Chapter XIV: Preface: To the Sixth Volume (13)

On the 18th of February, the British Minister complained
energetically to the Tsung-li Yamên of the rapid increase of
piracy on the Canton River. "Since November, 1898," he wrote,
"that is in three months, no less than forty-seven cases of
piracy in the Canton waters have been reported in the papers.
In several of these cases life was taken, and it may almost be
said that a reign of terror exists on the waterways of the Two
Kuang. Cargo boats are afraid to travel at night, or to move
about except in company, and trade is becoming to a certain
extent paralysed. The Viceroy is always ailing, and it is
difficult to obtain an interview with him. Her Majesty's
Consul has repeatedly addressed him on the subject of these
piracies in the strongest terms, but can only obtain the
stereotyped reply that stringent instructions have been sent
to the officials concerned. Admiral Ho, the
Commander-in-chief, who should properly be the officer to
inaugurate a vigorous campaign against the pirates, appears
absolutely supine and incapable of dealing with the evil. The
complaints of the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's
Consuls show a state of affairs in Canton waters which is
quite intolerable. There is no security for life or property,
and as British subjects are closely concerned, it is my duty
to inform your Highness and your Excellencies that unless
measures are immediately taken to prevent such outrages, I
shall have to report, for the consideration of Her Majesty's
Government, the advisability of taking steps to protect
British lives and property, either by patrolling the waterways
or by placing guards on the steamers, the expense of which
would be the subject of a claim on the Chinese Government."

On the 28th of February, Herr von Billow, the German Imperial
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, announced in the
Reichstag, at Berlin, the reception of a telegram from
Tien-tsin, reporting that several Germans had been attacked
and insulted in that town on the 24th, and had been compelled
to take refuge in the side streets and narrow alleys. The
Imperial Government, he said, had been already aware for some
weeks past that a considerable feeling of irritation had
manifested itself against foreigners in China, especially in
the southern portion of the Province of Shantung. The Chinese
Government were thereupon warned of the necessity of
maintaining order and securing public safety, and, upon the
receipt of the telegram above referred to, the German Minister
at Peking was instructed to impress upon the Chinese
Government that, if such incidents were permitted to recur, or
the perpetrators allowed to escape unpunished, the
consequences for China would be very serious. "We have," Herr
von Bülow declared, "neither the occasion nor the desire to
interfere in the internal affairs of China. But it is our duty
to watch lest the life and property of our fellow subjects,
whether missionaries or traders, should be made to suffer
through the internal complications in China."

In March, however, the state of things at and near Peking was
so far improved that the Legation guards were being withdrawn.
Sir Claude MacDonald obtained leave of absence and left Peking
on the 23d for a visit to England, and the business of the
Legation was conducted for a time by Mr. Bax-Ironside, the
Charge d'Affaires.

In June there was an anti-missionary riot at Kienning, in the
neighborhood of Foochow, excited by the murder of a boy,
popular rumor ascribing the murder to foreigners. "In all
directions," wrote one of the threatened missionaries, who
gave an account of the occurrence, "murders were said to be
taking place, though no bodies were ever found; that seemed of
no consequence to the people, and the story was current, and
was apparently generally believed, that these murders were
done by men in our employ, and that we used the eyes and legs
to make medicine. There were endless stories of people being
kidnapped, chloroformed in the road by a bottle being held out
to their nose, and the day I arrived it was said that eyes had
been found at Tai-lui, a suburb of Kienning, and as I passed a
crowd was actually on the spot seeking for the said eyes." The
missionaries succeeded in escaping from the mob; but one
native convert was killed, and the mission hospital and other
premises were looted.

The ideas and the state of feeling out of which this attack on
the missionaries and their converts grew are revealed in the
following translation of a placard that was posted in Kienning
in June:

"We of this region have hitherto led a worthy life. All the
four castes (scholars, agriculturists, artizans, traders) have
kept the laws and done their duty. Of late foreigners have
suddenly come among us in a disorderly march and preaching
heretical doctrines. They have had from us indulgent
treatment, but they have repaid us by endangering our lives.
This year, in town and country, people have been hewn in two,
men and women in numbers have fallen upon evil days.
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Everywhere the perpetrators have been seized, and everyone of
them has confessed that it was by the missionary chapels they
were ordered to go forth and slay men and women; to cut out
their brains and marrow to make into medicine. The officials
deliberately refrained from interfering. They garbled the
evidence and screened the malefactors. The whole country side
is filled with wrath; the officials then posted Proclamations,
and arrested spreaders of false reports. The hewing down of
men is hateful; but they issued no Proclamations forbidding
that. Now fortunately the people is of one mind in its wrath.
They have destroyed two chapels. The Ou-ning ruffian has
issued another Proclamation, holding this to be the work of
local rowdies. He little knows that our indignation is
righteous, and that it is a unanimous expression of feeling.
If the officials authorize the police to effect unjust
arrests, the people will unite in a body, in every street
business will be stopped, and the Wu-li missionary chapel will
be destroyed, while the officials themselves will be turned
out of the city, and the converts will be slain and
overthrown. When cutting grass destroy the roots at the same
time. Do not let dead ashes spring again into flame."

