Chapter XCI: Section 29 (11)

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and the Free State: A. D. 1900 (March). Boer Peace Commissioners to Europe and America.

In March, three commissioners, Messrs. Fischer, Wolmeraans and
Wessels were sent to Europe and America by the two Boer
governments to solicit intervention in their behalf. They
visited several European countries and proceeded thence to the
United States, in May. There were many demonstrations of
popular sympathy in their reception, on both sides of the
ocean, but they failed to obtain official recognition.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March-May).
The British in Bloemfontein and Kroonstad.
The relief of Mafeking.

From the scene of the surrender of General Cronje Lord Roberts
moved quickly on the Free State capital. His advance was
resisted by considerable forces of the Boers, but he was able
to turn most of their positions, and fought only one severe
battle, at Driefontein, on the 10th of March. On the 12th his
cavalry was in possession of Bloemfontein, and the
Field-Marshal entered the city on the following day, receiving
from the municipal officers a formal surrender of the keys of the
public buildings, and being welcomed by some part of the
population with demonstrations of joy. President Steyn and
most of the members of the government of the Republic had
retired to Kroonstad and established the seat of authority
there. The lighting and the forced marches of a single month,
since he began his advance, had now exhausted the mobility of
Lord Roberts's army, worn out the means of transportation
which Lord Kitchener had hastily organized for it,—while his
troops were being stricken with fever,—and he was compelled to
suspend his campaign for some weeks. The situation at that
time was probably described with accuracy by a military
contributor to "Blackwood's Magazine" for June, 1900, who
wrote: "Lord Roberts found himself at Bloemfontein with the
wreck of an army and a single narrow-gauge line of railway
between himself and his base, upwards of 700 miles distant. It
was very soon known in Boer headquarters at Kroonstad that he
could not move beyond Bloemfontein for some weeks. The
triumphal march of Generals Gatacre and Clements through the
recently captured territory, accepting submissions, hoisting
union-jacks and picking up rifles of antique date, afforded
much amusement to the Boers, who saw their opportunity and
streamed down in large numbers on the small British posts
which were scattered east and south of the railway."

There was a good deal of raiding and fighting on a minor
scale, with a number of mortifying mishaps to the British
arms; but little of importance occurred in the military field
until near the end of April, when Lord Roberts had reinforced
and mobilized his army sufficiently to move forward again,
towards Pretoria. On the 12th of May he entered Kroonstad, and
the Free State government was again in flight. He paused at
Kroonstad for some days, and while he paused there came news
of the relief of Mafeking, which caused a wilder joy in
England than any other event of the war. There had been
painful anxiety on account of the besieged in that remote
town, in the far corner of Bechuanaland, on the border of the
Transvaal,—so far from help, and so stoutly defended for seven
weary months by a very small force. From a point near
Kimberley, a flying column of mounted men, mostly colonial
troops, commanded by Colonel Mahon, had been started northward
on the 4th of May, taking a route east of the railway, to avoid,
as much as possible, the Boers.
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On the 15th they were 20 miles west of Mafeking, and there
they were joined by another detachment, under Colonel Plumer,
which had been operating in the northern region for some weeks
without being able to break up the siege. The two advanced on
the works of the besiegers, drove them out by hard fighting,
and entered the town on the 18th of May. Meantime, another
column, under General Hunter, had been securing and opening
the railway, to bring up the sorely needed supplies for the
famished and worn-out garrison and people of the town. The
defense of Mafeking was one of the finest performances of the
war, and gave distinction to Colonel Baden-Powell.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (April-June).
The question of the treatment of Cape Colonists who had taken
part with the Boers in the war.
Resignation of Premier Schreiner.

On the 28th of April, the Ministers of Cape Colony addressed
to the Governor, Sir Alfred Milner, a Minute upon the subject
of the treatment of those inhabitants of the Colony who had
joined or given aid to the Boers in the war, and who had thus
made themselves liable to the pains and penalties of high
treason. "Ministers submit," they said, "that the ends of
justice would be served by the selection of a certain limited
number of the principal offenders, whose trials would mark the
magnitude of their offence, and whose punishment, if found
guilty, would act as a deterrent. For the remainder, Ministers
believe that the interests both of sound policy and of public
morality would be served if Her Gracious Majesty were moved to
issue, as an act of grace, a Proclamation of amnesty under
which, upon giving proper security for their good behaviour,
all persons chargeable with high treason, except those held
for trial, might be enlarged and allowed to return to their
avocations. Ministers urge such a course not only on the
ground of that natural desire for clemency towards her erring
subjects which they feel sure would spring from Her Gracious
Majesty, but from a deep sense of the importance of such a
step upon the future well-being of this country."

