Chapter XV: Preface: To the Sixth Volume (14)

"If the Chinese Government should refuse to publish the Decree
we have required, and should the state of affairs not
materially improve, I would respectfully recommend that a few
ships of war of each nationality concerned should make a naval
demonstration in North Chinese waters. Identic recommendations
are being telegraphed home by my four colleagues
above-mentioned."

On the 16th, Sir Claude wrote: "No reply has yet been received
from the Tsung-li Yamên to the note of the 10th March, and it
was with serious misgivings as to the attitude of the Chinese
Government on this question that I read yesterday the official
announcement of the appointment of Yü Hsien, lately Governor
of Shantung, to the post of Governor of Shansi. The growth and
impunity of the anti-Christian Societies in Shantung has been
universally ascribed to the sympathy and encouragement
accorded to them by this high officer, and his conduct has for
some time past formed the subject of strong representations on
the part of several of the foreign Representatives."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
China, Number 3, 1900, pages 3-26._

"The foundation of the 'Boxers' can be traced to one man, Yü
Hsien, who, when Prefect of Tsao-chau, in the south-west
corner of Shan-tung, organized a band of men as local militia
or trainbands. For them he revived the ancient appellation of
'I-Ho-Ch'üan,' the Patriotic Harmony Fists. Armed with long
swords, they were known popularly as the Ta-tao-huei, or Big
Knife Society. After the occupation of Kiao-chau Bay the
society grew in force, the professed objects of its members
being to oppose the exactions of native Catholics and to
resist further German aggression. They became anti-Christian
and anti-foreign. They became a religious sect, and underwent
a fantastic kind of spiritual training of weird incantations
and grotesque gymnastics, which they professed to believe
rendered them impervious to the sword and to the bullet of the
white man. Three deities they specially selected as their
own—namely, Kwanti, the God of War and patron deity of the
present dynasty, Kwang Chéng-tze, an incarnation of Laotze,
and the Joyful Buddha of the Falstaffian Belly. They made
Taoist and Buddhist temples their headquarters. Everywhere
they declared that they would drive the foreigner and his
devilish religion from China. To encourage this society its
founder, Yü Hsien, was in March, 1899, appointed by the Throne
Governor of Shan-tung. In four years he had risen from the
comparatively humble post of Prefect to that of the highest
official in the province."

_Peking Correspondence London Times,
October 13, 1900._

Sir Robert Hart, an English gentleman who had been in the
service of the Chinese government at Peking for many years,
administering its maritime customs, is the author of an
account of the causes and the character of the Boxer movement,
written since its violent outbreak, from which the following
passages are taken:

"For ages China had discountenanced the military spirit and
was laughed at by us accordingly, and thus, ever since
intercourse under treaties has gone on, we have been lecturing
the Government from our superior standpoint, telling it that
it must grow strong—must create army and navy—must adopt
foreign drill and foreign weapons—must prepare to hold its own
against all comers—must remember 'Codlin' is its friend, not
'Short': our words did not fall on closed ears—effect was
given to selected bits of advice—and various firms did a very
remarkable and very remunerative trade in arms. But while the
Chinese Government made a note of all the advice its generous
friends placed at its disposal, and adopted some suggestions
because they either suited it or it seemed polite and harmless
to do so, it did not forget its own thirty centuries of
historic teaching, and it looked at affairs abroad through its
own eyes and the eyes of its representatives at foreign
Courts, studied their reports and the printed utterances of
books, magazines, and newspapers, and the teaching thus
received began gradually to crystallise in the belief that a
huge standing army on European lines would be wasteful and
dangerous and that a volunteer association—as suggested by the
way all China ranged itself on the Government side in the
Franco-Chinese affair—covering the whole Empire, offering an
outlet for restless spirits and fostering a united and
patriotic feeling, would be more reliable and effective, an
idea which seemed to receive immediate confirmation from
without in the stand a handful of burghers were making in the
Transvaal: hence the Boxer Association, patriotic in origin,
justifiable in its fundamental idea, and in point of fact the
outcome of either foreign advice or the study of foreign
methods.

{108}

"In the meanwhile the seeds of other growths were being sown
in the soil of the Chinese mind, private and official, and
were producing fruit each after its kind: various commercial
stipulations sanctioned by treaties had not taken into full
account Chinese conditions, difficulties, methods, and
requirements, and their enforcement did not make foreign
commerce more agreeable to the eye of either provincial or
metropolitan officials,—missionary propagandism was at work
all over the country, and its fruits, Chinese Christians, did
not win the esteem or goodwill of their fellows, for, first of
all, they offended public feeling by deserting Chinese for
foreign cults, next they irritated their fellow villagers by
refusing, as Christians, to take part in or share the expenses
of village festivals, and lastly, as Christians again, they
shocked the official mind, and popular opinion also, by
getting their religious teachers, more especially the Roman
Catholics, to interfere on their behalf in litigation, &c., a
state of affairs which became specially talked about in
Shantung, the native province of the Confucius of over 2,000
years ago and now the sphere of influence of one of the
Church's most energetic bishops,—the arrangement by which
missionaries were to ride in green chairs and be recognised as
the equals of Governors and Viceroys had its special
signification and underlined missionary aspiration telling
people and officials in every province what they had to expect
from it: on the top of this came the Kiao Chow affair and the
degradation and cashiering of a really able, popular, and
clean-handed official, the Governor Li Ping Hêng, succeeded by
the cessions of territory at Port Arthur, Wei-Hai-Wei, Kwang
Chow Wan, &c., &c., &c., and these doings, followed by the
successful stand made against the Italian demand for a port on
the Coast of Chekiang, helped to force the Chinese Government
to see that concession had gone far enough and that opposition
to foreign encroachment might now and henceforth be the key-note
of its policy.