A settlement of the Kienning case was arranged locally between
the British Consul at Foochow, Mr. Playfair, and the Viceroy
of the province. The views of the Consul were expressed in a
communication to Mr. Bax-Ironside as follows:

"Since the missionaries established themselves there it is the
sixth attempt made to drive them out of the region. The common
people (from what I can gather) have no animus against the
foreign preacher of the Gospel, and show none. On the
contrary, whether moved to accept Christianity or not, they
appear to recognize that missionaries are in any case there
for benevolent and beneficial objects. Schools and hospitals
are independent of proselytizing, and, even if the
missionaries were never to make another convert, they would be
doing good and useful work in spreading Western knowledge and
healing the sick. In addition to this, the presence of
missionaries in out-of-the-way places in China has one
unquestionable advantage. To use the phrase of Sir Thomas
Wade, they 'multiply the points of contact,' and familiarize
the Chinese with the sight of the European. To the missionary,
either as a preacher of the Gospel or as a dispenser of benefits,
the populace at Kienning does not seem to have shown any
aversion; yet six times this populace has risen and tried to
drive the missionaries from the place. The logical inference
is that the Kienning peasant, though tolerant by nature, is
subject to some outside influence. He is moved, not by what he
sees, but by what he is told exists beyond his range of
vision; and these things are pointed out to him by such as he
believes to be his intellectual superiors, and as have,
therefore, the faculty of perceiving what is hid from himself.
The history of almost every anti-missionary movement in China
points to the same process. Why the educated classes of this
land should be so inveterately hostile to the foreigner is a
difficult question to answer. It has been suggested that the
Chinese of this type have an ineradicable conviction that
every European is at heart a 'land-grabber'; that missionaries
are the advance agents of their Governments; that the Bible is
the certain forerunner of the gun-boat; and that where the
missionary comes as a sojourner he means to stay as a
proprietor; consequently, that the only hope of integrity for
China is that her loyal sons should on every occasion destroy
the baneful germ. Extravagant and (in the instance of
Kienning) far-fetched as these notions may seem, I am
convinced that the literati and gentry have been at the root
not only of the present outbreak, but of the others which have
preceded it. While, therefore, I have insisted throughout that
Kienning must be made a place of safe residence for the
British missionary, I have considered that the only way to
attain that result will be to shackle the hands of the gentry
by making any further breach of the peace a sure precursor of
punishment."

To this end, Mr. Playfair's exactions included, not only the
trial and punishment of those guilty of the riot and the
murder, but the signing of a bond by twenty-four leading
notables of Kienning, binding them, with penalties, to protect
the missionaries. His demand was complied with, and, on the
29th of September, he reported that the required bond had been
given. He added: "Before accepting it, however, I required the
authorities to inform me officially that the terms, which to me
seemed somewhat vague, were understood by the authorities to
extend the responsibility of the gentry to any outbreak of the
populace. I received this intimation and I consider that it
supplements the original wording effectually."

In November the German government made public the substance of
an official telegram received from Peking, reporting a serious
state of disturbance in the German missionary districts of
Shantung: "It appears from this communication that the
followers of the sects of the 'Red Fist' and the 'Great Knife'
are in a state of revolt against the Administration and the
people in that province, and are engaged in plunder and rapine
in many places. The native Christians suffer no less than the
rest of the population by this revolt. Money was usually
extorted from them, and their dwellings were pillaged or
destroyed. The Italian Mission, situated in the adjoining
district, were faring no better, and their chapel had just
been burned down. Owing, however, to the unremitting
representations of the German Minister, the Chinese Government
have caused several of the agitators to be arrested by the local
authorities, and they are taking further steps in this
direction, with the result that order is gradually being
restored. At several places the native Christians, with their
non-Christian fellow-countrymen, repulsed the rebels by force
of arms. The Provincial Governor has promised the authorities
of the Mission a full indemnity for the losses suffered by
them and by the other Christians, and several payments have
already been made."

On the 4th of December, the following despatch was sent to
London from the British Legation at Peking:

"During the delimitation of French leased territory at
Kwang-chou-wan on the 13th November, Chinese villagers seized
two French officers and decapitated them. The execution of a
dignitary—the Prefect concerned in the murder—has been
demanded by the French Minister, as well as the dismissal of
the Canton Viceroy, who is also implicated. The Chinese
Commissioner engaged in the delimitation and the gunboat in
which he travelled are held by the French as hostages."

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CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March).
The Tsung-li Yamên.
Its character and position.
The power of the Empress Dowager.