The substance of the Minute was transmitted by cable to Mr.
Chamberlain, and he replied to it on the 5th of May, objecting
to the proposed proclamation of a broad amnesty, saying:
"Clemency to rebels is a policy which has the hearty sympathy
of Her Majesty's Government, but justice to loyalists is an
obligation of duty and honour. The question is how can these
two policies be harmonized. It is clear that in the interest
of future peace it is necessary to show that rebellion cannot
be indulged in with impunity, and above all that if
unsuccessful it is not a profitable business for the rebel.
Otherwise the State would be offering a premium to rebellion.
The present moment, therefore, while the war is still
proceeding, and while efforts may still be made to tempt
British subjects into rebellious courses, is in any case not
appropriate for announcing that such action may be indulged in
with absolute impunity. And if, as has been suggested, a great
many of the Queen's rebellious subjects are the mere tools of
those who have deceived them, it is important that these
should be made aware individually that whatever their leaders
may tell them rebellion is a punishable offence." This
attitude of the Imperial Government on the subject of amnesty
occasioned differences in the Ministry of Cape Colony which
led to the resignation of the Premier, Mr. W. P. Schreiner, on
the 13th of June, and the appointment of a new Ministry, under
Sir Gordon Sprigg.

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
July, 1900, Cape Colony, Cd. 264._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May).
The British army stricken with fever.

The losses of the British army in battle during this campaign
of Lord Roberts had not been severe; but it had encountered a
worse enemy than the Boers, and was being terribly thinned and
shattered by the ravages of enteric or typhoid fever. The
sanitary condition of the army in May, and the lack of due
provision for dealing with the dreadful epidemic, have been
graphically described by the writer already quoted, in
"Blackwood's Magazine." Referring to the outset of the
campaign, in February, he wrote:

"The movement of men and cattle depends on flesh and muscle—it
cannot go on for ever; the strain of incessant marching on
insufficient food and forage will find out the weak spot even
in the most willing. General French started on his memorable
ride with 4,800 horses, of which 990 dropped by the way,
though the loss in the ranks, exclusive of Paardeberg, was
only fifty men,—the brunt of the battle for life lay with the
horses. But not for long. The men with worn-out boots,
tattered clothes, hurrying through scorching days and frosty
nights, with half a biscuit and water tainted with dead Boers,
to satisfy an appetite and thirst compelled by hard work at an
altitude of 4,000 feet, who marched in as soldiers, proud of the
victory they had won, staggered and fell out, victims to the
curse that creeps in, unnoticed, wherever camps are
crowded—enteric. … Of all things on which we prided ourselves
was the care and the money we had lavished to provide comforts
for our sick soldiers. The foremost surgeons of the day had
volunteered; military hospitals had been arranged on the
latest plan; private benevolence had provided as many more;
ladies of every rank in life had gone out to nurse: the
soldiers, at all events, would be looked after. Letters from
the front had come from patients to say how well they had been
treated. Mr. Treves at the Reform Club made a speech eulogizing
the perfection of the hospitals in Natal, and Sir W. MacCormac
spoke of the medical arrangements as admirable—our minds
rested content. All this was so long ago as the 10th March,
but what happened in March, for all we knew, was happening in
May. Then Mr. Burdett-Coutts told us that hundreds of men were
lying in the worst stages of typhoid, with only a blanket to
cover them, a thin water-proof sheet (not even that for many)
between them and the ground; no milk and hardly any medicines;
without beds, stretchers, or mattresses; without pillows, without
linen of any kind, without a single nurse amongst them, with a
few private soldiers as orderlies, and only three doctors to
attend on 350 patients; their faces covered with flies in
black clusters, the men too weak to brush them off, trying in
vain to dislodge them by painful twitching of the
features—there was no one to do it for them. And this a mile
from Bloemfontein, where the army had been for six weeks. It
is true that a terrible epidemic had followed it from
Paardeberg, to break out when it halted. Lord Roberts tells us
that before he left on May 3rd the sick gradually increased to
2,000, reaching on June 4th the appalling number, in
Bloemfontein, of over 5,000 suffering from typhoid alone.
{500}
Such were the bare facts as stated on either side—a sudden and
devastating epidemic with totally inadequate hospital
arrangements to meet it. … Yet typhoid has always been the
scourge of armies in the field,—in South Africa the
water-supply, invariably surface drainage fouled by dead
animals, is proverbial—that at least was known. The medical
authorities on the spot were repeatedly warned by local
medical men that from February onwards ten men would be down
with typhoid for one with wounds. Ladysmith is in evidence of
the persistent presence of typhoid—every one who has visited
South Africa bears witness to the same—it can hardly be urged
that an outbreak was unreasonable to expect; yet when it did
occur it seems to have been taken by the medical
administration at the base as an unwarrantable intrusion."

_The War Operations in South Africa
(Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1900)._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (May).
Speech of President Kruger to the Volksraads.

