Chapter 382: , Laws of 1889, to read as follows (23)

"The President feels that the time has come when, in the
interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not
possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable
conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the
United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will.
It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels
that the progress of the world is set back by the war between
these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the
Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own
sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to
open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The
President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted
directly and exclusively between the belligerents—in other
words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese
plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in
order to see if it is not possible for these representatives
of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President
earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to
such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise
to agree. While the President does not feel that any
intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace
negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he
properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his
services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to
the time and place of meeting; but if even these preliminaries
can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any
other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is
to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will
pray may result in peace."

The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in transmission and did not
reach Minister Griscom until the evening of the 9th, but was
delivered to the officials of the foreign office the same
night, and the following reply from Baron Komura was handed to
Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morning of the 10th:

"The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the
President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to
the minister for foreign affairs by the American minister on
the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which,
because of its source and its import, it is justly entitled.
Desiring in the interest of the world as well as in the
interest of Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on
terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability,
the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of
the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet
plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be
found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, for the purpose
of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and
exclusively between the two belligerent powers."

At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count Lamsdorff, Minister
for Foreign Affairs, was given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th
as follows:

"I have not failed to place before my august master the
telegraphic communication which your excellency has been
pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your
government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments
expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof
of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the
United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high
value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial
Majesty does, to that universal peace so essential to the
welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the
eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries,
‘in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to
agree to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government has no
objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese
Government expresses a like desire."

This Russian response seemed somewhat equivocal to the
Japanese Government, and Foreign Minister Komura asked for an
assurance as to the powers to be conferred on the peace
plenipotentiaries from St. Petersburg. How the assurance was
obtained has not been made known to the public; but Japan
received it soon through President Roosevelt, and Baron Komura
requested Mr. Griscom to "assure the President that the
attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature
of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries
was not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise
difficulties or delay negotiations.
{357}
Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the
Japanese Government thought that by securing at the outset a
common understanding upon this subject they would preclude
possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of
negotiations and would smooth the way for the real work of the
negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the
President, the Japanese Government accepts his interpretation
of the intention of Russia and will without further question
appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and
conclude terms of peace."

In consultations as to the place of meeting, Russia suggested
Paris and Japan proposed Chefu, but objections were raised to
both, as well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended by
President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it nowhere in Europe and
Russia would have it nowhere in the East; so Washington became
the chosen point. But, when one of the first ten days of
August became the appointed time of assembly for the
negotiation, the probable heat of Washington was forbidding,
and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the Government of the
United States possesses an island domain of its own, for
navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on for the most important
peace-parley that has taken place in the world within a
century, at the least.

The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan were Baron Komura
Iutaro and Mr. Takahira Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at
Washington. Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was
named in the first instance for chief plenipotentiary by the
Tzar, but illness prevented his serving. Mr. Nicholas
Mouravieff, Ambassador at Rome, was then appointed, but became
equally disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his
place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador at
Washington, associated in the mission. On Saturday, the 5th of
August, on board the Government yacht _Mayflower_, at
Oyster Bay, the summer residence of President Roosevelt, the
four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of their
respective suites, were received by the President, introduced
to each other, and entertained at a lunch. Thence they were
conveyed, by separate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday
was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their conference was
opened on Wednesday, the 9th, and the resulting Treaty of
Peace was signed by the negotiators, September 5th.

At the outset of their communications with each other the
differences of mind seemed insurmountable. How they were
brought to agreement has been told by two writers who had
better opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner
circumstances of the negotiation than any other persons
outside of the plenipotentiaries themselves. One of these was
Dr. Frederick de Martens, the eminent Russian Professor of
International Law, who came as a special consulting delegate
with M. Witte. In an article on "The Portsmouth Peace
Conference," published in _The North American Review_ of
November, 1905, he wrote:

"During three long weeks the _pourparlers_ between the
representatives of the two Powers seemed to show the absolute
impossibility of attaining the desired object, that is, peace.
There were especially two obstacles in the way—the Japanese
demands that Russia should cede Saghalin and that Russia
should pay Japan a war indemnity. These two conditions Russia
categorically rejected, and the failure of the Conference
seemed inevitable. Then it was that the President of the
United States, again basing his action on the principles of
the Hague Convention, considered himself once more justified
in intervening between the two disputing nations. At first,
Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commission composed of neutrals,
whose decision however, would not be binding on the contending
parties, should fix the amount of the sum that Russia should
pay to Japan. But this proposal was immediately abandoned
because of its evidently impracticable nature. The second
intervention of the President was more effective and happy.
Japan was now to be asked to withdraw her demand for an
indemnity, and the Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the
unfortunate war ended, was to consent to the cession of the
southern portion of the island of Saghalin. It was at the
sitting of August 29th that an accord, based on these mutual
concessions, was brought about; and, during the six days that
followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty of peace
were drawn up by a commission named for that purpose. At last,
on September 5th, the treaty was concluded, and a battery of
artillery, in front of the building where the sittings had
been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in honor of the
great event."