"Li Ping Hêng had taken up his private residence in the
southeastern corner of Pecheli, close to the Shantung
frontier, and the Boxer movement, already started in a
tentative way in the latter province, now received an immense
impetus from the occurrences alluded to and was carefully
nurtured and fostered by that cashiered official—more
respected than ever by his countrymen. Other high officials
were known to be in sympathy with the new departure and to
give it their strongest approval and support, such as Hsü
Tung, Kang I, and men of the same stamp and standing, and
their advice to the throne was to try conclusions with
foreigners and yield no more to their demands. However
mistaken may have been their reading of foreigners, and
however wrong their manner of action, these men—eminent in
their own country for their learning and services—were
animated by patriotism, were enraged at foreign dictation, and
had the courage of their convictions: we must do them the
justice of allowing they were actuated by high motives and
love of country—but that does not always or necessarily mean
political ability or highest wisdom. …

"The Chinese, an intelligent, cultivated race, sober,
industrious, and on their own lines civilised, homogeneous in
language, thought, and feeling, which numbers some four
hundred millions, lives in its own ring fence, and covers a
country which—made up of fertile land and teeming waters, with
infinite variety of mountain and plain, hill and dale, and
every kind of climate and condition—on its surface produces
all that a people requires and in its bosom hides untold
virgin wealth that has never yet been disturbed—this race,
after thousands of years of haughty seclusion and
exclusiveness, has been pushed by the force of circumstances
and by the superior strength of assailants into treaty
relations with the rest of the world, but regards that as a
humiliation, sees no benefit accruing from it, and is looking
forward to the day when it in turn will be strong enough to
revert to its old life again and do away with foreign
intercourse, interference, and intrusion: it has slept long,
as we count sleep, but it is awake at last and its every
member is tingling with Chinese feeling—'China for the
Chinese and out with the foreigners!'

"The Boxer movement is doubtless the product of official
inspiration, but it has taken hold of the popular imagination
and will spread like wildfire all over the length and breadth
of the country: it is, in short, a purely patriotic volunteer
movement, and its object is to strengthen China—and for a
Chinese programme. Its first experience has not been
altogether a success as regards the attainment through
strength of proposed ends,—the rooting up of foreign cults and
the ejection of foreigners, but it is not a failure in respect of
the feeler it put out—will volunteering work?—or as an
experiment that would test ways and means and guide future
choice: it has proved how to a man the people will respond to
the call, and it has further demonstrated that the swords and
spears to which the prudent official mind confined the
initiated will not suffice, but must be supplemented or
replaced by Mauser rifles and Krupp guns: the Boxer patriot of
the future will possess the best weapons money can buy, and
then the 'Yellow Peril' will be beyond ignoring."

_Robert Hart,
The Peking Legations
(Fortnightly Review, November, 1900)._

{109}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (March-April).
Proposed joint naval demonstration of the Powers
in Chinese waters.

On receipt of the telegram from Peking (March 10) recommending
a joint naval demonstration in North Chinese waters, the
British Ambassador at Paris was directed to consult the
Government of France on the subject, and did so. On the 13th,
he reported M. Delcassé, the French Minister for Foreign
Affairs, as saying that "he could not, of course, without
reflection and without consulting his colleagues, say what the
decision of the French Government would be as to taking part
in a naval demonstration, but at first sight it seemed to him
that it would be difficult to avoid acting upon a suggestion
which the Representatives of Five Powers, who ought to be good
judges, considered advisable." On the 16th, he wrote to Lord
Salisbury: "M. Delcassé informed me the day before yesterday
that he had telegraphed to Peking for more precise
information. I told him that I was glad to hear that no
precipitate action was going to be taken by France, and that I
believed that he would find that the United States' Government
would be disinclined to associate themselves with any joint
naval demonstration. I added that, although I had no
instructions to say so, I expected that Her Majesty's
Government would also adhere to their usual policy of
proceeding with great caution, and would be in no hurry to
take a step which only urgent necessity would render
advisable."

On the 23d of March, Sir Claude MacDonald telegraphed to Lord
Salisbury: "I learn that the Government of the United States
have ordered one ship-of-war to go to Taku for the purpose of
protecting American interests, that the Italian Minister has
been given the disposal of two ships, and the German Minister
has the use of the squadron at Kiao-chau for the same purpose.
With a view to protect British missionary as well as other
interests, which are far in excess of those of other Powers, I
would respectfully request that two of Her Majesty's ships be
sent to Taku."

On the 3d of April, the Tsung-li Yamên communicated to the
British Ambassador the following information, as to the
punishment of the murderers of Mr. Brooks, and of the
officials responsible for neglect to protect him: "Of several
arrests that had been made of persons accused of having been
the perpetrators of the crime or otherwise concerned in its
committal, two have been brought to justice and, at a trial at
which a British Consul was present, found guilty and sentenced
to be decapitated—a sentence which has already been carried
into effect. Besides this, the Magistrate of Feichen, and some
of the police authorities of the district, accounted to have
been guilty of culpable negligence in the protection of Mr.
Brooks, have been cashiered, or had other punishments awarded
them of different degrees of severity."