The following translation of a speech addressed to both
Volksraads by President Kruger, in May, 1900, was published in
England some months later: "It is known to you," said the
President, "how, before the war started, pressure was brought
to bear to obtain the franchise. It is known to you that the
Government conceded, after the Rand had consented, although
this body saw the difficulty in the matter, till even the
burghers made petitions to the effect that we had parted with
all our rights. The Government had in view the prevention of
shedding blood. The Raad then consented to a seven years'
franchise, and also to grant immediately the franchise to
people resident here longer than seven years. There were then
nearly 30,000 who would obtain the franchise immediately, and
so much was conceded that when these had obtained the
franchise they would have been able to out-vote the old
burghers. We consented to this solely to prevent the shedding
of blood. Yet they were not satisfied and they wanted the
franchise after five years' residence. Our burghers were
against this, and there were also members of the Raad who
would not agree to this, yet, nevertheless, the Government
made a proposition about it, because they had discovered that
it was not about the franchise, but that it was a pretence
full of Pharisaic hypocrisy, because documents had been found
that in 1896 it was decided that the two independent Republics
should not be allowed to exist any more. I cannot express
myself otherwise than to call it a devilish fraud. Peace was
spoken of while a resolution had already been passed to
annihilate us. Even if we had conceded more, yea, even if we
had said that the franchise could be obtained after one year,
then that would not have been accepted. It was proved by
documents that, as this nation could not be allowed to be a
free nation, as was pointed out in the address, the
Government, to prevent the further shedding of blood, made a
proposition to Chamberlain and Salisbury about this matter,
and what was the reply? You have, doubtless, read the paper,
and, although I cannot verbally repeat the contents of the
said document, it amounts to this. That they were annoyed ever
to have acknowledged us as an independent nation, and that,
notwithstanding all conventions made, they would never
acknowledge this nation as self-supporting. Honourable
gentlemen, I had to express that which was in my mind. Psalm
83 speaks of the assault of the evil one on the Kingdom of
Christ. That must not exist. The self-same words of Salisbury
also appear, because he says 'this nation must not exist,' and
God says, 'this nation shall exist.' Who will be victorious?
Certainly the Lord. You see therein the deceit which they then
already practised, even they, for though our nation did not
wish to part with any rights, the Executive Council conceded
so far that we nearly lost the country. The intention was not
to obtain these rights. They wanted our country not to be
independent any longer. Every other proposition was
unsatisfactory to them.

"Let us look this matter in the face and see the cunning
deceit enveloped therein. They wrote to the Orange Free State
that they had nothing against them, but that they had some
grievance against this Republic. Their intention was to tear
the two Republics asunder, and it has been proved by
documentary evidence that neither of them would be allowed to
remain. You see the deception which lies therein. The
documents prove that this was already decided in 1896, from
the time of Jameson's invasion, and yet they maintain that if
the Orange Free State had laid down their weapons that that
country would remain in existence. The Orange Free State
decided not to lay down their arms, and we started together.
We were 40,000 men, but everywhere we had to watch the
Kaffirs, and even the commander of Mafeking informed us that
certain Kaffir chiefs would assist him. We know that these
numbered 30,000 able-bodied men. The number of Kaffirs nearly
equalled the number of our forces. Besides them, more than
200,000 English troops arrived, and against these we have to
fight. Now, gentlemen, look on God's government. Is it not
wonderful that 40,000 men having to fight these thousands,
besides the coloured people, still live? Acknowledge therein
the hand of God. The matter I wish to impress is this. It is
remarkable that when we meet the enemy we stand in the
proportion of 10 to 100. Yet the Lord hath spared us thus far.
I do not wish to prophesy, but I wish to point out that our
guidance is in the word of God. It is extraordinary, but this
war is a sign of the times. What it amounts to is this. That
the power of the Beast is an obstinate power to persecute the
Church and will continue this until the Lord says, 'Thus far
and no further: and why? Because the Church must be tried and
purified as there is so much iniquity among us. That is why
the war is extraordinary and is a sign of the times. Every one
will be convinced that the word of God can be plainly traced
in this matter. They say that the people 'shall not exist,'
but God says, 'it shall exist and be purified.' In my mind it
lies clear and discernable that the day of grace is not far
off. The Lord will prove to be ruler, and nothing shall take
place without His will. When He allows chastisement to come
upon us we must bend ourselves and humble ourselves, confess
our sins and turn again to the Lord. When the whole nation has
been humbled, and it is seen that we can do nothing ourselves,
the Lord will help us and we shall have peace immediately.
{501}
This humility has not grasped our hearts sufficiently at
present, and we must perform our earnest duty as Peter says in
1 Peter, chapter v., v. 7 and 8:—'Casting all your care upon
Him; for He careth for you'; but in the eighth verse it
states:—'Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary the
Devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may
devour.' That is the point on which we must be careful. If we
fall into disbelief then we lower ourselves.