The Tsung-li Yamên is a small body of Councillors who form a
species of Cabinet, with a special obligation to advise the
Emperor on foreign affairs. "They have no constitutional
position whatever, they have no powers except those derived
from the Emperor, and they are very much afraid for
themselves. He may by mere fiat deprive them of their rank,
which is high; he may 'squeeze' them of their wealth, which is
often great; he may banish them from the delights of Pekin to
very unpleasant places; or he may order them to be quietly
decapitated or cut slowly into little pieces. At such times
their preoccupation is neither their country nor their
immediate business, nor even their own advancement, but to
avoid offending the irritable earthly deity who holds their
lives and fortunes in his hands. Such a time it is just now.
The Empress-Dowager is Emperor in all but name, she has ideas
and a will, and she is suspicious to the last degree. There is
no possibility of opposing her, for she has drawn together
eighty thousand troops round Pekin, who while she pays their
Generals will execute anybody she pleases; there is no
possibility of appeal from her, for she represents a
theocracy; and there is no possibility of overpowering her
mind, for she is that dreadful phenomenon four or five times
revealed in history, an Asiatic woman possessed of absolute
power, and determined to sweep away all who oppose, or whom
she suspects of opposition, from her path. Under her regime
the members of the Tsung-li Yamên are powerless nonentities,
trembling with fear lest, if they make a blunder, they may
awaken the anger of their all-powerful and implacable
Sovereign, whose motives they themselves often fail to
fathom."

_The Spectator (London),
March 18, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
Agreement between England and Russia concerning
their railway interests in China.

On the 28th of April, 1899, the governments of Great Britain
and Russia exchanged notes, embodying an agreement
(practically arrived at in the previous month) concerning
their respective railway interests in China, in the following
terms:

"Russia and Great Britain, animated by the sincere desire to
avoid in China all cause of conflict on questions where their
interests meet, and taking into consideration the economic and
geographical gravitation of certain parts of that Empire, have
agreed as follows:

1. Russia engages not to seek for her own account, or on
behalf of Russian subjects or of others, any railway
concessions in the basin of the Yang-tsze, and not to
obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway
concessions in that region supported by the British
Government.

2. Great Britain, on her part, engages not to seek for her own
account, or on behalf of British subjects or of others, any
railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall of China,
and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for
railway concessions in that region supported by the Russian
Government. The two contracting parties, having nowise in view
to infringe in any way the sovereign rights of China or of
existing treaties, will not fail to communicate to the Chinese
Government the present arrangement, which, by averting all
cause of complication between them, is of a nature to
consolidate peace in the far East, and to serve the primordial
interests of China herself."

Second Note. "In order to complete the notes exchanged this
day respecting the partition of spheres for concessions for
the construction and working of railways in China, it has been
agreed to record in the present additional note the
arrangement arrived at with regard to the line
Shanghaikuan-Newchwang, for the construction of which a loan
has been already contracted by the Chinese Government with the
Shanghai-Hongkong Bank, acting on behalf of the British and
Chinese corporation. The general arrangement established by
the above-mentioned notes is not to infringe in any way the
rights acquired under the said loan contract, and the Chinese
Government may appoint both an English engineer and a European
accountant to supervise the construction of the line in
question, and the expenditure of the money appropriated to it.
But it remains understood that this fact can not be taken as
constituting a right of property or foreign control, and that
the line in question is to remain a Chinese line under the
control of the Chinese Government, and can not be mortgaged or
alienated to a non-Chinese Company. As regards the branch line
from Siaoheichan to Sinminting, in addition to the aforesaid
restrictions, it has been agreed that it is to be constructed
by China herself, which may permit European—not necessarily
British—engineers to periodically inspect it, and to verify
and certify that the work is being properly executed. The
present special agreement is naturally not to interfere in any
way with the right of the Russian Government to support, if it
thinks fit, applications of Russian subjects or establishments
for concessions for railways, which, starting from the main
Manchurian line in a southwesterly direction, would traverse
the region in which the Chinese line terminating at Sinminting
and Newchwang is to be constructed."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command,
Treaty Series, Number 11, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (April).
Increasing ascendancy of Manchus in the government.

On the 17th of April, Mr. Bax-Ironside reported to Lord
Salisbury: "There has been no change of importance to note in
the political situation. The tendency to replace Chinese by
Manchus in the important political posts of the Empire is
increasing. There are sixty-two Viceroys, Governors,
Treasurers, and Judges of the eighteen provinces and the New
Dominion. Twenty-four of these posts are now held by Manchus,
whereas before the coup d'etat only thirteen of them were so
occupied. So large a percentage of Manchus in the highest
positions tends to indicate a retrograde administration, as
the Manchus are, as a race, very inferior to the Chinese in
intelligence and capacity, and their appointment to important
positions is viewed with disfavour by the Chinese themselves.
The Dowager-Empress has sent special instructions both to
Moukden and Kirin to raise the present standard of the Manchu
schools in those towns to that existing in the ordinary
schools in Peking."-

_Great Britain, Papers by Command,
China, Number 1, 1900, page 129._

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CHINA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (August).
Talienwan declared a free port.