_F. de Martens,
The Portsmouth Peace Conference
(North American Review, November, 1905)._

To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well known publicist,
who had been an intermediary in some of the preliminary
unofficial diplomacy, wrote in _The Contemporary Review_
of October as follows:

"The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of rare moral courage
meeting, assailing and worsting a combination of forces, the
classification and labelling of which had best be left to the
future historian and biographer who can appreciate, without
bias and blame, without apprehension. The first man to display
that unwonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, whose
influence for good on the living and working of nations is a
beneficent force to which the world is beginning to look as to
some permanent institution. It is not too much to say that if
Japan and Russia are at peace today, if countless human beings
doomed seemingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death on
the battlefield are now about to return to their homes and
families and set about building up instead of pulling down,
the credit for this welcome change in international relations
is due in the first place to the President of the United
States. …

"There was hardly a man in Russia acquainted with the elements
of the problem who considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a
peace conference as other than a voice crying in the
wilderness. He had felt his way some months before and
convinced himself that it then led nowhither. Soon afterwards
I was myself authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire
whether a war indemnity formed part of Japan’s irreducible
minimum. And the result of that inquiry was that hostilities
were allowed to take their course.

{358}

"After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt again returned to
the attack, moving slowly and very cautiously, but creating
his opportunity as well as utilising it, advising as well as
questioning, exhorting almost as much as he argued. With
Japan, whose statesmen he knew well, and with the mainsprings
of whose action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced no
difficulty. What Nippon said, she really meant; what she
promised—but not one iota more—she religiously fulfilled; and
both her declarations and her promises apparently flowed from
a desire to do what every man in the forum of his own
conscience would term the right thing. Probably never before
in human history has the world’s cultivated sense of what is
fair and just been taken by any nation, Christian or
non-Christian, as its own standard of ethics, its own rule of
action regardless of immediate consequences. …

"And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sacrifice the less to
the greater, the material to the moral, was, so to say, the
fulcrum on which Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force
of his endeavours was concentrated here, all his fund of
optimism was derived from this source.

"But it takes two to make peace as well as to make war. And
the President’s great and greatest difficulty was to persuade
Russia, not indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to consult
what to outsiders appeared to be her own national interest and
to make peace on acceptable terms."

_E. J. Dillon,
The Story of the Peace Negotiations
(Contemporary Review, October, 1905)._

The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed upon at Portsmouth was
duly ratified by the Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St.
Petersburg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th of
October, 1905. The following is the text of the Treaty in
full:

JAPAN:
The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth.

By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor and
Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., hereby declare that, in
consequence of a mutual agreement between us and His Majesty,
the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries concluded and
signed at Portsmouth, August 23, 1905, a treaty of peace
which, word for word, reads as follows:

His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the one hand,
and His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, on the other baud,
being animated by the desire to restore the benefits of peace
for their countries and their peoples, have decided to
conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed for this purpose
their plenipotentiaries, to wit:

His Majesty the Emperor of Russia—

His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secretary of state and
president of the committee of ministers of the Empire of
Russia, and

His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master of the Imperial
Court of Russia and his ambassador extraordinary and
plenipotentiary to the United States of America:

And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan—

His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iusammi, knight of the
Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his minister of foreign
affairs, and His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iusammi,
knight of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United
States of America;

Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good
and due form, concluded the following articles:

Article I.
There shall be in the future peace and friendship between
Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor
of Japan, as well as between their respective nations and
subjects.

Article II.
The Imperial Government of Russia, recognizing that Japan has
predominant political, military, and economic interests in
Korea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in the way
of any measure of direction, protection, and supervision which
the Imperial Government of Japan may deem necessary to adopt
in Korea.

It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated
in exactly the same manner as the citizens of other foreign
countries; that is, that they shall be placed on the same
footing as the citizens of the most-favored nation.