"I ask you, brothers, what is their behaviour? In an open
letter Kaffirs are called up by them as at Derdepoort, and
women and children are murdered. The English assert that no
Kaffirs were utilized against us but only coloured people, but
it is a fact that Montsioa with his Kaffirs are in Mafeking,
and are employed to fight against us. Now, gentlemen, you must
not come to the conclusion that everyone who fights against us
belongs to the Beast (vide Revelations, chapter 13). There are
certainly hundreds of God's children with them who, however,
through fear are the Beast's, and are forced to act with them,
but God knows all hearts. We did not seek to spill the blood
which lies strewn upon the earth, as we conceded nearly all
our rights; but when they wanted to murder us, we could not
give way any more. How did it fare with Ahab? The mighty foe
came on to the walls of the city, and they lost heart. Then
the prophet of God came and said, Fear nothing. Then God
arose, and in that God we must put our trust, because He is
the same God. Let us not, therefore, live as if no God
existed; He reigns. In the beginning was the Word, and the
Word was God, and the Word became flesh and lived amongst us.
Look at history, it must be an example to us. He is still the
same God who led out Israel and hardened the heart of Pharaoh
to the end, until finally all the first-born of the Egyptians
died, whereupon Pharaoh allowed the Israelites to go. He is
still the same God who calmed the winds and storms on the sea,
and His arm is not shortened. Some ask, 'Does not this only
have reference to the Church in the two Republics?' No. See
the three youths in the burning oven. Did these rejoice alone?
No; but God's people of the whole earth. Was it solitary for
Daniel in the lions' den? No, but all Christians on the whole
earth rejoiced. So the Lord often chooses a small body to whom
He shows His miracles as an example for the whole Christian
world. Look upon the blood which has been spilt upon this
earth. Who is the cause of it? We have wanted peace and our
freedom since 1836, and the Lord has given it us, and will the
Lord ever give anything and then withdraw? No. But let us
humble ourselves before the Lord. There is no doubt about it
that eventually the Lord will lead us to victory. The day of
grace is not far from His people. Do not let us doubt but
remain true to God's word and fight in His name. When the cup
of humiliation is brought to our lips and we earnestly humble
ourselves before the Lord, then the day of grace has arrived.
Let each one then acknowledge that it is the hand of God which
makes us free and nothing else, then we shall not boast. Yet He
uses man as His instrument.

"I have laid my address before you, and I hope that the Raad
will not sit over it longer than to-morrow morning. There are
several members of the Raad who are burghers or military
officers in the field, so there will be no time to treat
ordinary subjects. I trust that you will only treat such
subjects as I lay before you. I have appointed an acting
Commandant General since I have lost my right-hand man,
although I do not infer that I have not more such men. The
late most noble Commandant General, Messrs. Kock and
Wolmarans, members of the executive council, are lost to me.
The State Secretary is a newly appointed one, and I am the
only one remaining of the old members of the executive
council, yet I have experienced much assistance and support
from the present members, and God will also support us. The
Lord is still our Commander-in-Chief; He gives orders and He
knows when to say, 'Thus far and no further.' It is surprising
how other Powers are unanimously with us and how the whole of
Europe prays for us, and will the Lord lend a deaf ear to
these prayers? Oh, no! Trust in the Lord and let us stand by
Him, and He will perform miracles. Even if I have to go to St.
Helena, the Lord will bring His people back and make them free,
and the same judgment will fall on the present Babylon, the
cause of all the spilt blood. We fight for the freedom which
God granted to us. I say again, should any brothers from this
Raad and private persons fall by the sword, they fought in the
name of the Lord and believed, and they, so says the word of
the Lord, are sacrificed on the altar for the glorification of
His name and of the glorious Church, which, at this time, is to
be revealed. The Church must be tried and purified, and that
is why I cannot see that this extraordinary war will be
allowed to destroy us. This war will be continued until the
Lord says, 'Thus far and no further,' remain at that, abide by
that, and fight with me. I give myself in the hands of the
Lord, whatever He has destined for me, I shall kiss His rod
with which He chastizes me because I am also guilty. Let
everyone humble himself before the Lord, I have said."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (May).
Annexation by proclamation of Lord Roberts to the
Dominions of the Queen.

"In view of Lord Robert's opinion that early annexation would
tend towards the pacification of the country, by removing a
feeling of uncertainty as to the return of President Steyn's
government," the following commission by the Queen to Lord
Roberts was issued on the 21st of May:

"Victoria R. I., by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith,
Empress of India: To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved
Councillor Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar, Field
Marshal of Our Forces, Knight of Our Most Illustrious Order of
Saint Patrick, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Honourable Order
of the Bath, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Exalted Order
of the Star of India, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most
Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, upon whom We have
conferred the Decoration of the Victoria Cross. Greeting:
Whereas the territories in South Africa heretofore known as
the Orange Free State have been conquered by Our forces, And
whereas it is expedient that such territories should be
annexed to and should henceforth form part of Our Dominions:
Now know you that We, reposing especial trust and confidence
in you the said Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar,
do hereby authorize and empower you in Our name to annex the
said territories and to declare that the said territories
shall henceforth form part of Our Dominions.
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And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon
Administrator of the said territories provisionally and until
Our pleasure is more fully known. And We do authorize and
empower you as such Administrator to take all such measures,
and to make and enforce such laws as you may deem necessary
for the peace, order, and good government of the said
territories. And we do strictly charge and command all Our
officers, civil and military, and all other Our faithful
subjects, that in their several places, and according to their
respective opportunities, they do aid and assist you in the
execution of this Our Commission, and for so doing this shall
be your Warrant. Given at Our Court at St. James's, this 21st
day of May, One thousand nine hundred, in the Sixty-third Year
of Our Reign." The commission was executed by a public reading
of the proclamation of Lord Roberts at Bloemfontein on the
24th of May.