"The Emperor of Russia in a quaintly worded Imperial Order
issued on Sunday last [August 13] and addressed to the
Minister of Finance, has declared that after the completion of
the railway Talienwan shall be a free port during the whole
duration of the lease from China. In the course of the Order
the Emperor says: 'Thanks to the wise decision of the Chinese
Government, we shall through the railway lines in course of
construction be united with China,—a result which gives to all
nations the immeasurable gain of easy communication and
lightens the operations of the world's trade.' The Emperor
also speaks of 'a rapprochement between the peoples of the
West and East' (brought about apparently by obtaining an
outlet for the great Siberian rail way) as 'our historic
aim.'"

_Spectator (London),
August 19, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (December).
Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

On the 20th of December it was announced that the Viceroy at
Canton had been ordered to Peking and that Li Hung-chang had
been appointed Acting Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi—the
provinces of which Canton is the Viceroyal seat.

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).
Pledges of an "open-door" commercial policy in China obtained
by the government of the United States from the governments of
Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

On the 6th of September, 1899, the American Secretary of
State, Mr. John Hay, despatched to the United States
Ambassador at Berlin the following instructions, copies of
which were forwarded at the same time to the Ambassadors at
London and St. Petersburg, to be communicated to the British
and Russian governments:

"At the time when the Government of the United States was
informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His
Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the
adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances
were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by
the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the
rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to
citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be
in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had
thus obtained control. More recently, however, the British
Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the
exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased
area and the contiguous 'sphere of influence or interest'
certain privileges, more especially those relating to
railroads and mining enterprises: but, as the exact nature and
extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly
defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may
at any time arise, not only between British and German
subjects within said area, but that the interests of our
citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous
to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same
time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted
benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the
various powers claiming 'spheres of interest,' that they shall
enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and
navigation within such 'spheres,' the Government of the United
States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government
give formal assurances and lend its cooperation in securing
like assurances from the other interested powers that each
within its respective sphere of whatever influence—

"First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any
vested interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' or
leased territory it may have in China.

"Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being
shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such
ports as are within said 'sphere of interest' (unless they be
'free ports'), no matter to what nationality it may belong,
and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese
Government.

"Third. That it will levy no higher harbor duties on vessels
of another nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere'
than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality' and no
higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or
operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise belonging to
citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported
through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar
merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over
equal distances.

"The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in
declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese
Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so
clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is
anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest
hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support.
The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring
the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease
under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships of
all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to
this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at
this capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the
present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the
Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court
of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to
submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early
consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to
Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential
information. The commercial interests of Great Britain and
Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of
intentions, and the views of the Governments of these
countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures
insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign
trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by
the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions
herein outlined and their coöperation in advocating their
adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I
inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to
Mr. Choate on the subject. In view of the present favorable
conditions, you are instructed to submit the above
considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's minister for
foreign affairs, and to request his early consideration of the
subject. Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors
at London and at St. Petersburg for their information."
Subsequently the same proposal was addressed to the
governments of France, Italy and Japan.

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On the 30th of November, Lord Salisbury addressed to
Ambassador Choate the reply of his government, as follows: "I
have the honor to state that I have carefully considered, in
communication with my colleagues, the proposal contained in
your excellency's note of September 22 that a declaration
should be made by foreign powers claiming 'spheres of
interest' in China as to their intentions in regard to the
treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. I have much
pleasure in informing your excellency that Her Majesty's
Government will be prepared to make a declaration in the sense
desired by your Government in regard to the leased territory
of Wei-hai Wei and all territory in China which may hereafter
be acquired by Great Britain by lease or otherwise, and all
spheres of interest now held or that may hereafter be held by
her in China, provided that a similar declaration is made by
other powers concerned."

Ambassador Porter, at Paris, received a prompt reply, December
16, from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé,
in the following note:

"The declarations which I made in the Chamber on the 24th of
November last, and which I have had occasion to recall to you
since then, show clearly the sentiments of the Government of
the Republic. It desires throughout the whole of China and,
with the quite natural reservation that all the powers
interested give an assurance of their willingness to act
likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are
leased to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of
all nations, especially in the matter of customs duties and
navigation dues, as well as transportation tariffs on rail
ways."

Viscount Aoki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied for the
government of Japan, December 26, in the following note to
Minister Buck: "I have the happy duty of assuring your
excellency that the Imperial Government will have no
hesitation to give their assent to so just and fair a proposal
of the United States, provided that all the other powers
concerned shall accept the same."

