his division.

“I suggest to give him a share in kind (war equipment) in ratio
to the working hours done by his prisoners. A 3-5% share is
discussed, the equipment also being calculated according to
working hours. The Fuehrer would agree to such a solution.

“The Fuehrer is prepared to order the additional delivery of
this equipment and weapons to the SS, according to a list
submitted to him.” (_R-124_)

After a demand for concentration camp labor had been created, and a mechanism set up by Speer for exploiting this labor in armament factories, measures were evolved for increasing the supply of victims for extermination through work. A steady flow was assured by the agreement between Himmler and the Minister of Justice mentioned above. This was implemented by such programs as the following, expressed in Sauckel’s letter of 26 November 1942 to Presidents of Landes Employment Offices regarding the program for the evacuation of Poles from the Lublin district:

“The Poles who are to be evacuated as a result of this measure
will be put into concentration camps and put to work where they
are criminal or asocial elements.” (_L-61_)

General measures were supplemented by special drives for persons who would not otherwise have been sent to concentration camps. For example, for “reasons of war necessity” Himmler ordered on 17 December 1942 that at least 35,000 prisoners qualified for work should be transferred immediately to concentration camps, (_1063-D-PS_). The order provided that:

“For reasons of war necessity not to be discussed further here,
the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police on 14
December 1942 has ordered that until the end of January 1943, at
least 35,000 prisoners qualified for work, are to be sent to the
concentration camps. In order to reach this number, the
following measures are required:

“1. As of now (so far until 1 Feb. 1943) all eastern workers or
such foreign workers who have been fugitives, or who have broken
contracts, and who do not belong to allied, friendly or neutral
States are to be brought by the quickest means to the nearest
concentration camps * * *.

“2. The commanders and the commandants of the security police
and the security service, and the chiefs of the State Police
Headquarters will check immediately on the basis of a close and
strict ruling

_a._ the prisons

_b._ the labor reformatory camps

“All prisoners qualified for work, if it is essentially and
humanly possible, will be committed at once to the nearest
concentration camp, according to the following instructions, for
instance also if penal procedures were to be established in the
near future. Only such prisoners who in the interest of
investigation procedures are to remain absolutely in solitary
confinement can be left there.

“_Every single laborer counts!_” (_1063-D-PS_)

Measures were also adopted to insure that extermination through work was practiced with maximum efficiency. Subsidiary concentration camps were established near important war plants. Speer has admitted that he personally toured Upper Austria and selected sites for concentration camps near various munitions factories in the area. This admission appears in the transcript of an interrogation of Speer under oath on 18 October 1945, in which Speer stated:

“The fact that we were anxious to use workers from concentration
camps in factories and to establish small concentration camps
near the factories in order to use the manpower that was
available there was a general fact. But it did not only come up
in connection with this trip.” [i.e. Speer’s trip to Austria].
(_3720-PS_)

Goering endorsed this use of concentration camp labor and asked for more. In a teletype which Goering sent to Himmler on 14 February 1944, he stated:

“At the same time I ask you to put at my disposal as great a
number of concentration camp (KZ-) convicts as possible for air
armament, as this kind of manpower proved to be very useful
according to previous experience. The situation of the air war
makes subterranean transfer of industry necessary. For work of
this kind concentration camp (KZ-) convicts can be especially
well concentrated at work and in the camp.” (_1584-I-PS_)

Speer subsequently assumed responsibility for this program, and Hitler promised Speer that if the necessary labor for the program could not be obtained, a hundred thousand Hungarian Jews would be brought in by the SS. Speer’s record of conferences with Hitler on April 6 and 7, 1944, contain the following quotation:

“* * * Suggested to the Fuehrer that, due to lack of builders
and equipment, the second big building project should not be set
up in German territory, but in close vicinity to the border on
suitable soil (preferable on gravel base and with transport
facilities) on French, Belgian or Dutch territory. The Fuehrer
agrees to this suggestion if the works could be set up behind a
fortified zone. For the suggestion of setting this plant up in
French territory speaks mainly the fact that it would be much
easier to procure the necessary workers. Nevertheless, the
Fuehrer asks an attempt be made to set up the second works in a
safer area, namely in the Protectorate. If it should prove
impossible there, too, to get hold of the necessary workers, the
Fuehrer himself will contact the Reichsfuehrer SS and will give
an order that the required 100,000 men are to be made available
by bringing in Jews from Hungary. Stressing the fact that the
building organization of the _Industriegemeinschaft Schlesien
Silesia_ was a failure, the Fuehrer demands that these works
must be built by the O.T. exclusively and that the workers
should be made available by the Reichsfuehrer SS. He wants to
hold a meeting shortly in order to discuss details with all the
men concerned.” (_R-124_)

The character of the treatment inflicted on Allied nationals and other victims of concentration camps while they were being worked to death is described in an official report prepared by a U.S. Congressional Committee which inspected the liberated camps at the request of General Eisenhower (_L-159_). The report states in part:

“* * * The treatment accorded to these prisoners in the
concentration camps was generally as follows: They were herded
together in some wooden barracks not large enough for one-tenth
of their number. They were forced to sleep on wooden frames
covered with wooden boards in tiers of two, three and even four,
sometimes with no covering, sometimes with a bundle of dirty
rags serving both as pallet and coverlet.

“Their food consisted generally of about one-half of a pound of
black bread per day and a bowl of watery soup for noon and
night, and not always that. Owing to the great numbers crowded
into a small space and to the lack of adequate sustenance, lice
and vermin multiplied, disease became rampant, and those who did
not soon die of disease or torture began the long, slow process
of starvation. Notwithstanding the deliberate starvation program
inflicted upon these prisoners by lack of adequate food, we
found no evidence that the people of Germany as a whole were
suffering from any lack of sufficient food or clothing. The
contrast was so striking that the only conclusion which we could
reach was that the starvation of the inmates of these camps was
deliberate.

“Upon entrance into these camps, newcomers were forced to work
either at an adjoining war factory or were placed ‘in commando’
on various jobs in the vicinity, being returned each night to
their stall in the barracks. Generally a German criminal was
placed in charge of each ‘block’ or shed in which the prisoners
slept. Periodically he would choose the one prisoner of his
block who seemed the most alert or intelligent or showed the
most leadership qualities. These would report to the guards’
room and would never be heard from again. The generally-accepted
belief of the prisoners was that these were shot or gassed or
hanged and then cremated. A refusal to work or an infraction of
the rules usually meant flogging and other types of torture,
such as having the fingernails pulled out, and in each case
usually ended in death after extensive suffering. The policies
herein described constituted a calculated and diabolical program
of planned torture and extermination on the part of those who
were in control of the German Government * * *.”

* * * * * *