It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid any cause of
misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties shall
refrain from adopting, on the Russo-Korean frontier, any
military measures which might menace the security of the
Russian or Korean territory.

Article III.
Russia and Japan mutually engage:

1. To completely and simultaneously evacuate Manchuria, with
the exception of the territory over which the lease of the
peninsula of Liao tung extends, in accordance with the
provisions of additional Article I annexed to this treaty, and

2. To entirely and completely restore to the exclusive
administration of China all parts of Manchuria now occupied by
Russian and Japanese troops, or which are under their control,
with the exception of the above-mentioned territory.

The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has no
territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive
concessions in Manchuria of such a nature as to impair the
sovereignty of China or which are incompatible with the
principle of equal opportunity.

Article IV.
Russia and Japan mutually pledge themselves not to place any
obstacle in the way of general measures which apply equally to
all nations and which China might adopt for the development of
commerce and industry in Manchuria.

Article V.
The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of
China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the
adjacent territories and territorial waters, as well as the
rights, privileges, and concessions connected with this lease
or forming part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan all the public works and property within
the territory over which the above-mentioned lease extends.

The high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain from
the Government of China the consent mentioned in the foregoing
clause.

The Imperial Government of Japan gives on its part the
assurance that the property rights of Russian subjects within
the above-mentioned territory shall be absolutely respected.

{359}

Article VI.
The Imperial Government of Russia obligates itself to yield to
the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and
with the consent of the Chinese Government, the Chan-chun
(Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur Railroad and all its branches,
with all the rights, privileges, and property thereunto
belonging within this region, as well as all the coal mines in
said region belonging to this railroad or being operated for
its benefit.

The two high contracting parties mutually pledge themselves to
obtain from the Chinese Government the consent mentioned in
the foregoing clause.

Article VII.
Russia and Japan agree to operate their respective railroads
in Manchuria for commercial and industrial purposes
exclusively, but by no means for strategic purposes. It is
agreed that this restriction does not apply to the railroads
within the territory covered by the lease of the Liao tung
peninsula.

Article VIII.
The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan, with a view to
favoring and facilitating relations and traffic, shall
conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention to govern
their operations of repair on the railroads in Manchuria.

Article IX.
The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
Government of Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the
southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all the islands
adjacent thereto, as well as all the public works and property
there situated. The fiftieth parallel of north latitude is
adopted as the limit of the ceded territory. The exact
boundary line of this territory shall be determined in
accordance with the provisions of additional Article II
annexed to this treaty.

Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct within their
respective possessions on the island of Saghalin, and the
islands adjacent thereto, any fortification or similar
military work. They likewise mutually agree not to adopt any
military measures which might hinder the free navigation of
the Straits of La Perouse and Tartary.

Article X.
The right is reserved to Russian subjects inhabiting the
territory ceded to Japan to sell their real property and
return to their country; however, if they prefer to remain in
the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and protected in
the full enjoyment of their property rights and the exercise
of their industries, provided they submit to the laws and
jurisdiction of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty to
withdraw the right of residence in this territory from all
inhabitants laboring under political or administrative
incapacity, or to deport them from this territory. It pledges
itself, however, to fully respect the property rights of these
inhabitants.

Article XI.
Russia obligates itself to reach an understanding with Japan
in order to grant to Japanese subjects fishing rights along
the coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan,
Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that the above-mentioned
obligation shall not impair the rights already belonging to
Russian or foreign subjects in these regions.

Article XII.
The treaty of commerce and navigation between Russia and Japan
having been annulled by the war, the Imperial Governments of
Russia and Japan agree to adopt as a basis for their
commercial relations, until the conclusion of a new treaty of
commerce and navigation on the basis of the treaty in force
before the present war, the system of reciprocity on the
principle of the most favored nation, including import and
export tariffs, custom-house formalities, transit and tonnage
dues, and the admission and treatment of the agents, subjects,
and vessels of one country in the territory of the other.

Article XIII.
As soon as possible, after the present treaty takes effect,
all prisoners of war shall be mutually returned. The Imperial
Governments of Russia and Japan shall each appoint a special
commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in
the custody of one of the governments shall be delivered to
the commissioner of the other government or to his duly
authorized representative, who shall receive them in such
number and in such suitable ports of the surrendering nation
as the latter shall notify in advance to the commissioner of
the receiving nation.