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1900,
Cd. 261, pages 136, 144._

A counter-proclamation, referring to that of the British
commander, was issued by President Steyn, from Reitz, on the
11th of June, declaring: "Whereas an unjust war was forced on
the people of the Orange Free State and of the South African
Republic by Great Britain in the month of October 1899, and
whereas these two small Republics have maintained the unequal
struggle with the powerful British Empire for more than eight
months and still maintain it; … Whereas the forces of the
Orange Free State are still in the field and the Orange Free
State has not been conquered and whereas the aforesaid
proclamation is thus in contradiction with International Law;
Whereas the independence of the Orange Free State has been
acknowledged by nearly all the civilised Powers; Whereas it is
notorious that the British authorities have lately recognised
that the Orange Free State is governed in an exemplary manner,
and that it is both a violation of the laws of civilization
and a denial of the fundamental rights of such people to rob
it on what a pretence soever, of its freedom, and whereas I
consider it desirable to make known to all whom it may concern
that the aforesaid Proclamation is not recognised by the
Government and the people of the Orange Free State; So,
therefore, I, M. T. Steyn, State President of the Orange Free
State, in consultation with the Executive Council, and in the
name of the independent people of the Orange Free State, do
hereby proclaim that the aforesaid annexation is not
recognised and is hereby declared to be null and of no avail.
The people of the Orange Free State is and remains a free and
independent people, and refuses to submit to British rule."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
Cd. 261, 1900, page 155._

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (May).
Opposition of Cape Colony Afrikanders to the annexation
of the Republics.

A "People's Congress" of the Afrikanders, or Bondmen, of Cape
Colony, was held at Graaff-Reinet, on the 30th of May, to
protest against the annexation of the Boer Republics. The
following resolution was adopted by acclamation: "Whereas,
were the Republics to be annexed the majority of Cape
Colonists would feel themselves bound morally to work
unceasingly by every right and lawful means for the
restoration of independence to the Republics, and to make that
end their first political object; And whereas from our
knowledge of the history and character of the Republics we are
convinced they would never become the willing subjects of the
Empire, but would seize any and every opportunity which might
offer itself to recover their independence, possibly by force
of arms, once they were to be deprived of it; And whereas
instead of the annexation of the Republics tending to promote
the welfare of their people, as has been claimed, it would, if
successfully maintained for any long period, tend to degrade
those people and their offsprings, seeing that the servitude
of a self-governing State is as demoralising to its people as
the more direct form of personal slavery; And whereas, as the
annexation of the Republics by Great Britain would be as great
a wrong morally as the theft by a rich man of a poor man's
hard-earned savings; On that general ground alone it is not
believable that permanent good could result from such a
policy. Therefore be it resolved now that we, on behalf of the
majority of Cape Colonists, do hereby declare our solemn and
profound conviction that the annexation of the two South
African Republics would be disastrous to the peace and welfare
of South Africa and of the Empire as a whole." Also the
following: "Be it resolved that it is the opinion of the
people in Congress here assembled that a settlement of the
South African question on the following basis would prove a
blessing to South Africa and the Empire, namely, that the two
Republics should have their unqualified independence; that the
Colonies should have the right to enter into treaties of
obligatory arbitration with the Republics for the settlement
of all disputes affecting the internal affairs of the South
African Continent, and that this colony, and any other colony
so deserving it, should have a voice in the selection of its
Governors. Be it further resolved that a settlement on the
above basis would make the majority of the people who have
made South Africa their home the warm friends and staunch
allies of the British Empire, and that in no other way known
to us can that end now be attained."

In transmitting a report of this meeting to Secretary
Chamberlain, the High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, wrote:
"I do not myself take a very gloomy view of the prospect of
racial relations in the Colony, much less in South Africa
generally. If it is true, as the conciliators are never tired
of threatening us, that race hatred will be eternal, why
should they make such furious efforts to keep it up at the
present moment? The very vehemence of their declarations that
the Africanders will never forgive, nor forget, nor acquiesce,
seems to me to indicate a considerable and well-justified
anxiety on their part lest these terrible things should after
all happen."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
July, 1900, South Africa, Cd. 261, pages 182-188._

{503}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
The British invasion of the Transvaal.
Occupation of Johannesburg and Pretoria.
Expulsion of the Boers from Natal.
Discussion of terms of surrender.