For some weeks after this the Boxer movement appears to have
been under constraint. Further outrages were not reported and
no expressions of anxiety appear in the despatches from
Peking. The proposal of a joint naval demonstration in the
waters of Northern China was not pressed.

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
China, Number 3, 1900, pages 6-17._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
Renewed activity of the "Boxers" and increasing gravity of
the situation at Peking.
Return of Legation guards.
Call upon the fleets at Taku for reinforcement and rescue.

About the middle of May the activity of the "Boxers" was
renewed, and a state of disorder far more threatening than
before was speedily made known. The rapid succession of
startling events during the next few weeks may be traced in
the following series of telegrams from the British Minister at
Peking to his chief:

"May 17.
The French Minister called to-day to inform me that the Boxers
have destroyed three villages and killed 61 Roman Catholic
Christian converts at a place 90 miles from Peking, near
Paoting-fu. The French Bishop informs me that in that
district, and around Tien-tsin and Peking generally, much
disorder prevails."

"May 18.
There was a report yesterday, which has been confirmed to-day,
that the Boxers have destroyed the London Mission chapel at
Kung-tsun, and killed the Chinese preacher. Kung-tsun is about
40 miles south-west of Peking."

"May 19.
At the Yamên, yesterday, I reminded the Ministers how I had
unceasingly warned them during the last six months how
dangerous it was not to take adequate measures in suppression
of the Boxer Societies. I said that the result of the apathy
of the Chinese Government was that now a Mission chapel, a few
miles distant from the capital, had been destroyed. The
Ministers admitted that the danger of the Boxer movement had
not previously appeared to them so urgent, but that now they
fully saw how serious it was. On the previous day an Imperial
Decree had been issued, whereby specified metropolitan and
provincial authorities were directed to adopt stringent
measures to suppress the Boxers. This, they believed, would
not fail to have the desired effect."

"May 21.
All eleven foreign Representatives attended a meeting of the
Diplomatic Body held yesterday afternoon, at the instance of
the French Minister. The doyen was empowered to write, in the
name of all the foreign Representatives, a note to the Yamên
to the effect that the Diplomatic Body, basing their demands
on the Decrees already issued by the Palace denunciatory of
the Boxers, requested that all persons who should print,
publish, or disseminate placards which menaced foreigners, all
individuals aiding and abetting, all owners of houses or
temples now used as meeting places for Boxers, should be
arrested. They also demanded that those guilty of arson,
murder, outrages, &c., together with those affording support
or direction to Boxers while committing such outrages, should
be executed. Finally, the publication of a Decree in Peking
and the Northern Provinces setting forth the above. The
foreign Representatives decided at their meeting to take
further measures if the disturbances still continued, or if a
favorable answer was not received to their note within five
days. The meeting did not decide what measures should be
taken, but the Representatives were generally averse to
bringing guards to Peking, and, what found most favour, was as
follows:—

With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese
waters, it was proposed that all the Maritime Powers
represented should make a naval demonstration either at
Shanhaikuan, or at the new port, Ching-wangtao, while, in case
of necessity, guards were to be held ready on board ship. My
colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand
to their governments. As the Chinese Government themselves
seem to be sufficiently alarmed, I do not think that the above
measure will be necessary, but, should the occasion arise, I
trust that Her Majesty's Government will see fit to support
it. … I had a private interview with my Russian colleague, who
came to see me before the matter reached its acute stages. M. de
Giers said that there were only two countries with serious
interests in China: England and Russia. He thought that both
landing guards and naval demonstrations were to be
discouraged, as they give rise to unknown eventualities.
However, since the 18th instant, he admits that matters are
grave, and agreed at once to the joint note."

{110}

"May 24.
Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin reported by telegraph
yesterday that a Colonel in charge of a party of the Viceroy's
cavalry was caught, on the 22nd instant, in an ambuscade near
Lai-shui, which is about 50 miles south-west of Peking. The
party were destroyed."

"May 25.
Tsung-li Yamên have replied to the note sent by the doyen of
the Corps Diplomatique, reported in my telegram of the 21st
May. They state that the main lines of the measures already in
force agree with those required by the foreign
Representatives, and add that a further Decree, which will
direct efficacious action, is being asked for. The above does
not even promise efficacious action, and, in my personal
opinion, is unsatisfactory."

"May 27.
At the meeting of the Corps Diplomatique, which took place
yesterday evening, we were informed by the French Minister
that all his information led him to believe that a serious
outbreak, which would endanger the lives of all European
residents in Peking, was on the point of breaking out. The
Italian Minister confirmed the information received by M.
Pichon. The Russian Minister agreed with his Italian and
French colleagues in considering the latest reply of the Yamên
to be unsatisfactory, adding that, in his opinion, the Chinese
Government was now about to adopt effective measures. That the
danger was imminent he doubted, but said that it was not
possible to disregard the evidence adduced by the French
Minister. We all agreed with this last remark. M. Pichon then
urged that if the Chinese Government did not at once take
action guards should at once be brought up by the foreign
Representatives. Some discussion then ensued, after which it
was determined that a precise statement should be demanded
from the Yamên as to the measures they had taken, also that
the terms of the Edict mentioned by them should be
communicated to the foreign Representatives. Failing a reply
from the Yamên of a satisfactory nature by this afternoon, it
was resolved that guards should be sent for. Baron von
Ketteler, the German Minister, declared that he considered the
Chinese Government was crumbling to pieces, and that he did
not believe that any action based on the assumption of their
stability could be efficacious. The French Minister is, I am
certain, genuinely convinced that the danger is real, and
owing to his means of information he is well qualified to
judge. … I had an interview with Prince Ch'ing and the Yamên
Ministers this afternoon. Energetic measures are now being
taken against the Boxers by the Government, whom the progress
of the Boxer movement has, at last, thoroughly alarmed. The
Corps Diplomatique, who met in the course of the day, have
decided to wait another twenty-four hours for further
developments."