The Governments of Russia and Japan shall present to each
other, as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners
has been completed, a verified account of the direct
expenditures made by them respectively for the care and
maintenance of the prisoners from the date of capture or
surrender until the date of their death or return. Russia
agrees to refund to Japan, as soon as possible after the
exchange of these accounts, as above stipulated, the
difference between the actual amount thus spent by Japan and
the actual amount likewise expended by Russia.

Article XIV.
The present treaty shall be ratified by Their Majesties the
Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This
ratification shall, within the shortest possible time and at
all events not later than fifty days from the date of the
signature of the treaty, be notified to the Imperial
Governments of Russia and Japan, respectively, through the
ambassador of the United States of America at St. Petersburg
and the minister of France at Tokyo, and from and after the
date of the last of these notifications this treaty shall
enter into full force in all its parts. The formal exchange of
the ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as
possible.

Article XV.
The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate, in the French
and English languages. The two texts are absolutely alike;
however, in case of difference of interpretation the French
text shall prevail.

In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have
signed the present treaty of peace and affixed thereto their
seals.

Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the twenty-third day of
August (fifth of September) of the year one thousand nine
hundred and five, corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth
month of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji.

IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S.]
K. TAKAHIRA. [L. S.]
SERGIUS WITTE. [L. S.]
ROSEN. [L. S.]

In conformity with the provisions of Articles II and IX of the
treaty of peace between Russia and Japan under this date, the
undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following
additional articles:

{360}

I. To Article III:

The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan mutually agree to
begin the withdrawal of their military forces from the
territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after
the entrance into force of the treaty of peace; and within a
period of eighteen months from this date the armies of the two
powers shall be entirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the
exception of the leased territory of the peninsula of
Liao-tung.

The forces of the two powers occupying advanced positions
shall be withdrawn first.

The high contracting parties reserve the right to maintain
guards for the protection of their respective railroad lines
in Manchuria.

The number of these guards shall not exceed 15 men per
kilometer, and within the limit of this maximum number the
commanders of the Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual
agreement, fix the number of guards who are to be employed,
this number being as low as possible and in accordance with
actual requirements. The commanders of the Russian and
Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an understanding
regarding all the details connected with the evacuation, in
conformity with the principles herein above set forth, and
shall, by mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary to
carry out the evacuation as soon as possible and at all events
within a period not exceeding eighteen months.

II. To Article IX:

As soon as possible after the present treaty takes effect, a
boundary commission composed of an equal number of members
appointed respectively by the two high contracting parties
shall mark on the spot and in a permanent manner the exact
line between the Russian and Japanese possessions on the
island of Saghalin. The commission shall be obliged, as far as
topographical conditions permit, to follow the 50th parallel
of north latitude for the line of demarcation, and in case any
deviations from this line are found necessary at certain
points compensation shall be made therefor by making
corresponding deviations at other points. It shall also be the
duty of said commission to prepare a list and description of
the adjacent islands which are comprised within the cession,
and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing
the boundaries of the ceded territory. The labors of the
commission shall be submitted to the approval of the high
contracting parties.

The additional articles mentioned hereinabove shall be
considered as being ratified by the ratification of the treaty
of peace, to which they are annexed.

Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, corresponding to
the 5th day, 9th month and 28th year of Meiji.

IUTARO KOMURA.
K. TAKAHIRA.
SERGIUS WITTE.
ROSEN.

The ratification by the Tsar was in the following terms:

Therefore, after mature consideration of this treaty and the
two additional articles, we approved, confirmed, and ratified
them, and do hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in their
full purport, pledging our imperial word for ourselves, our
successors, and our heirs, that everything set forth in the
above-mentioned acts shall be inviolably observed. In witness
whereof we, having signed this, our imperial ratification,
with our own hand, have ordered affixed thereto our imperial
seal.

Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, in the year of
our Lord one thousand nine hundred and five and of our reign
the eleventh.

On the original is written in His Imperial Majesty’s own hand:

L. S. "NICHOLAS."

countersigned

COUNT LAMSDORFF,
_Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs._

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (August).
New Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the
plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held their first
meeting at Portsmouth and opened the negotiations which
resulted in a Treaty of Peace, a new Agreement of defensive
alliance between Japan and Great Britain, replacing that of
three years before, was signed at London, but not made public
until the 6th of September, the day following the conclusion
of the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace.