On the 22d of May, Lord Roberts resumed his forward movement
from Kroonstad, with a strong column of cavalry, under General
French, in advance on the west, and another, of mounted
infantry, under General Ian Hamilton, on the east. The Boers,
under General Botha, had prepared defensive works on the
Rhenoster River, but were too much endangered by the flanking
column of General Hamilton to make a stand there, and fell
back. Again at the Vaal River, their fortifications were
untenable, as against an invasion of such numbers, with so
large a mounted force. With little resistance the British army
crossed the Vaal on the 26th and 27th and entered the
territory of the South African Republic. On the 30th it was
before Johannesburg, and the town was surrendered on the
following day. Thence the invading force moved upon Pretoria,
meeting some opposition, but evidently none that was hopefully
made, and the capital was surrendered unconditionally to Lord
Roberts on the 5th of June. President Kruger and the officials
of his government had left the town, with their archives and
their treasure, and movable offices had been prepared for them
in railway cars, which were transferred for the time being to
Machadodorp, at some distance eastward. Most of the armed
burghers had escaped from the town, and they had been able to
remove about 900 of their British prisoners; but a large
number of the latter were set free. General Botha gathered up
his broken and discouraged forces and intrenched them in a
strong position on the Lorenzo Marquez railway, only 15 miles
eastward from Pretoria. Lord Roberts moved against him on the
11th and compelled him to retreat, after hard fighting for
five hours. This ended important operations in that part of
the field.

In Natal, General Buller, since early in May, had been pushing
his army northward, in a movement co-operative with that of
Lord Roberts. He had turned the flank of the Boer forces in
the positions they had fortified against his advance, regained
Glencoe and Dundee, and moved on to Newcastle. Then, with more
serious fighting, he forced Botha's Pass through the
mountains, compelled the Boers to evacuate their strongholds
on Laing's Nek and Majuba Hill, and was substantially in
possession of Natal.

On the 30th of May, General Buller sent word to General Chris
Botha that Lord Roberts had crossed the Vaal, and suggested
surrender, further resistance appearing useless. This led to a
meeting of the opposed commanders, at which Botha asked what
terms Lord Roberts would offer. Buller immediately referred
the question to Lord Roberts, saying: "Can you let me know
your terms of peace for individual and separate commandos? … I
think they are inclined to give in, and that I have in front
of me about half the Transvaal forces now in the field. If you
think it worth while please let me know if I may mention any
terms of peace to them. I think, even if assisted from the
Orange Free State, it will cost me about 500 men killed and
wounded to get out of Natal." The reply of Lord Roberts, dated
June 3, 1900, was as follows: "Your telegram of yesterday. My
terms with the Transvaal Government are unconditional
surrender. With regard to troops, those who deliver up their
arms and riding animals are allowed to go to their homes on
signing pledge that they will not fight again during present
war. The exceptions to this rule are those who have commanded
portions of the Republican forces, or who have taken an active
part in the policy which brought about the war, or who have
been guilty of or been parties to wanton destruction of
property, or guilty of acts contrary to the usages of
civilized warfare. Principal officers should remain with you
on parole until you receive instructions regarding their
disposal." General Botha declined the terms.

Nine days later (June 12) Lord Roberts opened correspondence
on the same subject with General Louis Botha, Acting
Commandant-General of the Boer forces, endeavoring to persuade
him, "in the cause of humanity, to refrain from further
resistance." The Commandant-General wrote in return: "For the
purpose of arriving at a decision, it is not only absolutely
necessary for me to call a General Council of War of my
Officers and to consult them, but above all it is necessary
for me to consider the subject with my Government. I trust
that for the sake of humanity your Excellency will give me the
opportunity for such consideration and consultation. As some
of my Officers are near the Natal Border, and I am also a long
way separate from my Government, this will require some time.
I ask your Excellency kindly, therefore, for an armistice for
six days, beginning from to-morrow morning at sunrise, during
which time no forward movement will be made on either side
within the territory of the South African Republic."

Lord Roberts replied: "I am anxious to meet your wishes and to
enable your Honour to communicate with the Government of the
South African Republic, but as the movement of my troops in
that Republic are intimately connected with operations in
progress in other parts of South Africa, it is impossible for
me to accede to your Honour's request that there should be an
armistice for 6 days, during which time no forward movement
will be made on either side within the territory of the South
African Republic. I am willing, however, to refrain from
making further movements in the district to the east of the
Elands River Railway Station, our present most advanced post
in that direction, and also in the district north of the
Volksrust and Johannesburg Railway, for a period of five (5)
days, commencing at dawn on the 15th June, on the condition
that no movement westward or southward is made by the Army of
the South African Republic during that same period. This will,
I trust, give your Honour the opportunity you desire of
consulting your Officers and conferring with your Government,
and I sincerely hope that the result will be of such a
satisfactory nature as to prevent further unnecessary loss of
life."

The proposal was declined by General Botha, in the following
note (June 15): "In answer to your letter, dated 14th June,
just received by me, wherein your Excellency consents to an
armistice for five days, but with the reservation of the right
to your Excellency to move your Army in all directions within
the South African Republic, except cast of Elands River
Station and north of the Volksrust-Johannesburg Railway line,
I must, to my great regret, inform your Excellency that this
reservation makes it impossible for me to accept this
armistice, which I have so much desired."

{504}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
Continued resistance of the Boers in guerilla warfare.
An outline of the events of seven months.
A British view of the later situation.