"May 29.
Some stations on the line, among others Yengtai, 6 miles from
Peking, together with machine sheds and European houses, were
burnt yesterday by the Boxers. The line has also been torn up
in places. Trains between this and Tien-tsin have stopped
running, and traffic has not been resumed yet. The situation
here is serious, and so far the Imperial troops have done
nothing. It was unanimously decided, at a meeting of foreign
Representatives yesterday, to send for guards for the
Legations, in view of the apathy of the Chinese Government and
the gravity of the situation. Before the meeting assembled,
the French Minister had already sent for his."

"May 30.
Permission for the guards to come to Peking has been refused
by the Yamên. I think, however, that they may not persist in
their refusal. The situation in the meantime is one of extreme
gravity. The people are very excited, and the soldiers
mutinous. Without doubt it is now a question of European life
and property being in danger here. The French and Russians are
landing 100 men each. French, Russian, and United States'
Ministers, and myself, were deputed to-day at a meeting of the
foreign Representatives to declare to the Tsung-li Yamên that
the foreign Representatives must immediately bring up guards
for the protection of the lives of Europeans in Peking in view
of the serious situation and untrustworthiness of the Chinese
troops. That the number would be small if facilities were
granted, but it must be augmented should they be refused, and
serious consequences might result for the Chinese Government
in the latter event. In reply, the Yamên stated that no
definite reply could be given until to-morrow afternoon, as
the Prince was at the Summer Palace. As the Summer Palace is
within an hour's ride we refused to admit the impossibility of
prompt communication and decision, and repeated the warning
already given of the serious consequences which would result
if the Viceroy at Tien-tsin did not receive instructions this
evening in order that the guards might be enabled to arrive
here to-morrow. The danger will be greatest on Friday, which
is a Chinese festival."

"May 31.
Provided that the number does not exceed that of thirty for
each Legation, as on the last occasion, the Yamên have given
their consent to the guards coming to Peking. … It was decided
this morning, at a meeting of the foreign Representatives, to
at once bring up the guards that are ready. These probably
include the British, American, Italian, and Japanese."

"June 1.
British, American, Italian, Russian, French and Japanese
guards arrived yesterday. Facilities were given, and there
were no disturbances. Our detachment consists of three
officers and seventy-five men, and a machine gun."

"June 2.
The city is comparatively quiet, but murders of Christian
converts and the destruction of missionary property in
outlying districts occur every day, and the situation still
remains serious. The situation at the Palace is, I learn from
a reliable authority, very strained. The Empress-Dowager does
not dare to put down the Boxers, although wishing to do so, on
account of the support given them by Prince Tuan, father of
the hereditary Prince, and other conservative Manchus, and
also because of their numbers. Thirty Europeans, most of whom
were Belgians, fled from Paoting-fu via the river to
Tien-tsin. About 20 miles from Tien-tsin they were attacked by
Boxers.
{111}
A party of Europeans having gone to their rescue from
Tien-tsin severe fighting ensued, in which a large number of
Boxers were killed. Nine of the party are still missing,
including one lady. The rest have been brought into Tien-tsin.
The Russian Minister, who came to see me to-day, said he
thought it most imperative that the foreign Representatives
should be prepared for all eventualities, though he had no
news confirming the above report. He said he had been
authorized by his Government to support any Chinese authority
at Peking which was able and willing to maintain order in case
the Government collapsed."

"June 4.
I am informed by a Chinese courier who arrived to-day from
Yung-Ching, 40 miles south of Peking, that on the 1st June the
Church of England Mission at that place was attacked by the
Boxers. He states that one missionary, Mr. Robinson, was
murdered, and that he saw his body, and that another, Mr.
Norman, was carried off by the Boxers. I am insisting on the
Chinese authorities taking immediate measures to effect his
rescue. Present situation at Peking is such that we may at any
time be besieged here with the railway and telegraph lines
cut. In the event of this occurring, I beg your Lordship will
cause urgent instructions to be sent to Admiral Seymour to
consult with the officers commanding the other foreign
squadrons now at Taku to take concerted measures for our
relief. The above was agreed to at a meeting held to-day by
the foreign Representatives, and a similar telegram was sent
to their respective Governments by the Ministers of Austria,
Italy, Germany, France, Japan, Russia, and the United States,
all of whom have ships at Taku and guards here. The telegram
was proposed by the French Minister and carried unanimously.
It is difficult to say whether the situation is as grave as
the latter supposes, but the apathy of the Chinese Government
makes it very serious."