See, above,
JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

It was then communicated to the Governments of Russia and
France, through the medium of the British Ambassadors at St.
Petersburg and Paris, with an accompanying explanatory
despatch from Lord Lansdowne, as follows:

"Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's information, a copy of
a new Agreement concluded between His Majesty’s Government and
that of Japan in substitution for that of the 30th January,
1902. You will take an early opportunity of communicating the
new Agreement to the Russian Government. It was signed on the
12th August, and you will explain that it would have been
immediately made public but for the fact that negotiations had
at that time already commenced between Russia and Japan, and
that the publication of such a document whilst those
negotiations were still in progress would obviously have been
improper and inopportune.

"The Russian Government will, I trust, recognize that the new
Agreement is an international instrument to which no exception
can be taken by any of the Powers interested in the affairs of
the Far East. You should call special attention to the objects
mentioned in the preamble as those by which the policy of the
Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s Government
believe that they may count upon the good-will and support of
all the Powers in endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern
Asia, and in seeking to uphold the integrity and independence
of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities
for the commerce and industry of all nations in that country.

"On the other hand, the special interests of the Contracting
Parties are of a kind upon which they are fully entitled to
insist, and the announcement that those interests must be
safeguarded is one which can create no surprise, and need give
rise to no misgivings.

"I call your especial attention to the wording of Article II,
which lays down distinctly that it is only in the case of an
unprovoked attack made on one of the Contracting Parties by
another Power or Powers, and when that Party is defending its
territorial rights and special interests from aggressive
action, that the other Party is bound to come to its
assistance.

{361}

"Article III,
dealing with the question of Corea, is deserving of especial
attention. It recognizes in the clearest terms the paramount
position which Japan at this moment occupies and must
henceforth occupy in Corea, and her right to take any measures
which she may find necessary for the protection of her
political, military, and economic interests in that country.
It is, however, expressly provided that such measures must not
be contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the
commerce and industry of other nations. The new Treaty no
doubt differs at this point conspicuously from that of 1902.
It has, however, become evident that Corea, owing to its close
proximity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to stand
alone, must fall under the control and tutelage of Japan.

"His Majesty’s Government observe with satisfaction that this
point was readily conceded by Russia in the Treaty of Peace
recently concluded with Japan, and they have every reason to
believe that similar views are held by other Powers with
regard to the relations which should subsist between Japan and
Corea.

"His Majesty’s Government venture to anticipate that the
alliance thus concluded, designed as it is with objects which
are purely peaceful and for the protection of rights and
interests the validity of which cannot be contested, will be
regarded with approval by the Government to which you are
accredited. They are justified in believing that its
conclusion may not have been without effect in facilitating
the settlement by which the war has been so happily brought to
an end, and they earnestly trust that it may, for many years
to come, be instrumental in securing the peace of the world in
those regions which come within its scope.

JAPAN:
Agreement between the United Kingdom and Japan.

"PREAMBLE.
The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of
replacing the agreement concluded between them on the 30th of
January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the
following articles, which have for their object—

(a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in
the regions of Eastern Asia and of India.

(b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in
China, by insuring the independence and integrity of the
Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for
the commerce and industry of all nations in China.

(c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high
contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of
India, and the defense of their special interests in the said
regions.

"ARTICLE I.
It is agreed that whenever in the opinion of either Great
Britain or Japan any of the rights and interests referred to
in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two
governments will communicate with one another fully and
frankly and will consider in common the measures which should
be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.

"ARTICLE II.
If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action,
wherever arising, on the part of any other power or powers
either contracting party should be involved in war in defense
of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in
the preamble of this agreement, the other contracting party
will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will
conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement
with it.

"ARTICLE III.
Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic
interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of
Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, and
protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to
safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that
such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal
opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.

"ARTICLE IV.
Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns
the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her
right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier
as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian
possessions.

"ARTICLE V.
The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will
without consulting the other enter into separate arrangements
with another power to the prejudice of the objects described
in the preamble of this agreement.

"ARTICLE VI.
As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great
Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless
some other power or powers should join in hostilities against
Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance
of Japan and will conduct the war in common and make peace in
mutual agreement with Japan.

"ARTICLE VII.
The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded
by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in
the present agreement, and the means by which such assistance
is to be made available, will be arranged by the naval and
military authorities of the contracting parties, who will from
time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all
questions of mutual interest.