The reply of the Russian government was addressed to
Ambassador Tower by Count Mouravieff, on the 30th of December,
in the following terms:

"In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is
concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated
its firm intention to follow the policy of 'the open door' by
creating Dalny (Ta-lien-wan) a free port; and if at some
future time that port, although remaining free itself, should
be separated by a customs limit from other portions of the
territory in question, the customs duties would be levied, in
the zone subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchandise
without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now
opened or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the
Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased
to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties
belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no
intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own
subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be
understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial
Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration
shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With
the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the
inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial
Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the
American Government, especially as it attaches the highest
value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the
traditional relations of friendship existing between the two
countries."

On the 7th of January the reply of the Italian government was
addressed to Minister Draper, at Rome, by the Marquis Visconti
Venosta, as follows: "Supplementary to what you had already
done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of
December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of the
telegraphic note received from your Government that all the
powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning the
suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure to
the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China
have given a favorable reply. Referring to your communications
and to the statements in my note of December 23 last, I take
pleasure in saying that the Government of the King adheres
willingly to the proposals set forth in said note of December
9."

Finally, on the 19th of February, Count von Bülow wrote to
Ambassador White, at Berlin:

"As recognized by the Government of the United States of
America, according to your excellency's note, … the Imperial
Government has from the beginning not only asserted but also
practically carried out to the fullest extent in its Chinese
possessions absolute equality of treatment of all nations with
regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. The Imperial
Government entertains no thought of departing in the future
from this principle, which at once excludes any prejudicial or
disadvantageous commercial treatment of the citizens of the
United States of America, so long as it is not forced to do
so, on account of considerations of reciprocity, by a
divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the
other powers interested in the industrial development of the
Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles,
this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which in
this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to
participate with the United States of America and the other
powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the
same rights are reciprocally secured."

Having, now, the assent of all the Powers which hold leased
territory or claim "spheres of interest" in China, Secretary
Hay sent instructions to the Ambassadors and Ministers
representing the government of the United States at the
capital of each, in the following form:

"The —— Government having accepted the declaration suggested
by the United States concerning foreign trade in China, the
terms of which I transmitted to you in my instruction Number
—— of ——, and like action having been taken by all the various
powers having leased territory or so-called 'spheres of
interest' in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the notes which I
herewith transmit to you, you will please inform the
government to which you are accredited that the condition
originally attached to its acceptance—that all other powers
concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United
States—having been complied with, this Government will
therefore consider the assent given to it by —— as final and
definitive."

_United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
House Document Number 547._

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CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January).
Imperial Decree relative to the succession to the Throne.

The following is a translation of an Imperial Decree, "by the
Emperor's own pen," which appeared in the "Peking Gazette,"
January 24, 1900:

"When at a tender age we entered into the succession to the
throne, Her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook
the rule of the country as Regent, taught and guided us with
diligence, and managed all things, great and small, with
unremitting care, until we ourself assumed the government.
Thereafter the times again became critical. We bent all our
thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly, striving
to requite Her Majesty's loving kindness, that so we might
fulfil the weighty duties intrusted to us by the late Emperor
Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). But since last year we have suffered
from ill-health, affairs of State have increased in magnitude
and perplexity, and we have lived in constant dread of going
wrong. Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of
our ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore
implored the Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government.
This was more than a year ago, but we have never been restored
to health, and we have not the strength to perform in person
the great sacrifices at the altar of Heaven and in the temples
of the spirits of the land. And now the times are full of
difficulties. We see Her Gracious Majesty's anxious toil by
day and by night, never laid aside for rest or leisure, and
with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no comfort in
sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours of
our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest
our strength be not equal to our task.

"Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the
throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager's Decree
that as soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become
the heir by adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung
Chih). This is known to all the officials and people
throughout the Empire. But we suffer from an incurable
disease, and it is impossible for us to beget a son, so that
the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity, and the consequences
to the lines of succession are of the utmost gravity.
Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no
place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to
recovery from all our ailments? We have therefore humbly
implored Her Sacred Majesty carefully to select from among the
near branches of our family a good and worthy member, who
should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
(T'ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter.
After repeated entreaties, Her Majesty has now deigned to
grant her consent that P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan,
should be adopted as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
(T'ung Chih). We have received Her Majesty's Decree with
unspeakable joy, and in reverent obedience to her gracious
instruction we appoint P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, as Prince
Imperial, to carry on the dynastic succession. Let this Decree
be made known to all men."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
(Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 15-16)._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
First accounts of the secret society of "the Boxers"
and their bloody work.
The murder of Mr. Brooks, the missionary.
Prolonged effort of foreign Ministers to procure an Imperial
Edict for the suppression of the hostile secret societies.
A naval demonstration recommended.
Testimony of Sir Robert Hart as to the causes and the
patriotic inspiration of the Boxer movement.