"June 5.
I went this afternoon to the Yamên to inquire of the Ministers
personally what steps the Chinese Government proposed to take
to effect the punishment of Mr. Robinson's murderers and the
release of Mr. Norman. I was informed by the Ministers that
the Viceroy was the responsible person, that they had
telegraphed to him to send troops to the spot, and that that
was all they were able to do in the matter. They did not
express regret or show the least anxiety to effect the relief
of the imprisoned man, and they displayed the greatest
indifference during the interview. I informed them that the
Chinese Government would be held responsible by Her Majesty's
Government for the criminal apathy which had brought about
this disgraceful state of affairs. I then demanded an
interview with Prince Ching, which is fixed for to-morrow, as
I found it useless to discuss the matter with the Yamên. This
afternoon I had an interview with the Prince and Ministers of
the Yamên. They expressed much regret at the murder of Messrs.
Robinson and Norman, and their tone was fully satisfactory in
this respect. … No attempt was made by the Prince to defend
the Chinese Government, nor to deny what I had said. He could
say nothing to reassure me as to the safety of the city, and
admitted that the Government was reluctant to deal harshly
with the movement, which, owing to its anti-foreign character,
was popular. He stated that they were bringing 6,000 soldiers
from near Tien-tsin for the protection of the railway, but it
was evident that he doubted whether they would be allowed to
fire on the Boxers except in the defence of Government
property, or if authorized whether they would obey. He gave me
to understand, without saying so directly, that he has
entirely failed to induce the Court to accept his own views as
to the danger of inaction. It was clear, in fact, that the Yamên
wished me to understand that the situation was most serious,
and that, owing to the influence of ignorant advisers with the
Empress-Dowager, they were powerless to remedy it."

"June 6.
Since the interview with the Yamên reported in my preceding
telegram I have seen several of my colleagues. I find they all
agree that, owing to the now evident sympathy of the
Empress-Dowager and the more conservative of her advisers with
the anti-foreign movement, the situation is rapidly growing
more serious. Should there be no change in the attitude of the
Empress, a rising in the city, ending in anarchy, which may
produce rebellion in the provinces, will be the result,
'failing an armed occupation of Peking by one or more of the
Powers.' Our ordinary means of pressure on the Chinese
Government fail, as the Yamên is, by general consent, and
their own admission, powerless to persuade the Court to take
serious measures of repression. Direct representations to the
Emperor and Dowager-Empress from the Corps Diplomatique at a
special audience seems to be the only remaining chance of
impressing the Court."

"June 7.
There is a long Decree in the 'Gazette' which ascribes the
recent trouble to the favour shown to converts in law suits
and the admission to their ranks of bad characters. It states
that the Boxers, who are the objects of the Throne's sympathy
equally with the converts, have made use of the anti-Christian
feeling aroused by these causes, and that bad characters among
them have destroyed chapels and railways which are the
property of the State. Unless the ringleaders among such bad
characters are now surrendered by the Boxers they will be
dealt with as disloyal subjects, and will be exterminated.
Authorization will be given to the Generals to effect arrests,
exercising discrimination between leaders and their followers.
It is probable that the above Decree represents a compromise
between the conflicting opinions which exist at Court. The
general tone is most unsatisfactory, though the effect may be
good if severe measures are actually taken. The general
lenient tone, the absence of reference to the murder of
missionaries, and the justification of the proceedings of the
Boxers by the misconduct of Christian converts are all
dangerous factors in the case."

"June 8.
A very bad effect has been produced by the Decree reported in
my immediately preceding telegram. There is no prohibition of
the Boxers drilling, which they now openly do in the houses of
the Manchu nobility and in the temples. This Legation is full
of British refugees, mostly women and children, and the London
and Church of England Missions have been abandoned. I trust
that the instructions requested in my telegrams of the 4th and
5th instant have been sent to the Admiral. I have received the
following telegram, dated noon to-day, from Her Majesty's Consul
at Tien-tsin:

{112}

'By now the Boxers must be near Yang-tsun. Last night the
bridge, which is outside that station, was seen to be on fire.
General Nieh's forces are being withdrawn to Lutai, and 1,500
of them have already passed through by railway. There are now
at Yang-tsun an engine and trucks ready to take 2,000 more
men.' Lutai lies on the other side of Tien-tsin, and at some
distance. Should this information be correct, it means that an
attempt to protect Peking has been abandoned by the only force
on which the Yamên profess to place any reliance. The 6,000
men mentioned in my telegram
of the 5th instant were commanded by General Nieh."

"Tong-ku, June 10.
Vice-Admiral Sir E. Seymour to Admiralty.
Following telegram received from Minister at Peking:

'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for
immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.'

"In consequence of above, I am landing at once with all
available men, and have asked foreign officers' co-operation."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
China, Number 3, 1900, pages 26-45._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 10-26).
Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.
Failure of first relief expedition started for Peking.

The following is from an official report by Rear-Admiral
Bruce of the British Navy, dated at Taku June 17, 1900:

"On my arrival here on the 11th inst. I found a large fleet,
consisting of Russian, German, French, Austrian, Italian,
Japanese, and British ships. In consequence of an urgent
telegram from Her Majesty's Minister at Peking, Vice-Admiral
Sir Edward H. Seymour, K. C. B., Commander-in-Chief, had
started at 3 o'clock the previous morning (10th June), taking
with him a force of 1,375 of all ranks, being reinforced by
men from the allied ships as they arrived, until he commanded
not less than 2,000 men. At a distance of some 20 to 30 miles
from Tientsin—but it is very difficult to locate the place, as
no authentic record has come in—he found the railway destroyed
and sleepers burned, &c., and every impediment made by
supposed Boxers to his advance. Then his difficulties began,
and it is supposed that the Boxers, probably assisted by
Chinese troops, closed in on his rear, destroyed
railway-lines, bridges, &c., and nothing since the 13th inst.
has passed from Commander-in-Chief and his relief force and
Tientsin, nor vice versa up to this date. …