"ARTICLE VIII.
The present agreement shall, subject to the provisions of
Article VI., come into effect immediately after the date of
its signature and remain in force for ten years from that
date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should
have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said
ten years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain
binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which
either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced
it. But if when the date fixed for its expiration arrives
either ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall
_ipso facto_ continue until peace is concluded."

JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (December).
Treaty with China relative to Manchuria.

See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
Korea under Japanese Control.
The rule of Prince Ito.
Insurrection and its suppression.
Constructive and Reformative Work.

See (in this Volume)
KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
Disputes with China.
The Fa-ku-menn Railway and
the Antung-Mukden Railway Questions.
Settlement of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum.

See (in this Volume)
CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
Chinese Students in the Country.

See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

{362}

JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
Resentment at Segregation of Oriental Children in
San Francisco Schools.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907.
Riotous attacks on Japanese laborers in British Columbia
and the State of Washington.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (June).
Treaty with France concerning affairs in the East.

A treaty between the governments of Japan and France was
signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according to which France
recognizes the rights of Japan in Korea and her special
interests in Manchuria, and Japan, on her side, promises not
to interfere with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (May).
Slender victory of the Saionji Ministry in
the Parliamentary Elections.

Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, gave the Ministry a bare
probability of support by combinations of the party of Prince
Ito—the Rikken Seiyu-kai—with some of the other partly
sympathetic groups. The maintenance of the prudent policy of
Government since the close of the great war, against the Jingo
element, was left somewhat precarious.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (November).
Exchange of Notes with the United States, embodying an
important Declaration of Common Policy in the East.

On the 30th of November, 1908, distinct form was given to a
common understanding between Japan and the United States, as
to their agreement in purposes and policy touching affairs in
the East. The form was not that of a treaty, but of a simple
Declaration, identical in notes exchanged at Washington
between Secretary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The following
is the text of the Declaration:

"I.
It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free
and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific
Ocean.

"II.
The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive
tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing
_status quo_ in the region above mentioned, and to the
defense of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and
industry in China.

"III.
They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect
the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said
region.

"IV.
They are also determined to preserve the common interests of
all Powers in China by supporting, by all pacific means at
their disposal, the independence and integrity of China and
the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry
of all nations in that Empire.

"V.
Should any event occur threatening the _status quo_ as
above described, or the principle of equal opportunity as
above defined, it remains for the two Governments to
communicate with each other, in order to arrive at an
understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful
to take.

JAPAN: A. D. 1908-1909.
Suppression of Race-track Gambling.

See (in this Volume)
GAMBLING.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Material Development of the Country.

"The mileage of Japanese railways, now over 5,000 miles, has
been quadrupled within 20 years—without counting the Korean
and South Manchurian railways, which are owned by Japanese
companies. The development of posts, telegraphs, and
telephones has proceeded on an even greater scale, and the
revenues of the department, which only amounted in 1899 to
£1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst the amount
invested in postal savings banks rose during the same decade
from under £2,200,000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant
flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly one and a
quarter million tons, is known in every sea, and the Nippon
Yusen Kaisha, on one of whose excellent steamers I crossed the
Pacific a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet of
265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not only to the United
States and to Europe, but to South America and Australia,
besides local services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean
waters. …

"Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, Messrs.
Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take a leading part in every
branch of a national import and export trade which has risen
within 30 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,000
in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown up like Osaka, the
centre of the cotton-spinning industry, whose population, less
than 400,000 a quarter of a century ago, now exceeds
1,200,000. The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial
companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,000,000, rose
within the same period to more than £126,000,000, and in the
cotton industry alone the number of spindles increased from
65,000 to over one and a half million. According to statistics
collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Igarashi, the national
wealth of Japan was assessed at the beginning of 1905 at close
upon £2,500,000,000, to which must now be added, over and
above any normal increment, the economic value of the position
she has acquired in Southern Manchuria and Korea."

_Correspondent of The Times, London._

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Parties in Domestic Politics.

The present parties in the lower house of the Japanese
Parliament were thus described by the Tokio correspondent of
the London _Times_, in January, 1909:

"The Lower House consists of 379 members. These are divided
into five sections—namely,
the _Seiyu-kai_ (192 members),
the Progressists (67),
the _Boshin_ Club (42),
the _Yushin-kai_ (44) and
the _Daido_ Club (34).
If any man were required to indicate clearly the lines of
division between these sections, he would be much perplexed to
do so. On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conservatism the
first four occupy the same Liberal platform, while the last
stands as the sole exponent of Conservative views. Yet the
four Liberal sections are not more hostile to each other than
the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by traditions and
by prejudices.