"After the occupation of Pretoria, exhaustion of the mounted
forces and of the transport again supervened and Lord Roberts
was preoccupied with the double task of bringing up large
numbers of horses and masses of stores by a railway exposed to
attack along a distance of 290 miles, and at the same time of
dealing, as best he could, with scattered bodies of the enemy,
nowhere formidable in a military sense, but capable of much
mischief. The period beginning with the occupation of
Bloemfontein, during which the Boers developed and maintained
warfare of guerilla type, imposed highly responsible duties
upon British officers in charge of scattered posts and
convoys. In some cases those duties were not adequately
discharged, and for a time the defences of the important line
of communications appeared to be somewhat imperfectly
organized and supervised. There were signs of the tendency to
relax precautions after a conspicuous success, which has been
shown by British armies on other occasions. It was clear that
the main centre of Boer activity was in the Bethlehem
district, and at the end of June Lord Roberts despatched a
strong column south under Lieutenant-General Hunter to
co-operate with Major-Generals MacDonald, Clements, and Paget
from the west. Bethlehem was captured on July 7, and by the
end of the month Commandant Prinsloo, caught in the Brandwater
Basin between the forces of Lieutenant-Generals Hunter and
Rundle, surrendered with more than 4,000 men and a large
number of horses and wagons. … Meanwhile, Lord Roberts, who
had driven back the Boers along the Lorenzo Marques line, in
two actions near Eerste Fabrieken, on June 11 and 12, began an
advance eastward on July 23, and on August 7 Sir R. Buller
moved northwards from Paarde Kop. On August 25 the
Commander-in-Chief met Sir R. Buller and Generals French and
Pole-Carew at Belfast, and after the fighting of the 27th the
resistance of the Boers in this district practically
collapsed. Starting from Machadodorp on September 1, Sir R.
Buller moved slowly towards Spitzkop, driving the enemy before
him through a difficult mountainous region, and General French
pressed on to Barberton, which was occupied on the 13th
without opposition. On the 24th the Guards reached Komati
Poort. The rugged hill country east of Belfast offered great
opportunities for the tactics in which the Boers appeared to
excel; but the 'natural fortress surrounded by a glacis of
about 1,500 yards absolutely without cover' near Bergendal
Farm was not defended with the tenacity shown on previous
occasions, and the subsequent British advance led to a
wholesale destruction of artillery material and to the
surrender of some 3,000 men to the Portuguese. This, the third
great disaster which has befallen the Boers, left them without
any centre of resistance or any considerable gathering of
fighting men.

"Before the outbreak of war we estimated their available
strength at about 45,000, to which must be added some 10,000
colonial rebels and perhaps 5,000 mercenaries. It is doubtful
whether the force actually in the field at any one time
reached 45,000, and the total loss in killed, wounded and
prisoners, cannot be much less than 30,000. … Exhaustion of
supplies and of ammunition must soon begin to tell heavily
upon the Boers; but it cannot be said that they have at
present given evidence of personal demoralization.
Comparatively small bodies, lightly equipped, still hold the
field and show much activity over a wide area. It is
impossible to provide British garrisons for every town and
village, and wherever the roving bands of the enemy appear
there is a recrudescence of local hostility, even in districts
which have been apparently tranquil for months. Large mobile
columns are employed in pursuit, but the Boers carefully avoid
general engagements and attack only when there appears to be a
chance of surprising and overpowering small detachments. …
Mounted forces, marching as light as possible and capably
commanded, are the principal requirements of the situation. It
is necessary to give the roving commandos no rest and to make
every effort to capture their leaders. The work is not easy,
and it requires great energy and sound military judgment; but
it will be successfully accomplished, and the scale of the
operations will steadily dwindle into measures of police.
Meanwhile a gradual withdrawal of troops from South Africa is
taking place, and progress is doubtless being made with the
new organization under Lieutenant-General Baden-Powell, which
will be specially fitted for the work that now lies before us.
…

"The total casualties of the war up to the 31st ult. are
estimated at about 46,000, and 'the reduction of the military
forces' due to a campaign of more than a year is returned at
12,769, of which total 11,739 are accounted for by death,
including 6,482 victims to disease. It is impossible to rank
the Boer war among the great campaigns of the British Army;
but the peculiar difficulties must never be forgotten. The
closest parallel is probably that of the American Civil war,
in which an armed people long resisted far superior forces and
carried invasion into the territory of the stronger Power. The
military potentiality of the Southern States was at first as
little realized in Washington as was that of the Boers in
London, and disasters therefore resulted. In both cases the
issue was certain as soon as adequate force in strong hands
was available. The Southern leaders, like the Boers, hoped and
strove for foreign intervention in vain; but the former were
far less prepared for war than the latter. On the other hand
the Boers, though ably led in a limited sense, have produced
no commanders with a genius for war comparable to that of Lee
and of Jackson, nor have they shown the discipline and the
cohesion which characterized the Southern armies when at their
best. Desultory and irregular warfare may still be prolonged
for a time; great activity and ample vigilance will still be
required."

