Chapter V: Preface: To the Seventh Volume (4)

"In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have
been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with
a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their
ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At
the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the
malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About
the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at
Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and
insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had
completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops
remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for
the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no
evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen
fatalities are reported.

"The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in
this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment
displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the
entire night in the Government House in council. Following up
the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active
measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President
proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a
state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the
reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the
telegraph service.

"The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful
as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it
was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the
Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

"In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city
of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city
of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a
strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where
troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca
upon the capital."

Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of
the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces
at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the
Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.
These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting
in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This
and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president
telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be
moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.
Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and
resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops
arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the
revolution is considered at an end and the country has
returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.
Death of its President.

Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the
Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by
the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the
office until 1910.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.
Dreadnought building.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was
returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of
November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,
with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen
years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number
of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to
anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to
have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Chief food supply to Great Britain.

"How many readers of _The Times_ (said a special
correspondent of the _London Times_ writing from Buenos
Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which
supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest
quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen
cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the
Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this
South American Republic is changing places with the North
American Republic in the exporting of these and other food
products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last
year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst
the United States may have to be content with the second,
place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly
due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact
that with their increasing population the United States will
have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the
world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three
times more maize than the United States did, something like
four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over
twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The
shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine
months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine
Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between
Bolivia and Peru.

See (in this Volume)
ACRE DISPUTES.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of
January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and
Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and
possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque
Saenz-Peña.

{28}

As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at
Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:
Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,
fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties
agree to declare that past differences are not capable of
being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed
to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River
Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and
differences which may arise in the future will be removed and
settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

ARICA QUESTION.

See (in this Volume)
CHILE: A. I). 1907.

ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

ARIZONA:
Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

See (in this Volume)
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.
Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.
Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.
Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.
Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ARMAMENTS.
Armies.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,
The case of the United States against.

See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:
UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:
Decision against in rebating case.

See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:
Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

See (in this Volume)
CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

See (in this Volume)
INSURANCE, LIFE.

ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.

ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

See (in this Volume)
NOBEL PRIZES.

ARYA SAMAJ, The:

This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years
ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So
far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:
but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the
Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based
upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of
caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the
remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile
to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers
of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its
spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the
organization, as a whole, has developed marked political
tendencies subversive of British rule. …

"In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now
about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed
to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its
members in this province [the Punjab], but there are
flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in
many of the important villages, and proselytism is being
actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj
strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.
The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of
their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came
from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane
politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the
idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a
return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call
of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of
feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.
For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest
opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans
declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

_India correspondence of The Times._

ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

See (in this Volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:
The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,
America, and elsewhere.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the German attitude toward an international reduction of
naval armaments.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
on Preferential Trade.

See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
Prime Minister.

See
ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

See (in this Volume)
Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
On the Budget of 1909.

See (in this Volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

ASIA:
The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning
of the twentieth century.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA.

ASSAM:
United with Eastern Bengal.

See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian
Court.

See (in this Volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Ashutosh Biswas.

See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Beckman.

See (in this Volume)
DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

See (in this Volume)
FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

See (in this Volume)
PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

See (in this Volume)
INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Premier Delyannis.

See (in this Volume)
GREECE: A. D. 1905.

{29}

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Colonel Falcon.

See (in this Volume)
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Fehim Pasha.

See (in this Volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),
and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Prince Ito.

See (in this Volume)
JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Colonel Karpoff.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of President McKinley.

See (in this Volume)
BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;
and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Min.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Plehve.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of General Sakharoff.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Count Schouvaloff.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Grand Duke Sergius.

See (in this Volume)
RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of Shemsi Pasha.

See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of M. Sipiagin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Of D. W. Stevens.

See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

ASSASSINATIONS:
Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

ASSINIBOIA:
Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:
Secretary-general of Third International Conference of
American Republics.

See (in this Volume)
AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

See (in this Volume)
FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

See (in this Volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.
His assassination.

See (in this Volume)
PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

ATABEGS, ATABEKS.

See (in this Volume)
Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

See (in this Volume)
NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

ATHABASCA:
Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

See (in this Volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1905.

ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.
Anti-Negro Riot.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

ATWATER, Professor W. O.

See (in this Volume)
SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

See (in this Volume)
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

AUSTRALIA:
The Race Problem.
Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.
The demand for a white Australia.

See (in this Volume)
RACE PROBLEMS.

AUSTRALIA:
Woman Suffrage.

See (in this Volume)
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

AUSTRALIA:
Government ownership of railways.
Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

See (in this Volume)
RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
The Tariff Question in the First
Parliament of the Commonwealth.
Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

"The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed
on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the
languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the
opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight
tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the
struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption
for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff
of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can
be little doubt that in debating power and political
generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but
after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party
of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

"To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt
and effective interference of the Senate in a question of
taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically
placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control
as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in
England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the
respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it
can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was
provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving
the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as
in this country, originate in the representative chamber of
the legislature, but further that such bills should not be
altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a
concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the
constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected
on a strict basis of population, should impose or control
taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in
America, equal representation, should have the right to
suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any
amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for
its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was
supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy
of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the
representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The
tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected
to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully
fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back
to the representative chamber, with a request for their
reconsideration and reduction or excision.

{30}

"The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing
to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got
the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the
bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by
calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and
sending the bill back again for further consideration,
allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event
of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons
on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any
uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to
face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and
agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of
doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade
majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long
struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases
neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue
of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and
state governments."

_Hugh H. Lusk,
The First Parliament of Australia
(American Review of Reviews, March, 1903)_.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
The "States Rights" temper.
Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth
and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.
Decision of the Imperial Government.

"State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind
them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth
after its federation was accomplished. One of the first
wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a
State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at
London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in
September, 1902, for information about an incident which
concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from
London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to
the Government of South Australia, where the incident in
question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The
South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired
information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,
but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A
long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the
course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early
history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,
for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of
South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The
importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of
strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between
Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement
has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.
A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech
made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home
Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day
of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir
William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States
as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States
would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller
ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be
bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner
worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

"Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful
working of the Constitution depends upon the strict
maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of
the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line
is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the
opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the
Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to
Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National
principle."

This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then
Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,
addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,
in part as follows:

"Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the
Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3
of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments
transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth
Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that
‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of
executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not
specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

"They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does
not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this
limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the
Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by
enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the
power?

"The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution
Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly
declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty
is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed
thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal
Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’
The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the
preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people
of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and
Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth
under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

"The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration
and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities
in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of
Australia form one political community for which the
Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for
everything affecting external states or communities, which
takes place within its boundaries, that Government is
responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal
and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern
of which no external country or community can take any
cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth
alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,
for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within
the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a
private individual, of a State official, or of a State
government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s
Government, just as responsible for any action of South
Australia affecting an external community as the United States
of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State
of the Union.

{31}

"The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the
State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that
capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the
Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters
affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority
of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of
Australia have become one political community, look only to
the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in
that community."

The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be
assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

_Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations
of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to
External Affairs
(Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587)._

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
British Colonial Conference at London.

See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
The Governor-Generalship.

The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun
in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.
Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.
The Governor-Generalship.

In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the
Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of
Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
Resignation of Premier Barton.
The Deakin Ministry.
Four months of power for the Labor Party.
Its influence in the Commonwealth.

Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the
Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia
in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a
place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was
succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in
the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year
in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of
Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of
its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring
since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,
opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the
polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor
Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former
was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from
the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and
all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the
balance of power into its hands in both branches of
Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions
became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic
tendencies very strong.

The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an
industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway
employés and other civil servants from its provisions,
contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse
majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents
of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the
ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,
and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young
compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he
did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It
is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,
with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held
the management of Government, with apparently good
satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was
defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to
a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate
Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which
the following facts are taken, was given by _The Review of
Reviews for Australasia_ at the time of its ascendancy: The
average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in
England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank
is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:
One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are
Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is
Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven
years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents
were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they
returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his
apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical
Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the
composing staff of the _Star_. Then he became president
of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the
Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was
returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading
place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the
first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor
party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in
that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.
He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed
the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He
seized the advantage of leading a third party between two
opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.
Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

The situation developed in this period is described by an
American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor
Party, as follows:

"Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided
in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a
majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments
bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the
political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to
take the government. For five months men that had been
carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the
nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no
upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the
government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and
successful. But having a minority party, their way was
necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse
vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the
end the present arrangement was reached, by which the
government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow
Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party
on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.
And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor
gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the
Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by
reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor
has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of
reform.
{32}
Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and
socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by
bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an
exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in
New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate
evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane
and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for
accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard
conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a
law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for
equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has
enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours
of employment even in department and other stores and by
instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for
everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and
Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia
against the sobering terrors of the race problem that
confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored
aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for
the national ownership of public services and obvious
monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue
of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of
coolie labor.]

_Charles E. Russell,
The Uprising of the Many,
chapter 24
(Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907)._

See, also, (in this Volume)
Labor Organization: Australia.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.
Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.
Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."
Important legislation of 1905.
The Federal Capital question.
General election of 1906.

Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an
agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the
tariff question should not be opened during the term of the
existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in
1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the
Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying
to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The
Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,
then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in
one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate
terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is
carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the
cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was
at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its
platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less
real power than it has had either before or since. It is not
likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute
majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,
and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it
had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present
power without responsibility. However, if not at the next
general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear
Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,
great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

"To quote from the official report of the decisions of the
last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour
organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last
July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

"(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon
the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in
Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,
(b) The security of the full results of their industry to all
producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the
extension of the industrial and economic functions of the
State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this
objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to
as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting
Platform’ are as follows:

"(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.
(2) The nationalisation of monopolies.
(3) Old age pensions.
(4) A tariff referendum.
(5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.
(6) The restriction of public borrowing.
(7) Navigation laws.
(8) A citizen defence force.
(9) Arbitration amendment."

_J. W. Kirwan,
The Australian Labour Party
(Nineteenth Century, November, 1905)._

A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during
1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an
unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to
the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They
refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the
court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself
powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge
resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding
another to take his seat.

The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the
trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another
important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction
Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and
merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be
permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction
of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were
expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive
quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of
New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,
the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not
less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile
avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal
Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about
equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales
objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory
demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square
miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason
for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named
Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice
confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about
200 miles southwest of Sydney.

A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of
1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in
Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its
representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called
Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their
leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and
made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in
the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the
Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it
contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

{33}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.
Developing the water supply.

See (in this Volume)
CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

See (in this Volume)
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
Statistics of state schools.

See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
Imperial Conference at London.

See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).
Population of the Commonwealth.

According to a letter to the London _Times_, from Sydney,
"the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was
estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),
showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the
eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a
satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New
South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western
Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States
fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the
change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour
with the emigrant from home."

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
Change of Ministry.

Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the
provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in
control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered
a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time
a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew
Fisher.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
The Governor-Generalship.

After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord
Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was
succeeded by Lord Dudley.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Attitude of the people toward immigration.
Land-locking against settlement.

See (in this Volume)
Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,
in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,
in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of
the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two
billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other
nation having right or title to any part of this splendid
heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home
for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the
population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no
railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half
millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had
£112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks
to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these
being one-third of the entire population. They had produced
minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were
under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000
bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of
£2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had
90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The
oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Proposed federalization of state debts.

On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a
Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the
Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize
the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the
Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier
urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth
would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over
the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the
interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.
The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the
vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian
Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during
the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for
External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred
under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,
Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to
Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory
remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The
military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor
of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly
Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged
its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the
Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

"By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume
responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to
£2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past
administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided
for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at
a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake
the construction of a trans continental line connecting the
territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of
£4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the
territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,
the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable
of carrying a large population."

_Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London._

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
Opening of the session of Parliament.
Programme of business proposed.
The political situation.
Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.
Its success.
Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.
Return of Mr. Deakin to power.
His programme.

The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of
May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as
reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding
a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had
been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial
obligations would be incurred in the near future and would
demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to
consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and
the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.
Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a
Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

{34}

"The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial
Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff
for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into
for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be
asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the
building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of
the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective
citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

"It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia
required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to
introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land
values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to
offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in
large numbers.

"Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the
Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the
interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable
wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament
in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the
nationalization of monopolies."

See (in this Volume),
LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in
Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is
obscure," the London _Times_ rehearsed the main facts of
it as follows:

"It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the
withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat
unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s
Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was
enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition
against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has
since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the
Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks
ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's
speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the
national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and
includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the
nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property
of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are
probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the
issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.
It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of
the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the
States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for
coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on
universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land
tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large
estates.

"This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour
party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the
letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,
it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has
taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we
gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The
Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the
offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the
Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made
it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous
views on the necessity of providing immediately for the
creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this
necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in
emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at
Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our
own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for
us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our
offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the
Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of
Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,
to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

"On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear
difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of
the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy
of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying
ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it
provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on
which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate
no definite policy at all."

The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to
in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the
opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which
the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and
resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the
reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to
have been expected to hold together very long. On the
reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a
statement of the business to be submitted to the House,
including along with other measures the following: "A Bill
would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission
which, in addition to the powers conferred by the
Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the
British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of
a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the
question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against
unemployment. The commission would also assist in the
supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …
An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was
hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The
appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a
well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the
financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise
immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age
Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying
the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the
Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on
universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards
manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and
probably a primary naval college would be established to train
officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced
commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard
to the general development and disposition of Australia’s
adult citizen soldiers.

"In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period
of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the
Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,
pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial
relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

{35}

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

See (in this Volume)
COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
The Imperial Defense Conference.
Defense Bill in Parliament.
Proposed compulsory military training.

See (in this Volume)
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.
See (in this Volume)
LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

See (in this Volume)
BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

"During a period of ten years after the establishment of the
Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be
applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of
interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon
section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal
Government. As its working was described recently by an
English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise
four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the
States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even
out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that
quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented
every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal
Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he
was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article
will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will
be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from
customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,
and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the
State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to
ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the
annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths
of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to
them. Western Australia to receive a special extra
contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until
it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the
Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the
States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is
said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of
£1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,
"the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the
book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue
Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about
£2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States
lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of
old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which
they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer
little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable
boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice
falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less
prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!
Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a _per
capita_ distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New
South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At
present the Commonwealth Government secures the further
revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly
suit that Government as the State populations grow is another
matter."

A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution
was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime
Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of
November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the
Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of
giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the
whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of
December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.
Increase of population compared
with other European countries.

See (in this Volume)
EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).
Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

See (in this Volume)
TRIPLE ALLIANCE.