Chapter VIII: Preface: To the Seventh Volume (7)

"Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the
present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The
first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff
should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now
taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.
And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of
course, aware that similar questions have been recently
specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in
the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that
the time is ripe for something of this kind."

{53}

Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian
preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little
commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very
valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging
as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable
experience which we have derived from the history of the
Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most
gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be
willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with
you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further
and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater
equality."

On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the
Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to
increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian
squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval
Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the
latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute
£50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general
maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of
£3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.
From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the
First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the
several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me
that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are
contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the
waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any
offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were
adopted:

"1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of
preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His
Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and
facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by
promoting the development of the resources and industries of
the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

"2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present
circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt
a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country
and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

"3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of
trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies
which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as
their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential
treatment to the products and manufactures of the United
Kingdom.

"4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge
on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the
United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and
manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or
reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

"5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference
undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the
earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to
request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give
effect to it."

The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to
which they were prepared to recommend to their several
Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The
Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing
preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference
on lists of selected articles—
(a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United
Kingdom;
(b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;
(c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the
free list.

In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general
preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of
lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At
the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be
advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on
foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a
preferential treatment not yet defined.

A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at
intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions
recommended that a preference be given to products of the
Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that
the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused
to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to
ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of
patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of
cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all
newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that
the metric system of weights and measures be adopted
throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important
conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult
to regard them as quite satisfactory.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.
Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade
with the Colonies.
Its political effects in Great Britain.
His resignation from the Cabinet.
Disclosures of the correspondence.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be
known as the Imperial Conference.
Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,
and other subjects.
Resolutions adopted.

According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference
of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,
but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the
following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence
occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of
the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,
each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its
own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the
representation that would be given to it by the General
Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine
received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of
the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his
Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first
meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on
the 14th of May.

{54}

At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of
the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of
the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers
of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of
Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in
attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the
Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.
Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the
Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of
the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime
Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the
several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the
constitution of the Conference and the question of military
defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending
this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the
constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers
accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to
attend its meetings.

At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought
forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,
proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the
Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape
Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a
draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference
which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,
without action taken. The discussion was continued at the
third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some
particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

"That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a
Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every
four years at which questions of common interest may be
discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government
and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the
seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be _ex
officio_ President, and the Prime Ministers of the
self-governing Dominions _ex officio_ members of the
Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an
_ex officio_ member of the Conference and will take the
chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for
such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime
Ministers of the respective Dominions.

"Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may
appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being
understood that, except by special permission of the
Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than
two representatives from each Government, and that each
Government will have only one vote.

"That it is desirable to establish a system by which the
several Governments represented shall be kept informed during
the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which
have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a
permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the
Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining
information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its
resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters
relating to its affairs.

"That upon matters of importance requiring consultation
between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be
postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of
a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,
subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives
of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the
purpose."

On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,
and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War
took part, the following resolutions were approved:

"That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of
Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any
local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed
desirable.

"That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony
which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a
member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions
raised.

"That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the
exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of
the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit
any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the
need of developing for the service of the Empire a General
Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,
which shall study military science in all its branches, shall
collect and disseminate to the various Governments military
information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation
of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in
the least interfering in questions connected with command and
administration, shall at the request of the respective
Governments advise as to the training, education, and war
organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part
of the Empire."

At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted
or accepted:

On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to
encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies
rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be
requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants
in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to
the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of
Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial
Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

"The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was
accepted, amended as follows:

‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of
the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the
King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

"‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond
the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of
the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a
code of rules and regulations.

"‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be
had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and
anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and
the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure
which would minimize delays.

{55}

"‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of
appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various
Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of
justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the
appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into
consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability
of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His
Majesty.

"‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be
avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant
special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right
of appeal were exercised under definite rules and
restrictions.’

"The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by
General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape
Colony and Natal, were accepted:

"‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any
group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated
or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme
Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the
Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right
of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council.

"‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be
final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted
by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute
under which it is established.

"‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from
the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to
the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all
minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.
Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that
is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half
before, when they took the administration of their Government
away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of
Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies
now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the
preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side
they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of
protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience
of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which
preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,
but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an
arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently
by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its
first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President
of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the
Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster
industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke
remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various
self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,
but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not
admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on
equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies
held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way
His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the
interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to
the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a
universal system of free trade, but the official author of the
policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its
necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held
that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He
pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of
44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt
largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost
of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population
was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources
of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He
asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He
thought it must be attributed to our special productive
activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the
biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings
of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on
keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and
as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no
shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter
of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff
reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest
examination and discussion, the people of England had declared
in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As
spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not
accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an
experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to
state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

"For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the
people of this country, could not accept the principle of
preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,
however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods
by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.
Reference had been made to the improvement of means of
communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in
the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the
desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and
of establishing mail communication with the Australasian
Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His
Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and
cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the
more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty
it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy
which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial
representatives."

Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he
said, "it might have been possible for those present,
acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the
convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see
whether it might not be possible to find other means of
attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our
foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the
protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged
that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of
protection and preference. It was open for the representatives
of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to
Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues
here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which
those colleagues would not assent without being false to the
trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne
the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole
Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the
United States, and the Federation of South Africa and
Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

{56}

"Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s
Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press
that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the
Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and
later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face
by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not
taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring
local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt
to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge
the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect
accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His
Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the
development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict
sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense
of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of
discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the
Empire. …

"He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth
making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.
He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast
an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the
population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in
the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,
therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to
make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to
make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked
to do what no protectionist country in the world would
do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which
we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot
supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

"He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred
upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given
to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a
satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had
also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also
increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not
yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would
no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to
Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the
actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and
affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What
are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that
Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for
their products. To illustrate this he gave the following
figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was
available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all
foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the
exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,
exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of
the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the
Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of
that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those
resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s
Government could not assent to them so far as they implied
that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system
of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that
reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,
said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been
suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries
of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British
Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom
was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the
Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within
its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the
Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have
Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given
the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to
regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the
last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased
amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost
unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she
would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain
and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all
the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a
comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.
He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the
United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and
most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise
that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far
as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within
the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to
west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the
principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …
He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian
tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an
intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to
negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of
that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained
reserved for the British Empire."

Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two
sessions of the Conference were as follows:

"That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of
the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the
present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in
other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the
privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the
Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between
one colony or possession and another, to countries in which
the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own
nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a
view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to
promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by
the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s
Government dissenting.")

{57}

"That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after
full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to
provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the
granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the
Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the
Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the
various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and
that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by
the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of
the various Governments represented at this Conference."

"That, in view of the social and political advantages and the
material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of
international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His
Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable
opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other
States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to
obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a
more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny
rate."

"That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,
an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of
naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and
under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His
Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of
those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if
necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this
Conference on April 20 last."

"That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the
Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different
portions should be connected by the best possible means of
mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this
end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected
with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand
by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for
the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such
financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by
Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable
proportions."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
The total of its prospective Military Strength when present
Imperial plans are carried out.

In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for
War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which
the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial
defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between
the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in
India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,
equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any
other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,
unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles
and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one
might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14
divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the
population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build
on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new
proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five
or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for
her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme
emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her
strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a
remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the
Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial
divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and
South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they
could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the
second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions
altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line
divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war
conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23
army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no
other army in the world had an organization so great. He was
speaking of possibilities."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).
The Imperial Press Conference in England.

Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the
distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer
relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the
feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with
her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect
than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of
June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the
Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade
of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and
impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its
colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many
questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the
most and best that can be made of the great political organism
which extends its law to every continent and its influence to
all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished
and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It
assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of
battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their
minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,
the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they
went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New
Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other
minds.

A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets
of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The
influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas
delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their
writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts
of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find
that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in
much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing
up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was
in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;
and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the
unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking
people of the Empire, but among those who came from different
races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of
Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest
ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That
form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of
aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would
tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and
the betterment of humanity generally."

{58}

A writer in _The Times_, reviewing the Conference after
it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just
quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he
reached the capital of the State where he joined his
fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,
when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean
before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian
delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when
at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues
as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the
opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have
been supposed that distances like those just indicated would
have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men
so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.
The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was
defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival
on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and
touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among
friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all
sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two
peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from
the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with
the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were
given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.
Lawrence.

"Among the indirect results of the Conference must be
mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in
Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own
trade interests were identical with those of the people among
whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same
problems both of politics and material development, of
commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they
found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian
fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once
established, and lasting friendships were formed.

"Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England
there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a
jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.
Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this
company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not
wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of
the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch
extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.
The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty
to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has
been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

The practical object for which the Press Conference strove
most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,
by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,
to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news
from each division of it in every other. It received strong
assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its
efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited
on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I
may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing
committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other
Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and
to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information
and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be
practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial
result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial
necessity that in regard to the development of electric
communication between different parts of the Empire we shall
now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized
and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary
communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having
regard to the various considerations to which I have already
adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all
agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as
ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a
universally accessible system of electric communication."

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
Imperial Defence Conference.

See (in this Volume)
War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).
Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of
the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on
the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to
the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should
afford preferential treatment to each other in their several
markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to
the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of
the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present
practical importance, and that the organizations represented
at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective
Governments to take such action at the next Imperial
Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in
this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81
votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed
with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the
following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s
Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the
appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider
questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to
promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

"That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon
race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant
solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are
hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than
those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a
general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage
emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered
conditions."

"This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete
the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia
and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across
Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the
various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame
a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic
rates."

{59}

BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.
Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

See (in this Volume)
Brazil: A. D. 1904.

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

See SOUTH AFRICA

BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

BRYAN, William Jennings:
Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BRYAN, William Jennings:
Nominated for President of the United States.

See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.
Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,
and Additional Act, 1907.

See (in this Volume)
SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

BRYCE, James:
Chief Secretary for Ireland.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

BUBONIC PLAGUE.

See (in this Volume)
PUBLIC HEALTH.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences
of American Republics.

See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUCHANAN, William I.:
Death, October 16, 1909.

BUCHNER, Eduard.

See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.

BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
The Pan-American Exposition.
Assassination of President McKinley.
Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations
made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at
the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following
characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient
to add what was then said of it:

"They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they
call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of
350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the
settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious
night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The
staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the
affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

"It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for
the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a
unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,
seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at
first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European
influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin
Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade
idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based
gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical
beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be
thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the
South American countries, but the United States occupies
industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The
other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot
will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint
of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by
Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to
justify the name. Most of the southern republics are
represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to
explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much
too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is
worthy of note that when the other countries realized the
importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about
vigorously to retrieve themselves.

"So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was
Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race
of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of
the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here
was the psychological place. It was also the psychological
moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America
had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of
the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with
electricity, and under this happy triad of influences
conspiring for success the work was begun.

"The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north
of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive
portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted
an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and
did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect
peculiarly delightful to Americans."

_E. R. White,
Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition
(Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901)._

The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed
in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of
the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained
him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had
arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned
visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of
its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the
6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the
Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin
found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic
narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman
in the American Review of Reviews:

"Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the
President’s side when he receives the public, but on this
occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.
Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the
rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer
Ireland.
{60}
Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,
the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to
shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in
his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself
to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called
out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.
McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a
handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to
timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and
elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek
and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl
had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud
of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came
a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish
figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,
youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No
one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous
purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and
this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as
well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of
men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,
one had already passed along the line. Many men carried
handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

"So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The
President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.
Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin
fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through
the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is
believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and
glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The
interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely
measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster
sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who
was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The
President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.
Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.
Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the
miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the
clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can
ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should
you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation
of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A
few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s
waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into
which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at
the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.
Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley
whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

"A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those
about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of
the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from
the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a
blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,
Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the
President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,
the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that
Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and
strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that
they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the
artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck
of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective
Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there
before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,
saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right
hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the
Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.
The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,
President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be
absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation
at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was
performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman
Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and
others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was
found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and
its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the
scene before the operation was finished and took part in the
subsequent consultations.

From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s
house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained
that day. There he received all possible care during the eight
days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be
saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join
the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that
had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for
believing that the sound constitution of the President would
defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the
signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past
two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in
the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city
that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest
he became), in the presence of the members of the late
President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper
correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,
administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District
Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it
shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies
of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the
honor of our beloved country."

The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was
identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents
at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and
been taught to believe that all heads of government were
enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no
other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in
the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of
September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no
counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the
State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be
assigned for his defence.
{61}
On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman
C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on
the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the
verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be
executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week
beginning October 28.

See, also, (in this Volume) under
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

See (in this Volume)
MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

BULGARIA.

See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:
Action on the Morocco question.

See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
On German Navy-building.

See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.
His resignation.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

BURGER, SCHALK W.

See (in this Volume)
SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

See (in this Volume)
KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

BURNS, John:
President of the Local Government Board.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

BURNS, William J.

See (in this Volume)
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

BURTON, Joseph R.:
United States Senator.

Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,
which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in
return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a
fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

BUTLER, Charles Henry:
Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

BUTLER, Edward:
Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of
Charles F. Kelly.