"The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an overwhelmingly strong
position in the face of perennial opposition from the
Progressists. Once only did the two join hands, but their
union lasted no more than a few weeks, and they separated with
a strong access of mutual rancour. Yet both had entered the
arena originally as champions of the same cause,
constitutional government, and nothing held them apart save
personal rivalries. In the course of their 28 years of
strenuous evolution, they gradually sloughed off their
extremists, and these constitute the present
_Yushin-kai_, a coterie of brilliant Radical free-lances,
whose hand may be said to be against every one.
{363}
The _Daido_ Club are frank Conservatives. They are the
only unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in office. …
There remain the _Boshin_ Club. They are an association
of business men—the first political association of that
complexion in Japan. The early Diets were all conspicuously
deficient in representatives of the commercial and
manufacturing classes; mainly because politics had become a
more or less discredited pursuit before ever a general
election was held, and partly because the urban population did
not return a due proportion of members. The latter defect
having been remedied by the new election law of 1901, there
was thereafter found in the Lower House a group of men calling
themselves ‘Independents,’ but always seen in the Government
lobby. In fact their sense of business interests prompted them
to lend their support to the principle of stable Cabinets
above everything."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
Present Status of Christianity.

See (in this Volume)
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
The State of the War Debt and its Payment.

The following is a Press despatch from Tokyo to London, July
17, 1909:

"At the close of 1906, when Japan came to make out the
accounts of her war with Russia, she found that she had
incurred a total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen
(£170,000,000). By that amount her national debt was
increased. She then determined to lay aside every year a sum
of at least 110 million yen (£11,000,000) for the service of
the debt. That did not mean, of course, that redemptions
aggregating 110 millions were to be made annually. These 110
millions were for the service of the debt; in other words,
they were for the purpose of paying interest as well as
principal. The portion applicable to redemption would be from
30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would thus be
completely paid off in about 30 years. That was the programme
when the Marquis Katsura came into office. But very soon he
announced the Treasury’s intention of increasing the
redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to say, he added some
16 millions to the money available for paying off the debt;
and evidently, if the increase were permanent, the whole
indebtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years instead of
30, as originally planned. Still better things, however, are
said to be contemplated. The sum actually devoted to the
sinking fund during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen,
and since the interest on that amount will go to augment the
redemption fund during the current year, the amount paid off
from that source will be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is
proposed to add another 10 millions obtained from the national
growth of the State’s income, for the experience of the last
year encourages the belief that such growth may be confidently
expected, the actual development of the ordinary revenue
having reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further
expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from the Customs
duties will advance from 38 to 53 millions, unless Japan
manages her negotiations for tariff revision clumsily."

Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in September, 1909,
Premier Katsura expressed the belief that the financial
condition of the country was encouraging, and while
maintaining that the present system of finances was excellent,
he expressed the hope to improve it steadily until perfection
is reached. The premier said that the government’s policy
would begin this year, and the development of resources and
the avoidance of unproductive expenditure would be
consistently followed. He announced the following measures as
forming part of the financial programme for the ensuing year:—

1. Reduction and modification of the war taxes in order to
relieve the pressure on the people.

2. Increase of the sinking fund. By the allocation of a
considerable amount out of the surplus of previous years the
sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,000) previously fixed for this
service will be greatly exceeded.

3. The raising of the salaries of all Government officials by
30 per cent. This reform had been delayed by the outbreak of
the Russo-Japanese war.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (August).
The Burning of Osaka.

See (in this Volume)
OSAKA.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (September).
Visit of a Commercial Commission to the United States.

A large party of prominent Japanese business men, headed by
Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a Commercial Commission to seek
more intimate commercial relations between Japan and the
United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of September,
1909, and toured the country for a number of weeks. The party
received much attention and were entertained most hospitably
everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than on the Pacific
Coast, where ill-feeling toward Japan had been manifested in
some circles a few years before. In a statement to the Press
at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said: "It is interesting to note
that while different European nations are talking about the
increase of armament, and when especially great rulers are
exchanging visits accompanied by warships, the Japanese people
are perfectly satisfied in sending us plain business men on a
peaceful mission to this great commercial country. I have been
told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike nation, but this is
altogether absurd. We are all deeply interested in the
development of the Japanese-American commercial relations,
which, of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your
country. Let us therefore work for the extension of commercial
relations to our mutual interests. We must go hand in hand
with you to develop the vast field in the East."

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (October).
Assassination of Prince Ito.

Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of most light and leading, as he
appears to have been, in the transformation of Japan within
the past half century, was foully assassinated on the 26th of
October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harbin, Manchuria. He had gone
to Kharbin to meet M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance,
for a conference on the Manchurian questions that had arisen
between Russia and Japan. As he stepped from the railway train
which brought him to the city, and was approaching the
Minister, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon from the
surrounding crowd. Three revolver shots struck the Prince, two
of which inflicted wounds that caused his death within twenty
minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, not fatally, by
other shots. All were found to have been fired by one
bystander, who proved to be a Korean. The assassin made no
attempt to escape, but exclaimed when seized: "I came to
Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating Prince Ito, to
avenge my country." He had two companions who boasted of being
parties to the crime. He was subsequently identified as Indian
Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at Seoul.

{364}

Since retiring from his responsible post in Korea, as
Resident-General, Prince Ito had resumed the presidency of the
Privy Council, in the Japanese Government, which Prince
Aritomo Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince
Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. He and Prince Ito
had been intimate friends, and yet political opponents,
differing in opinions and heading rival parties, but always
acting together on the vital questions of national policy.

JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (December).
Naval Armament, Present and Prospective.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: JAPAN.

----------JAPAN: End--------

JAPANESE IMMIGRATION:
The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.

JEANES, Miss Anna T.:
Great Gift to Schools for Southern Negroes.

See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1907.

JEROME, William Travers:
Reelection as District Attorney of the County of New York.

See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

JEWS, THE: In Roumania.
Oppressions.
Remonstrance of the United States.

See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

JEWS, THE:
Persecution and Massacre in Russia.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (APRIL).

JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow.

See (in this Volume)
SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of.

See (in this Volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

JOINT STATEHOOD ACT.

See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

JOLO, Sultan of.

See (in this Volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

JONES, John Paul:
Recovery and removal of his remains from Paris.

See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F.:
On Slavery in Portuguese Africa.

See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

JUAREZ, BENITO:
Celebration of his centenary.

See (in this Volume)
MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

JUDSON, Harry Pratt:
President of the University of Chicago.

See (in this Volume)
EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The.

See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUSTH, M. de.

See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

JUVENILE COURTS.

See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

JUVENILE REFORM.

See (in this Volume)
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

K.

KAFFIR, The Problem of the.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: IN SOUTH AFRICA.

KAIPING.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

KAJAR TRIBE, The:
The Tribe of the Persian Imperial Dynasty.

See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

KAMIMURA, Admiral.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

KANO:
British capture.

See (in this Volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

KANSAS: A. D. 1904.
Legislation and action against the Standard Oil Company.

See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

KARAGEORGEVICH.

See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

KATANGA, Railway Lines to.

See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CENTRAL AFRICA.

KATSURA, Count:
His Ministry strengthened by Marquis Ito.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

KAULBARS, General.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KAWAMURA, General.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

KELANTAN:
Cession of Suzerainty to Great Britain.

See (in this Volume)
SIAM: A. D. 1909.

KELLY, Charles F.:
Confessions as a "Boodler."

See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests of.

See (in this Volume)
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS.

KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
The Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night Riders.

"Kentucky has been having an experience unique, costly,
tragic, and probably to some extent valuable, with the farmers
engaged in the chief agricultural industry of the state—
growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, representing probably
400,000 of the population of the state, have been engaged in a
union demonstration for the purpose of securing higher pay.
The result has been in some sections anarchy, in all great
distress. …

"A trust having arisen in New York which was able to control
the output, and therefore to make prices to suit itself, the
farmers have answered this trust by forming under the equity
society a union of their own, and going on a strike for higher
prices. … The union to which I refer is the Burley Tobacco
Society, in Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exactions
of the American Tobacco Company of New Jersey. Tobacco is
grown in several distinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as
elsewhere, each district has, by reason of soil or climate, a
virtual monopoly of its own type. Down in the southwestern
corner, in the so-called Black Patch, embracing several
counties of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown and
fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is bought by
government, or so-styled ‘regie’ buyers. North of this is a
heavy leaf stemmed for the British trade. North and east of
this is the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is grown for
domestic uses. East of this, embracing all Blue Grass and
extending to Maysville, is the Burley district, in which is
grown the famous red and white Burley tobacco. …

{365}