The year 1900 opened with news of the murder of Mr. Brooks, of
the Church of England Mission in northern Shantung, who was
wounded and captured December 30 and beheaded the day
following, by a band of marauders belonging to a secret
organization which soon became notorious under the name of the
society of "the Boxers." The British Minister at Peking
reported it to London on the 4th of January, and on the 5th he
gave the following account of the state of affairs in northern
Shantung, where the outrage occurred:

"For several months past the northern part of the Province of
Shantung has been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with
various Secret Societies, who have been defying the
authorities and pillaging the people. An organization known as
the 'Boxers' has attained special notoriety, and their ravages
recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chihli, where
the native Christians appear to have suffered even more than
the rest of the inhabitants from the lawlessness of these
marauders. The danger to which, in both provinces, foreign
missionary establishments have been thus exposed, has been the
subject of repeated representations to the Chinese Government
by others of the foreign Representatives—especially the German
and United States' Ministers—and myself. Early last month the
Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, was ordered to vacate his post
and come to Peking for audience, and the General Yüan
Shih-K'ai was appointed Acting Governor in his place. In
Southern Chihli the task of dealing with the disturbances was
entrusted to the Viceroy at Tien-tsin. Her Majesty's Consul at
Tien-tsin has had repeatedly to complain to the latter of the
inadequacy of the protection afforded to British life and
property in the districts affected by the rebellion; and in
consequence of these representations and of my own
communications to the Tsung-li Yamên, guards of soldiers have
been stationed for the special protection of the missionary
premises which were endangered. On the 29th ultimo I took
occasion to warn the Yamên by letter that if the disorder were
not vigorously quelled, international complications were
likely to ensue."

After narrating an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the
subject of the murder of Mr. Brooks, and repeating the
assurances he had received of vigorous measures to punish the
murderers, Minister MacDonald concluded his despatch by
saying: "In a note which I addressed to the Yamên this morning
I took occasion to remind the Ministers that there were other
British missionaries living in the district where Mr. Brooks
was killed, and to impress upon their Excellencies the
necessity of securing efficient protection to these. I do not,
however, entertain serious apprehensions as to their safety,
because guards of soldiers have been for some time past
stationed to protect the various missionary residences. The
unfortunate man who was murdered was seized when he was
travelling by wheel-barrow, without escort, through the
country infested by the rebels."

{105}

A few days later, Bishop Scott, of the Church of England
Mission, at Peking, received from Mr. Brown, another
missionary in Shantung province, the following telegram:
"Outlook very black; daily marauding; constant danger; Edict
suppressing published; troops present, but useless; officials
complete inaction: T'ai An Prefect blocks; secret orders from
Throne to encourage." On this Sir Claude again called upon the
Yamên, and "spoke to them," he says, "in terms of the gravest
warning. While I could not believe it possible, I said, that
the rumours of secret orders from the Throne were true, the
mere fact of the currency of such rumours showed the
impression which the conduct of the Prefect conveyed to the
public. So much was I impressed by this, that I had come
to-day especially to protest against the behaviour of the
Shantung officials. The whole of the present difficulty could
be traced to the attitude of the late Governor of Shantung, Yü
Hsien, who secretly encouraged the seditious Society known as
'the Boxers.' I had again and again pointed out to the
Ministers that until China dealt with the high authorities in
such cases these outrages would not cease. I asked the
Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor Yüan that I had
called at the Yamên that day to complain of the conduct of the
Prefect of T'ai An. The Ministers attempted to excuse the
inertia of the local officials on the plea that their
difficulties were very great. The primary cause of the trouble
was the bad feeling existing between the converts and the
ordinary natives. This had developed until bands of marauders
had formed, who harassed Christians and other natives alike.
The local officials had hitherto not had sufficient force to
cope with so widespread a rising, but now that Yüan and his
troops had been sent to the province they hoped for the speedy
restoration of order. I impressed upon the Ministers in the
most emphatic manner my view of the gravity of the situation.
The Imperial Edict expressing sorrow for what had occurred and
enjoining strong measures was satisfactory so far as it went; but
Her Majesty's Government required something more than mere
words, and would now await action on the part of the Chinese
Government in conformity with their promises."

On the day of this interview (January 11), an Imperial Decree
was issued by the Chinese government, opening in ambiguous
terms and decreeing nothing. "Of late," it said, "in all the
provinces brigandage has become daily more prevalent, and
missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most critics
point to seditious Societies as the cause, and ask for
rigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection
shows that Societies are of different kinds. When worthless
vagabonds form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies,
and relying on their numbers create disturbances, the law can
show absolutely no leniency to them on the other hand, when
peaceful and law-abiding people practise their skill in
mechanical arts for the self-preservation of themselves and
their families, or when they combine in village communities
for the mutual protection of the rural population, this is in
accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by
Mencius) of 'keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help.'
Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this
distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard
all alike as seditious Societies, and involve all in one
indiscriminate slaughter. The result is that no distinction
being made between the good and the evil, men's minds are
thrown into fear and doubt. This is, indeed, 'adding fuel to
stop a fire,' 'driving fish to the deep part of the pool to
catch them.' It means, not that the people are disorderly, but
that the administration is bad."