_London Times,
November 5, 1900._

At the end of the year the "Times" summed up the later
features of the situation as follows: "The spirit of the Boers
remained unbroken, and small mobile commandos, scattered over
the vast area of the countries which we had undertaken to
occupy, perfectly familiar with the ground, and in close touch
with the civil population, have succeeded up to the present
time in making the task of the British Generals one of extreme
difficulty. The Boer resistance has centered chiefly in three
men, Commandants Louis Botha in the northeast, Delarey to the
west of Pretoria, and De Wet in the Orange Free State. The
first, who since the death of General Joubert, was in chief
command in Natal, and afterwards in the Eastern Transvaal, has
not been conspicuously active since September, but the other two
have achieved a great deal with their very limited resources,
and have earned enduring fame as guerrilla
chieftains.
{505}
De Wet, especially, after having been 'routed' and
'surrounded' times without number, has succeeded in giving
occupation to several British Generals and their forces up to
the present time, has kept the eastern part of the Orange
Colony in a continual ferment, and till now has defied the
energetic efforts of General Charles Knox to capture him.
Delarey, after remaining fairly quiescent for several weeks,
suddenly advanced through the Magaliesburg in the middle of
the present month with a force variously estimated at 1,500 or
3,000 men, surrounded and captured a position held by four
companies of the Northumberlands, and compelled the retreat of
General Clements and the evacuation of his camp. It is true
that these things are but the episodes of the later stages of
a war in which there will be no more great battles, but they
are exhausting, costly, and sometimes humiliating."

_London Times,
December 31, 1900._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (August-December).
Farm-burning by the British troops.

Under proclamations issued by Lord Roberts in August and
September, aimed at the suppression of irregular warfare, a
punitive policy was adopted, which included the burning of
farmhouses where guerrilla bands were sheltered, or whose
inmates acted with such bands, and which soon came to be
denounced as one of shameful barbarity. Such different
representations have been made, as to the manner in which the
orders of Lord Roberts were carried out, and as to the measure
of devastation and suffering produced, that it seems to be
impossible to judge whether the British farm-burning in the
Transvaal and Orange Free State has or has not gone beyond the
usual brutalities that belong to the very nature of war. Mr.
Kruger, in speeches made after he went to Europe, represented
it as monstrous beyond example. "The war waged against us," he
said, on landing at Marseilles, "is a war of barbarians. I
have witnessed wars of barbarians and never have I seen
committed barbarities so monstrous as those committed daily
among us. Our farms, which we had had so much difficulty to
construct, are burned. The women whose husbands are at the war
are hunted down and brutally separated from their children,
who are deprived of bread and necessaries." The Afrikanders of
Cape Colony held similar language. Men of conscience and heart
in England were troubled by such accusations. Mr. Trevelyan, M.
P., wrote to "The Times," on the 24th of November: "What so
many of us feel, in the first place, is that we are not in a
position to form a fair judgment from sheer lack of the most
elementary reliable information of what has been done and is
still doing. An officer returned from the war about two months
told me the other day that he supposed only about 40 farms had
been burnt. I read in the 'Westminster Gazette' from an
equally honourable gentleman that it would not be an
exaggeration to say that one-third of the farms in the Orange
River Colony were in ashes. Clearly it is impossible for the
nation to make out the truth when such contradictory
statements are universally current. … One thing we do know for
certain—that on September 2 Lord Roberts, regarding the war as
having degenerated into guerrilla fighting, proclaimed that
all farms would be burnt within a radius of ten miles of any
point upon the railway raided by the Boers. It is now November
24. We know that many people innocent of any dealing with De
Wet have lost all they possess owing to his misguided energy.
Has it diminished sensibly the Boer forces in the field? If
not, what is its utility? … If the resistance of the Boers is
being lessened by these destructions, let us at least have the
poor consolation of knowing it. Again, we want to know what
really happens to the women and children whom our soldiers
conduct, I believe, generally to the nearest town after their
homes have been burned. People whose property has been totally
destroyed in a country where war has stopped all industry
obviously cannot keep themselves."

When Parliament met in December the subject was brought up
there, by Mr. Trevelyan and others, and debated at length,
without much clearer light on it being found. The government
could give no definite information as to what was being done,
but stoutly upheld the course which the military leaders had
taken. Mr. Balfour said: "The ordinary laws of war as
practised by civilized countries depend essentially upon
drawing a sharp distinction between combatant and
non-combatant. The combatant has his particular privileges,
the non-combatant has his particular privileges. What has been
universally found intolerable is that a man should oscillate,
according to his convenience, from one category to the
other—be a peaceful agriculturist when it suits him and an
effective combatant when circumstances seem to be favourable.
That practice is so intolerable that I believe all nations
have laid down the severest rules for repressing it. I have in
my hands the instructions to the army of the United States in
the field, dated 1898. I should like to read to the House two
extracts from this document. Rule 52 says:— 'If a people of a
country, or any portion of same already occupied by the army,
rises against it, they are violators of the laws of war, and
are not entitled to their protection.' The 82nd rule is to the
effect that men, or squads of men, who take part in raids of
any kind without permission, and without being part or portion
of an organized hostile army, are not public enemies, and
therefore if captured are not entitled to be treated as
prisoners of war, but shall be treated as highway robbers or
pirates."