"During the night of the 14th inst. news was received that all
railway-carriages and other rolling stock had been ordered to
be sent up the line for the purpose of bringing down a Chinese
army to Tong-ku. On receipt of this serious information a
council of Admirals was summoned by Vice-Admiral Hiltebrandt,
Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Squadron, and the German,
French, United States Admirals, myself, and the Senior
Officers of Italy, Austria, and Japan attended; and it was
decided to send immediate orders to the captains of the allied
vessels in the Peiho River (three Russian, two German, one
United States, one Japanese, one British—'Algerine') to
prevent any railway plant being taken away from Tong-ku, or
the Chinese army reaching that place, which would cut off our
communication with Tientsin; and in the event of either being
attempted they were to use force to prevent it, and to destroy
the Taku Forts. By the evening, and during the night of 15th
inst., information arrived that the mouth of the Peiho River
was being protected by electric mines. On receipt of this,
another council composed of the same naval officers was held
in the forenoon of 16th June on board the 'Rossia,' and in
consequence of the gravity of the situation, and information
having also arrived that the forts were being provisioned and
reinforced, immediate notice was sent to the Viceroy of Chili
at Tientsin and the commandant of the forts that, in
consequence of the danger to our forces up the river, at
Tientsin, and on the march to Peking by the action of the
Chinese authorities, we proposed to temporarily occupy the
Taku Forts, with or without their good will, at 2 a.m. on the
17th inst." Early on Sunday, 17th June, "the Taku Forts opened
fire on the allied ships in the Peiho River, which continued
almost without intermission until 6.30 a.m., when all firing
had practically ceased and the Taku Forts were stormed and in
the hands of the Allied Powers, allowing of free communication
with Tientsin by water, and rail when the latter is repaired."

The American Admiral took no part in this attack on the forts
at Taku, "on the ground that we were not at war with China and
that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the
anti-foreign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the
relieving column."

From the point to which the allied expedition led by Admiral
Seymour fought its way, and at which it was stopped by the
increasing numbers that opposed it, it fell back to a position
near Hsiku, on the right bank of the Peiho. There the allies
drove the Chinese forces from an imperial armory and took
possession of the buildings, which gave them a strong
defensive position, with a large store of rice for food, and
enabled them to hold their ground until help came to them from
Tientsin, on the 25th. They were encumbered with no less than 230
wounded men, which made it impossible for them, in the
circumstances, to fight their way back without aid; though the
distance was so short that the return march was accomplished, on
the 26th, between 3 o'clock and 9 of the same morning. In his
report made the following day Admiral Seymour says: "The
number of enemy engaged against us in the march from Yungtsin
to the Armoury near Hsiku cannot be even estimated; the
country alongside the river banks is quite flat, and consisted
of a succession of villages of mud huts, those on the
out-skirts having enclosures made of dried reeds; outside,
high reeds were generally growing in patches near the village,
and although trees are very scarce away from the River,
alongside it they are very numerous; these with the graves,
embankments for irrigation and against flood, afforded cover
to the enemy from which they seldom exposed themselves,
withdrawing on our near approach. Had their fire not been
generally high it would have been much more destructive than
it was. The number of the enemy certainly increased gradually
until the Armoury near Hsiku was reached, when General Nieh's
troops and the Boxers both joined in the attack. In the early
part of the expedition the Boxers were mostly armed with
swords and spears, and not with many firearms; at the
engagement at Langfang on 18th, and afterwards, they were
armed with rifles of late pattern; this together with banners
captured and uniform worn, shows that they had either the
active or covert support of the Chinese Government, or some of
its high officials."

{113}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 11-29).
Chinese Imperial Edicts.

"On June 11 Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese
Legation, was brutally murdered [in Peking] by the soldiers of
General Tung-fuh-siang. Two days later the following Imperial
edict was published in the 'Peking Gazette': 'On June 11 the
Japanese Chancellor was murdered by brigands outside the
Yung-ting Mên. On hearing this intelligence we were
exceedingly grieved. Officials of neighbouring nations
stationed in Peking ought to be protected in every possible
way, and now, especially, extra diligence ought to be
displayed to prevent such occurrences when banditti are as
numerous as bees. We have repeatedly commanded the local
officials to ensure the most efficient protection in their
districts, yet, in spite of our frequent orders, we have this
case of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor occurring in the
very capital of the Empire. The civil and military officials
have assuredly been remiss in not clearing their districts of
bad characters, or immediately arresting such persons, and we
hereby order every Yamên concerned to set a limit of time for
the arrest of the criminals, that they may suffer the extreme
penalty. Should the time expire without any arrest being
effected, the severest punishment will assuredly be inflicted
upon the responsible persons.' It is needless to add that the
'criminals' were never arrested and the 'responsible persons'
were never punished. In the same 'Gazette' another decree
condemns the 'Boxer brigands' who have recently been causing
trouble in the neighbourhood of the capital, who have been
committing arson and murder and revenging themselves upon the
native converts. Soldiers and 'Boxers,' it says, have leagued
together to commit acts of murder and arson, and have vied
with one another in disgraceful acts of looting and robbery.
The 'Boxers' are to disband, desperadoes are to be arrested,
ringleaders are to be seized, but the followers may be allowed
to disband.

"Similar decrees on the 14th and 15th show alarm at the result
of the 'Boxer' agitation and lawlessness within the city.
Nothing so strong against the 'Boxers' had previously been
published. Fires were approaching too Closely to the Imperial
Palace. No steps had been taken by the Court to prevent the
massacre and burning of Christians and their property in the
country, but on the 16th the great Chien Mên gate fronting the
Palace had been burned and the smoke had swept over the
Imperial Courts. Yet even in these decrees leniency is shown
to the 'Boxers,' for they are not to be fired upon, but are,
if guilty, to be arrested and executed. On June 17th the edict
expresses the belief of the Throne that:—'All foreign
Ministers ought to be really protected. If the Ministers and
their families wish to go for a time to Tien-tsin, they must
be protected on the way. But the railroad is not now in
working order. If they go by the cart road it will be
difficult, and there is fear that perfect protection cannot be
offered. They would do better, therefore, to abide here in
peace as heretofore and wait till the railroad is repaired,
and then act as circumstances render expedient.'

"Two days later an ultimatum was sent to the Ministers
ordering them to leave Peking within 24 hours. On the 20th
Baron von Ketteler was murdered and on June 21 China
published, having entered upon war against the whole world,
her Apologia:—

'Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty, foreigners coming
to China have been kindly treated. In the reigns Tao Kuang,
and Hsien Feng, they were allowed to trade and they also asked
leave to propagate their religion, a request that the Throne
reluctantly granted. At first they were amenable to Chinese
control, but for the past 30 years they have taken advantage
of China's forbearance to encroach on China's territory and
trample on Chinese people and to demand China's wealth. Every
concession made by China increased their reliance on violence.
They oppressed peaceful citizens and insulted the gods and
holy men, exciting the most burning indignation among the
people. Hence the burning of chapels and slaughter of converts
by the patriotic braves. The Throne was anxious to avoid war, and
issued edicts enjoining the protection of Legations and pity
to the converts. The decrees declaring 'Boxers' and converts
to be equally the children of the State were issued in the
hope of removing the old feud between people and converts.
Extreme kindness was shown to the strangers from afar. But
these people knew no gratitude and increased their pressure. A
despatch was yesterday sent by Du Chaylard, calling us to
deliver up the Ta-ku Forts into their keeping, otherwise they
would be taken by force. These threats showed their aggressive
intention. In all matters relating to international
intercourse, we have never been wanting in courtesies to them,
but they, while styling themselves civilized States, have acted
without regard for right, relying solely on their military
force. We have now reigned nearly 30 years, and have treated
the people as our children, the people honouring us as their
deity, and in the midst of our reign we have been the
recipients of the gracious favour of the Empress-Dowager.
Furthermore, our ancestors have come to our aid, and the gods
have answered our call, and never has there been so universal
a manifestation of loyalty and patriotism. With tears have we
announced war in the ancestral shrines. Better to enter on the
struggle and do our utmost than seek some measures of
self-preservation involving eternal disgrace. All our
officials, high and low, are of one mind, and there have
assembled without official summons several hundred thousand
patriotic soldiers (I Ping "Boxers"). Even children carrying
spears in the service of the State. Those others relying on
crafty schemes, our trust is in Heaven's justice. They depend
on violence, we on humanity. Not to speak of the righteousness
of our cause, our provinces number more than 20, our people over
400,000,000, and it will not be difficult to vindicate the
dignity of our country.' The decree concludes by promising
heavy rewards to those who distinguish themselves in battle or
subscribe funds, and threatening punishment to those who show
cowardice or act treacherously.

"In the same 'Gazette' Yü Lu reports acts of war on the part
of the foreigners, when, after some days' fighting, he was
victorious. 'Perusal of his memorial has given us great
comfort,' says the Throne. Warm praise is given to the
'Boxers,' 'who have done great service without any assistance
either of men or money from the State. Marked favour will be
shown them later on, and they must continue to show their
devotion.' On the 24th presents of rice are sent to the
'Boxers.' Leaders of the 'Boxers' are appointed by the
Throne—namely, Prince Chuang, and the Assistant Grand
Secretary Kang-Yi to be in chief command, and Ying Nien and
Duke Lan (the brother of Prince Tuan, the father of the Crown
Prince) to act in cooperation with them, while another high
post is given to Wen Jui."

_London Times, October 16, 1900
(Peking Correspondence)._

{114}

Very different in tone to the imperial decree of June 21,
quoted above, was one issued a week later (June 29), and sent
to the diplomatic representatives of the Chinese government in
Europe and America. As published by Minister Wu Ting-fang, at
Washington, on the 11th of July, it was in the following
words:

"The circumstances which led to the commencement of fighting
between Chinese and foreigners were of such a complex,
confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely
unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to
their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of
knowing the true state of things, and accordingly cannot lay
the views of the government before the ministers for foreign
affairs of the respective Powers to which they are accredited.
Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter
for the information of our representatives aforesaid.

"In the first place there arose in the provinces of Chih Li
and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in the
habit of practicing boxing and fencing in their respective
villages, and at the same time clothing their doings with
spiritualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed
to take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the
infection spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space
of a month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere, and
finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked upon
the movement as supernatural and strange, and many joined it.
Then there were lawless and treacherous persons who sounded
the cry of 'Down with Christianity!' About the middle of the
fifth moon these persons began to create disturbances without
warning. Churches were burned and converts were killed. The
whole city was in a ferment. A situation was created which
could not be brought under control. At first the foreign
Powers requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the
capital for the protection of the legations. The imperial
government, having in view the comparative urgency of the
occasion, granted the request as an extraordinary mark of
courtesy beyond the requirements of international intercourse.
Over five hundred foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This
shows clearly how much care China exercised in the maintenance
of friendly relations with other countries.

"The legations at the capital never had much to do with the
people. But from the time foreign troops entered the city the
guards did not devote themselves exclusively to the protection
of their respective legations. They sometimes fired their guns
on top of the city walls and sometimes patrolled the streets
everywhere. There were repeated reports of persons being hit
by stray bullets. Moreover they strolled about the city
without restraint, and even attempted to enter the Tung Hua
gate (the eastern gate of the palace grounds). They only
desisted when admittance was positively forbidden. On this
account, both the soldiers and the people were provoked to
resentment, and voiced their indignation with one accord.
Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation to do
mischief, and became bolder than ever in burning and killing
Christian converts. The Powers thereupon attempted to
reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements
encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the
insurgents on the way and have not yet been able to proceed.
The insurgents of the two provinces of Chih Li and Shantung
had by this time effected a complete union and could not be
separated. The imperial government was by no means reluctant
to issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent
element. But as the trouble was so near at hand there was a
great fear that due protection might not be assured to the
legations if the anarchists should be driven to extremities,
thus bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear
that uprisings might occur in the provinces of Chih Li and
Shantung at the same time, with the result that both foreign
missionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might
fall victims to popular fury. It was therefore absolutely
necessary to consider the matter from every point of view.

"As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request
the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tien-Tsin for
safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in
progress that the German minister, Baron Von Ketteler, was
assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to
the Tsung-Li-Yamen. On the previous day the German minister
had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the
Tsung-Li-Yamen. But the Yamen, fearing he might be molested on
the way, did not consent to the appointment as suggested by
the minister. Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a
more bold and threatening attitude, and consequently 'it was
not deemed wise to carry out the project of sending the
diplomatic corps to Tien-Tsin under an escort. However, orders
were issued to the troops detailed for the protection of the
legations to keep stricter watch and take greater precaution
against any emergency.

"To our surprise, on the 20th of the fifth moon (June 16th),
foreign (naval?) officers at Taku called upon Lo Jung Kwang,
the general commanding, and demanded his surrender of the
forts, notifying him that failing to receive compliance they
would at two o'clock the next day take steps to seize the
forts by force. Lo Jung Kwang, being bound by the duties of
his office to hold the forts, how could he yield to the
demand? On the day named they actually first fired upon the
forts, which responded, and kept up fighting all day and then
surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly
the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing that
China were not conscious of her true condition, how could she
take such a step as to engage in war with all the Powers
simultaneously? and how could she, relying upon the support of
anarchistic populace, go into war with the Powers?

{115}

"Our position in this matter ought to be clearly understood by
all the Powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we have
suffered, and how China was driven to the unfortunate position
from which she could not escape. Our several ministers will make
known accurately and in detail the contents of this decree and
the policy of China to the ministers of foreign affairs in
their respective countries, and assure them that military
authorities are still strictly enjoined to afford protection
to the legations as hitherto to the utmost of their power. As
for the anarchists they will be as severely dealt with as
circumstances permit. The several ministers will continue in
the discharge of the duties of their office as hitherto
without hesitation or doubt. This telegraphic decree to be
transmitted for their information. Respect this."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-July).
Failure of attempt to entrust Japan with the rescuing of
the Legations at Peking.

A British Blue Book, issued on the 18th of February, 1901,
contains correspondence that took place between the Powers
late in June and early in July, looking to an arrangement for
the immediate sending of a large force from Japan to the
rescue of the beleaguered Legations in Peking. As summarized
in the "London Times," this correspondence showed that "the
necessity of asking the help of the only Power that was near
enough to intervene promptly was strongly pressed by Lord
Salisbury on the other Powers in the beginning of July. M.
Delcassé fell in entirely with the scheme and insisted on the
need of putting aside all jealousies or afterthoughts which
might hinder unity of action on the spot. The Russian
Government, however, seems to have misunderstood Lord
Salisbury's meaning and to have conceived him to wish Japan to
settle the Chinese crisis by herself and with a view to her
own interests, a misunderstanding which it required a whole
series of despatches to clear up completely. The Japanese
Government itself showed the most commendable readiness to
act, and on July 11 Mr. Whitehead telegraphed from Tokio, in
reply to an appeal from Lord Salisbury to the Japanese
Government, that 'in consequence of the friendly assurances'
given by Lord Salisbury the Japanese Government had decided to
send one or two more divisions to China. To this Lord
Salisbury replied on July 13 that her Majesty's Government
were willing to assist the Japanese Government up to
£1,000,000 if they at once mobilized and despatched an
additional 20,000 men to Peking. But the latter, in the
absence of any definite scheme of operations on the part of
the Powers, showed an unwillingness to accede to this
proposal, which thus fell through."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-August).
The siege of the Foreign Legations at Peking.
The story of two dreadful months as told by one of the besieged.

The most detailed and altogether best account of the dreadful
experience which the foreigners besieged in the quarter of the
Legations at Peking underwent, from the first week in June
until the 14th day of August, when a rescuing army forced its
way into the city, is that furnished to the "London Times" by
its Peking correspondent, who was one of the besieged. His
narrative, forwarded immediately upon the opening of
communication with the outer world, was published in "The
Times" of October 13 and 15. With some abridgment it is given
here under permission from the Manager of "The Times."