The foreign ministers at Peking soon learned that this
ambiguous decree had given encouragement to the "Boxers," and
the British, American, German, French and Italian
representatives, by agreement, addressed an "identic note" to
the Yamên, dated January 27, in which, referring to the state
of affairs in north Shantung and in the centre and south of
Chihli, each one said: "This state of affairs, which is a
disgrace to any civilized country, has been brought about by
the riotous and lawless behaviour of certain ruffians who have
banded themselves together into two Societies, termed
respectively the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
Sword Society,' and by the apathy, and in some instances
actual connivance and encouragement of these Societies by the
local officials. The members of these Societies go about
pillaging the homes of Christian converts, breaking down their
chapels, robbing and ill-treating inoffensive women and
children, and it is a fact, to which I would draw the special
attention of your Highness and your Excellencies, that on the
banners which are carried by these riotous and lawless people
are inscribed the words, 'Exterminate the Foreigners.'

"On the 11th January an Imperial Decree was issued drawing a
distinction between good and bad Societies. The wording of
this Decree has unfortunately given rise to a widespread
impression that such Associations as the 'Fist of Righteous
Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society' are regarded with favour
by the Chinese Government, and their members have openly
expressed their gratification and have been encouraged by the
Decree to continue to carry on their outrages against the
Christian converts. I cannot for a moment suppose that such
was the intention of this Decree. These Societies are, as I
have shown, of a most pernicious and rebellious character.

"I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne
to the circumstances above described: the disorders have not
reached such a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt
and energetic action: but if such action be not immediately
taken, the rioters will be encouraged to think that they have
the support of the Government and proceed to graver crimes,
thereby seriously endangering international relations. As a
preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest
importance, I have to beg that an Imperial Decree be published
and promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and
abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly
stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these
Societies, or to harbour any of its members, is a criminal
offence against the laws of China."

{106}

In communicating the above note to Lord Salisbury, Sir Claude
MacDonald explained: "The name of the Society given in the
note as 'The Fist of Righteous Harmony' is the same as the
'Boxers.' The latter name was given in the first instance,
either by missionaries or newspapers, but does not convey the
meaning of the Chinese words. The idea underlying the name is
that the members of the Society will unite to uphold the cause
of righteousness, if necessary by force."

On the 21st of February no reply to the identic note had been
given, and the five foreign Ministers then wrote again. This
brought an answer so evasive that they asked for an interview
with the Yamên, and it was appointed for March 2d. On the
evening of the 1st they received copies of a proclamation
which the Governor-General of Chihli had been commanded to
issue. The proclamation embodied an Imperial Decree,
transmitted to the Governor-General on the 21st of February,
which said: "Last year the Governor of Shantung telegraphed
that the Society known as 'the Fist of Righteous Harmony' in
many of his districts, under the plea of enmity to foreign
religions, were raising disturbances in all directions, and
had extended their operations into the southern part of
Chihli. We have repeatedly ordered the Governor-General of
Chihli and the Governor of Shantung to send soldiers to keep
the peace. But it is to be feared that if stern measures of
suppression of such proceedings as secretly establishing
societies with names and collecting in numbers to raise
disturbances be not taken, the ignorant populace will be
deluded and excited, and as time goes on things will grow
worse, and when some serious case ensues we shall be compelled
to employ troops to extirpate the evil. The sufferers would be
truly many, and the throne cannot bear to slay without
warning. Let the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor
of Shantung issue the most stringent Proclamations admonishing
the people and strictly prohibiting (the societies) so that
our people may all know that to secretly establish societies
is contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law."

To this the Governor-General of Chihli added, in his own name:
"I (the Governor-General) find it settled by decided cases
that those people of no occupation, busybodies who style
themselves Professors, and practise boxing, and play with
clubs, and teach people their arts; those also who learn from
these men, and those who march about and parade the villages
and marts flourishing tridents, and playing with sticks,
hood-winking the populace to make a profit for themselves, are
strictly forbidden to carry on such practices. Should any
disobey, on arrest the principals will receive 100 blows with
the heavy bamboo, and be banished to a distance of 1,000
miles. The pupils will receive the same beating, and be
banished to another province for three years, and on
expiration of that period and return to their native place be
subjected to strict surveillance. Should any inn, temple or
house harbour these people without report to the officials, or
should the police and others not search them out and arrest
them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with
the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.

"From this it appears that teaching or practising boxing and
club play, and deluding the people for private gain are
fundamentally contrary to law. But of late some of the
ignorant populace have been deluded by ruffians from other
parts of the Empire who talk of charms and incantations and
spiritual incarnations which protect from guns and cannon.
They have dared to secretly establish the Society of the Fist
of Righteous Harmony and have practised drill with fists and
clubs. The movement has spread in all directions, and under
the plea of hatred of foreign religions these people have
harried the country. When soldiers and runners came to make
arrests, turbulent ruffians had the audacity to defy them,
relying on their numbers, thereby exhibiting a still greater
contempt for the law. …

"In addition to instructing all the local officials to adopt
strict measures of prohibition and to punish without fail all
offenders, I hereby issue this most stringent admonition and
notify all people in my jurisdiction, gentry and every class
of the population, that you should clearly understand that the
establishment and formation of secret societies for the
practice of boxing and club exercises are contrary to
prohibition and a breach of the law. The assembly of mobs to
create disturbances and all violent outrages are acts which
the law will still less brook. … The converts and the ordinary
people are all the subjects of the throne, and are regarded by
the Government with impartial benevolence. No distinction is
made between them. Should they have lawsuits they must bow to
the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must not
give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and
trouble. The converts on the other hand must not stir up
strife and oppress the people or incite the missionaries to
screen them and help them to obtain the upper hand."

According to appointment, the interview with the Yamên took
place on the 2d of March: "Mr. Conger, United States'
Minister, Baron von Ketteler, German Minister, Marquis
Salvago, Italian Minister, Baron d'Anthoüard, French Charge d'
Affaires, and myself," writes Sir Claude MacDonald, "were
received at the Yamên by Prince Ch'ing and nearly all the
Ministers. On behalf of myself and my colleagues I
recapitulated the circumstances, as detailed above, which had
led to the demand which we now made. My colleagues all
expressed to the Prince and Ministers their entire concurrence
with the language I used, Mr. Conger reminded the Yamên of the
incredulity with which they had listened to his
representations regarding these disturbances over three months
ago, and the promises they had been making ever since, from
which nothing had resulted. Baron von Ketteler laid special
stress on the fact that in the Decree just communicated no
mention was made of the 'Ta Tao Hui,' or 'Big Knife Society,'
the denunciation of which, equally with that of the
'I-Ho-Ch'uan,' or 'Fist of Righteous Harmony,' had been
demanded. The Prince and Ministers protested emphatically that
the Throne was earnest in its determination to put a stop to
the outrages committed by these Societies. They maintained
that the method adopted for promulgating the Imperial Decree,
that of sending it to the Governors of the provinces
concerned, to be embodied in a Proclamation and acted upon,
was much speedier and more effective than that of publishing a
Decree in the 'Peking Gazette,' as suggested by us. With regard
to the omission of the term 'Ta Tao Hui' from the Decree, they
declared that this Society was now the same as the
'I-Ho-Ch'uan.'"

{107}

At the close of the interview the five Ministers presented
identic notes to the Yamên, in which each said: "I request
that an Imperial Decree may be issued and published in the
'Peking Gazette' ordering by name the complete suppression and
abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and 'Big Sword
Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in
the Decree that to belong to either of these societies or to
harbour any of its members is a criminal offence against the
law of China. Nothing less than this will, I am convinced, put
an end to the outrages against Christians which have lately
been so prevalent in Chihli and Shantung. Should the Chinese
Government refuse this reasonable request I shall be compelled
to report to my Government their failure to take what may be
called only an ordinary precaution against a most pernicious
and anti-foreign organization. The consequences of further
disorder in the districts concerned cannot fail to be
extremely serious to the Chinese Government."

The reply of the Yamên to this "identic note" was a lengthy
argument to show that publication in the "Peking Gazette" of
the Imperial Edict against "Boxers" would be contrary to "an
established rule of public business in China which it is
impossible to alter"; and that, furthermore, it would be
useless, because the common people of the provinces would not
see it. Not satisfied with this reply, the Ministers, on the
10th of March, addressed another identic note to the Yamên, in
the following words: "Acknowledging receipt of your Highness'
and your Excellencies' note of the 7th March, I regret to say
that it is in no way either an adequate or satisfactory reply
to my notes or my verbal requests concerning the suppression
of the two Societies known as the 'Big Sword' and 'Fist of
Righteous Harmony.' I therefore am obliged to repeat the
requests, and because of the rapid spread of these Societies,
proof of which is accumulating every day, and which the
Imperial Decree of the 11th January greatly encouraged, I
insist that an absolute prohibitive Decree for all China,
mentioning these two Societies by name, be forthwith issued
and published in the 'Peking Gazette,' as was done with the
Decree of the 11th January. Should I not receive a favourable
answer without delay, I shall report the matter to my
Government, and urge strongly the advisability of the adoption
of other measures for the protection of the lives and property
of British subjects in China."

On the same day, each of the Ministers cabled the following
recommendation to his government: