Chapter XXXIII: Section III: of article 111 of the federal constitution is (1)

amended, and an addition made to the said article in the
following terms: The States shall not—

III. Coin money, issue paper money, stamps, or stamped paper.

IV. Obstruct the transit of persons or goods crossing its
territory.

V. Prohibit or molest, either directly or indirectly, the
entrance or exit, to or from its territory, of national or
foreign merchandise.

{166}

VI. Obstruct the circulation or consumption of national or
foreign goods by means of imposts or taxes that may be exacted
through local custom-houses, by requiring the inspection or
registration of packages, or by requiring the documentation to
accompany the merchandise.

VII. Decree or maintain in force laws or fiscal decrees which
may cause differences of taxes or requisites, by reason of the
source of national or foreign merchandise, whether these
differences be established in regard to a like production in
that locality or on account of like production from different
sources.

Second.
Article 124 of the federal constitution is amended in the
following terms:

ARTICLE 124.
It is the exclusive faculty of the federation to obstruct
merchandise, imported or exported, or which passes in transit
through the national territory, likewise to regulate at all
times, and even to prohibit for reasons of policy and
security, the circulation within the Republic of all
merchandise from whatever source; but the said federation
cannot establish or decree in the district or federal
territories the taxes and laws expressed in Sections VI. and
V. of Article 111.

Transitory article.
These amendments and additions shall take effect on the 1st of
July, 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MINNESOTA: Amendments.

See (in this volume)
MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF MISSISSIPPI: Amendment.

See (in this volume)
MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW JERSEY: Proposed Amendments.

See (in this volume)
NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.

CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

The constitution of the State of New York, as revised by the
Convention of 1894 (see, in volume 4, NEW YORK: A. D. 1894)
[transcriber's note: volume 3, page 2350], was submitted to
the people at the election in November that year and adopted.
The important features of the revision were set forth in an
address by the Convention to the people, as follows:

"We seek to separate, in the larger cities, municipal
elections from State and national elections to the end that
the business affairs of our great municipal corporations may
be managed upon their own merits, uncontrolled by national and
State politics. … We have provided further safeguards against
abuses in legislative procedure, by requiring that all bills
shall be printed in their final form at least three days
before their passage, prohibiting riders on appropriation
bills, providing for notice to municipal authorities before
special acts relating to the larger cities can take effect,
prohibiting the issue of passes by railroad, telegraph and
telephone companies to public officers, enlarging the express
constitutional powers of the President of the Senate. … We
have extended the prohibition against lotteries so as to
include all pool-selling, book-making and other forms of
gambling. … We have sought to throw greater safeguards around
the elective franchise by prescribing a period of ninety
instead of ten days of citizenship before that right can be
exercised, so that naturalization may be taken out of the
hands of campaign committees and removed from the period
immediately before election. … We have modified the language
relating to election so that if any mechanical device for
recording and counting votes is so perfected as to be superior
to the present system, the Legislature may make trial of it. We
have established in the Constitution the well-tried and
satisfactory system of registration of votes, forbidding,
however, any requirement of personal attendance on the first
day of registration in the thinly-settled regions outside of
the cities and large villages, where voters would have long
distances to travel to the place of registration, and we have
provided for securing an honest and fair election by requiring
that on all election boards election officers shall equally
represent the two principal political parties of the State. We
have provided for a new appointment of Senate and Assembly
districts. … Attack has been made upon two rules laid down in
the proposed measure for the guidance of the Legislature in
future apportionments. One of these is the rule that no county
shall have more than three Senators unless it shall have a full
ratio for each Senator, although smaller counties may receive
a Senator or an additional Senator on a major fraction of a
ratio. … The other rule attacked is that no one county shall
have more than one-third of all the Senators, and that New
York and Kings county together shall not have more than
one-half of all the Senators. … We have declared in the
Constitution the principle of civil service reform, that
appointments and promotions are to be based upon merit and
ascertained so far as practicable by competitive examination.
We have sought by this to secure not merely the advantage
derived from declaring the principle, but the practical
benefit of its extension to the State prisons, canals and
other public works of the State, to which, under the existing
Constitution, the court of last resort has decided that civil
service rules cannot be applied. … We have prohibited the
contract system of convict labor. … We have authorized the
Legislature to provide for the improvement of the canals,
without, however, borrowing money for that purpose unless the
people expressly authorize it. … We have required the
Legislature to provide for free public schools, in which all
the children of the State may be educated, and we have
prohibited absolutely the use of public money in aid of
sectarian schools. … We have so amended the present
Constitution as to provide for a naval as well as a land force
of militia. … In order to allow every voter to exercise a
choice in voting on some of the important proposed amendments,
we have provided that the Revised Constitution shall be
submitted to the people in three parts, viz.:

1. That making an apportionment of Senators and members of the
Assembly.

2. That pertaining to the improvements of the canals.

3. All the remainder of the proposed amendments as a whole."

_Journal of the Constitutional Convention,
State of New York, 1894, pages 839-846._

CONSTITUTION OF NORTH CAROLINA:
Amendment qualifying the suffrage.

See (in this volume)
NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

{167}

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: Start--

The following are the Articles of main importance in the
Grondwet or Constitution of the South African Republic:

ARTICLE 1.
This State shall bear the name of the South African Republic.

ARTICLE 2.
The form of government of this State shall be that of a
republic.

ARTICLE 3.
It desires to be recognized and respected by the civilized
world as an independent and free people.

ARTICLE 4.
The people seek for no extension of territory, and desire it
only in accordance with just principles, when the interest of
the Republic makes such extension desirable.

ARTICLE 5.
The people desire to retain and maintain their territory in
South Africa unimpaired. The boundaries thereof are fixed by
proclamation.

ARTICLE 6.
Its territory is open for every foreigner who obeys the laws
of this Republic. All who are within the territory of this
Republic have equal claims to protection of person and
property.

ARTICLE 7.
The land or farms situate in this territory which have not yet
been given out, are declared to be the property of the State.

ARTICLE 8.
The people claim the utmost social freedom, and expect the
result from the maintenance of their religious belief, from
the observance of their obligations, from submission to law,
order and right, and the maintenance of the same. The people
permit the spread of the Gospel among the heathen under fixed
precautions against deceit or misleading.

ARTICLE 9.
The people will not allow any equalization of the coloured
inhabitants with the white.

ARTICLE 10.
The people will not suffer any slave trade or slavery in this
Republic.

ARTICLE 11.
The people reserve to themselves the protection and defence of
the independence and inviolability of the State, subject to
the laws.

ARTICLE 12.
The people entrust the legislation to a Volksraad—the highest
authority in the land—consisting of representatives or
deputies of the people, chosen by the enfranchised burghers;
but with the reservation that a period of three months shall
be left to the people to enable them if they so wish to
communicate to the Volksraad their verdict on a proposed law;
except those laws which can suffer no delay.

ARTICLE 13.
The people charge the President with the task of proposing and
executing the laws; he also brings before the Volksraad the
appointments of all civil servants for ratification.

ARTICLE 14.
The people entrust the maintenance of order to the military
force, the police, and other persons appointed by the law for
that purpose.

ARTICLE 15.
The people place the judicial power in the hands of a Supreme
Court, Circuit Court, Landrosts, Juries, and such other
persons as shall be entrusted with judicial powers, and leave
all these free to discharge their function according to their
judgment and consciences, according to the laws of the land.

ARTICLE 16.
The people shall receive from the Volksraad an estimate of the
general income and expenses of the State, and learn therefrom
how much every man's taxes shall amount to.

ARTICLE 17.
Potchefstrom, situated on the Mooi River, shall be the capital
of the Republic, and Pretoria the seat of Government.

ARTICLE 18.
All services rendered on behalf of the public are remunerated
by the public.

ARTICLE 19.
Freedom of the press is granted provided the printer and
publisher remain responsible for all the documents which
contain defamation, insult, or attacks against anyone's
character.

ARTICLE 20.
The people shall only appoint as representatives in the
Volksraad those who are members of a Protestant Church.

ARTICLE 21.
The people desire the growth, prosperity, and welfare of the
State, and with this view provision for suitable school
teachers.

ARTICLE 22.
Providing also that in time of peace precautionary measures
are taken to enable the State to wage or withstand a war.

ARTICLE 23.
In case of a hostile attack from outside, everyone, without
distinction, shall be held bound to lend his assistance on the
promulgation of martial law. …

ARTICLE 26.
The Volksraad shall be the highest authority of the country,
and the legislative power.

ARTICLE 27.
No civil servants are to be representatives of the people.

ARTICLE 28.
The Volksraad shall consist of at least twelve members, who
must possess the following qualifications:-They must have
attained the age of thirty years, and be born in the Republic,
or have for fifteen consecutive years been burghers entitled
to vote, be members of a Protestant Church, reside, and
possess immovable property, in the Republic. No persons of
notoriously bad character, or who have had a dishonouring
sentence pronounced against them, and no uncertified or
unrehabilitated insolvents shall be eligible. They may not be
related to each other in the relationship of father and son or
stepson. No coloured persons or bastards shall be admitted
into our Assemblies. In like manner no military officer or
official of the State, who draws a fixed annual or monthly
salary, shall be eligible as member of the Volksraad.

ARTICLE 29.
The members of the Volksraad are elected by a majority of
votes from among the electors of each district. No one shall
be considered as elected who has not obtained at least sixty
votes. Everyone who is born in the country and has attained
the age of twenty-one years, or has become naturalized, shall
be a burgher qualified to vote. The members of the Volksraad
are elected for the period of four years. … [The above
provisions of the Constitution, relating to the Volksraad and
the representation of the people, were modified by the
following among other provisions of an Act of the Volksraad
passed in 1891:

ARTICLE 1.
The legislative power shall rest with a representation of the
people, which shall consist of a First Volksraad and a Second
Volksraad.

{168}

ARTICLE 2.
The First Volksraad shall be the highest authority in the
State, just as the Volksraad was before this law came into
operation. The First Volksraad shall be the body named the
Volksraad until this law came into operation. From the period
of this law coming into operation, the name of that body shall
be altered from the Volksraad to the First Volksraad. The
persons forming that body as members shall, however, remain
the same, only they shall, from the said period, be named
members of the First Volksraad instead of members of the
Volksraad. All laws and resolutions having reference to the
Volksraad and the members thereof shall remain in force and
apply to the First Volksraad and the members thereof, except
in so far as a change is or shall be made by this and later
laws. …

ARTICLE 4.
The number of the members of the Second Volksraad shall be the
same as of the First Volksraad. This number shall be fixed
later by the First Volksraad for both Volksraads. …

ARTICLE 9.
The members of the First Volksraad are chosen by those
enfranchised burghers who have obtained the burgher right,
either before this law came into operation, or thereafter by
birth, and have reached the age of sixteen years. The
franchise for the First Volksraad can besides also be obtained
by those who have during ten years been eligible for the
Second Volksraad, by resolution of the First Volksraad, and
according to rules to be fixed later by law.

ARTICLE 10.
The members of the Second Volksraad are chosen by all
enfranchised burghers who have reached the age of sixteen
years. …

ARTICLE 27.
The Second Volksraad shall have the power to pass further
regulations on the following subjects as is necessary, either
by law or resolution:
(1) The department of mines.
(2) The making and support of wagon and post roads.
(3) The postal department.
(4) The department of telegraphs and telephones.
(5) The protection of inventions, samples and trademarks.
(6) The protection of the right of the author.
(7) The exploitation and support of the woods and salt-pans.
(8) The prevention and coping with contagious diseases.
(9) The condition, the rights, and obligations of companies.
(10) Insolvency.
(11) Civil procedure.
(12) Criminal procedure.
(13) Such other subjects as the First Volksraad shall decide
later by law or resolution, or the First Volksraad shall
specially refer to the Second Volksraad.

ARTICLE 28.
All laws or resolutions accepted by the Second Volksraad are
as soon as possible, that is to say at the outside within
forty-eight hours, communicated both to the First Volksraad
and to the President.

ARTICLE 29.
The President has the right, when he has received notice from
the Second Volksraad of the adoption of a law or a resolution,
to bring that law or resolution before the First Volksraad for
consideration within fourteen days after the receipt of such
notice. The President is in any case bound, after the receipt
of such a notice, to communicate it to the First Volksraad
within the said time.

ARTICLE 30.
If the President has not brought the law or resolution as
communicated before the First Volksraad for consideration, and
the First Volksraad has not on its own part thought it
necessary to take said law or resolution into consideration,
the President shall, unless with the advice and consent of the
Executive Council he thinks it undesirable in the interests of
the State, be bound to have that law or resolution published
in the first succeeding Volksraad, unless within the said
fourteen days the First Volksraad may be adjourned, in which
case the publication in the "Stasts Courant" shall take place
after the lapse of eight days from the commencement of the
first succeeding session of the First Volksraad.

ARTICLE 31.
The law or resolution adopted by the Second Volksraad shall
have no force, unless published by the President in the
"Staats Courant."

ARTICLE 43.
The President shall bring forward for discussion the proposals
for laws which have come in before the Volksraad, whether the
latter have been made known to the public three months before
the commencement of the session, or whether the same have come
in during the session of the Volksraad.

ARTICLE 44.
When the notices of laws and Government notices to the public
have not been given in time, the President shall examine with
whom the blame of that delay lies. A Landrost found guilty
hereof shall have a fine of Rds. 50 inflicted and a
Field-Cornet or lesser official of Rds. 25. …

ARTICLE 56.
The executive power resides in the State President, who is
responsible to the Volksraad. He is chosen by a majority of
the burghers entitled to vote, and for the term of five years.
He is eligible for reelection. He must have attained the age of
thirty years, and need not be a burgher of the State at the
time of his nomination, and must be a member of a Protestant
Church, and have no dishonouring sentence pronounced against
him. [By a subsequent law the President must be chosen from
among the burghers.]

ARTICLE 57.
The President is the first or highest official of the State.
All civil servants are subordinate to him; such, however, as
are charged with exercise of the judicial power are left
altogether free and independent in its exercise.

ARTICLE 58.
As long as the President holds his position as such he shall
fill no other, nor shall he discharge any ecclesiastical
office, nor carry on any business. The President cannot go
outside the boundaries of the State without consent of the
Volksraad. However, the Executive Council shall have the power
to grant him leave to go outside the boundaries of the State
upon private affairs in cases of necessity. …

ARTICLE 60.
The President shall be discharged from his post by the
Volksraad after conviction of misconduct, embezzlement of
public property, treachery, or other serious crimes, and be
treated further according to the laws.

ARTICLE 61.
If in consequence of transgression of the Constitution or
other public misdemeanors the Volksraad resolve that the
President shall be brought to trial, he shall be tried before
a special court composed of the members of the High Court, the
President and another member of the Volksraad, while the State
Attorney acts as Public Prosecutor. The accused shall be
allowed to secure assistance of a lawyer at his choice.

ARTICLE 62.
The President is charged with the proposing of laws to the
Volksraad, whether his own proposals or others which have come
in to him from the people; he must make these proposals known
to the public by means of the "Staats Courant" three months
before presenting them to the Volksraad, together with all
such other documents as are judged useful and necessary by
him.

{169}

ARTICLE 63.
All proposals for a law sent in to the President shall, before
they are published, be judged by the President and Executive
Council as to whether publication is necessary or not.

ARTICLE 64.
The President submits the proposals for laws to the Volksraad,
and charges the official to whose department they belong first
and foremost, with their explanation and defence.

ARTICLE 65.
As soon as the President has received the notice of the
Volksraad that the proposed law is adopted, he shall have that
law published within two months, and after the lapse of a
month, to be reckoned from the publication, he shall take
measures for the execution of the same.

ARTICLE 66.
Proclamation of martial law, as intended in Article 23, shall
only be made by the President with the assent of the members
of the Executive Council. …

ARTICLE 67.
The President, with advice of the Executive Council, declares
war and peace, with reference to Article 66 of the
Constitution; the Government having first, if possible,
summoned the Volksraad before the declaration of war. Treaties
of peace require the ratification of the Volksraad, which is
summoned as soon as possible for that purpose. …

ARTICLE 70.
The President shall submit, yearly, at the opening of the
Volksraad, estimates of general outgoings and income, and
therein indicate how to cover the deficit or apply the
surplus.

ARTICLE 71.
He shall also give a report during that session of that
Volksraad, of his actions during the past year, of the
condition of the Republic and everything that concerns its
general interest. …

ARTICLE 75.
The President and one member of the Executive Council shall,
if possible, visit the towns and villages of the Republic
where Landrost's officers are, once in the year; he shall
examine the state of those offices, inquire into the conduct
of the officials, and on these circuits give the inhabitants
during their stay an opportunity to bring before him anything
they are interested in. …

ARTICLE 82.
The President exercises his power along with the Executive
Council. An Executive Council shall be joined to the
President, consisting of the Commandant-General, two
enfranchised burghers, a Secretary, and a Notekeeper
(notulenhouder), who shall have an equal vote, and bear the
title of members of the Executive Council. The Superintendent
of Native Affairs and the Notekeeper shall be ex-officio
members of the Executive Council. The President and members of
the Executive Council shall have the right to sit, but not to
vote, in the Volksraad. The President is allowed, when
important affairs arise, to invite the head official to be
present in the Executive Council whose department is more
directly concerned with the subject to be treated of. The said
head official shall then have a vote in the Executive Council,
be equally responsible for the resolution taken, and sign it
along with the others.

ARTICLE 83.
According to the intention of Article 82 the following shall
be considered "Head Officials": The State Attorney, Treasurer,
Auditor, Superintendent of Education, Orphan-Master, Registrar
of Deeds, Surveyor-General, Postmaster-General, Head of the
Mining Department, Chief Director of the Telegraph Service,
and Chief of Public Works.

ARTICLE 84.
The President shall be Chairman of the Executive Council, and
in case of an equal division of votes have a casting vote. For
the ratification of sentences of death, or declarations of
war, the unanimous vote of the Executive Council shall be
requisite for a decision. …

ARTICLE 87.
All resolutions of the Executive Council and official letters
of the President must, besides being signed by him, also be
signed by the Secretary of State. The latter is at the same
time responsible that the contents of the resolution, or the
letter, is not in conflict with the existing laws.

ARTICLE 88.
The two enfranchised burghers or members of the Executive
Council contemplated by Article 82 are chosen by the Volksraad
for the period of three years, the Commandant-General for ten
years; they must be members of a Protestant Church, have had
no sentence in a criminal court to their discredit, and have
reached the age of thirty years.

ARTICLE 89.
The Secretary of State is chosen also by the Volksraad, but is
appointed for the period of four years. On resignation or
expiration of his term he is re-eligible. He must be a member
of a Protestant Church, have had no sentence in a criminal
court to his discredit, possess fixed property in the
Republic, and have reached the age of thirty years. …

ARTICLE 93.
The military force consists of all the men of this Republic
capable of bearing arms, and if necessary of all those of the
natives within its boundaries whose chiefs are subject to it.

ARTICLE 94.
Besides the armed force of burghers to be called up in times
of disturbance or war, there exists a general police and corps
of artillery, for which each year a fixed sum is drawn upon
the estimates.

ARTICLE 95.
The men of the white people capable of bearing arms are all
men between the ages of sixteen and sixty years; and of the
natives, only those which are capable of being made
serviceable in the war.

ARTICLE 96.
For the subdivision of the military force the territory of
this Republic is divided into field-cornetcies and districts.
…

ARTICLE 97.
The men are under the orders of the following officers,
ascending in rank: Assistant Field-Cornets, Field-Cornets,
Commandants, and a Commandant-General.

_Selected Official Documents of the South African Republic
and Great Britain (Supplement to the Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science,
July, 1900)._

--CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: End--

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA: The revision of 1895-6.
Disfranchisement provision.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.

CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH DAKOTA:
Amendment introducing the Initiative and Referendum.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

CONSTITUTION OF SWITZERLAND:
Amendments.

See (in this volume)
SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.

{170}

CONSTITUTION OF UTAH.

See (in this volume)
UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

CONWAY, Sir W. Martin:
Explorations of Spitzbergen.

See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897.

COOK, or HERVEY ISLANDS:
Annexation to New Zealand.

See (in this volume)
NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

COOMASSIE,
KUMASSI:
Occupation by the British.
Siege and relief.

See (in this volume)
ASHANTI.

COPTIC CHURCH:
Authority of the Pope re-established.

See (in this volume)
PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

COREA.

See (in this volume)
KOREA.

CORNWALL AND YORK, The Duke of.

See (in this volume)
WALES, THE PRINCE OF.

COSTA RICA.

See (in this volume)
CENTRAL AMERICA.

COTTON-MILL STRIKE, New England.

See (in this volume)
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

COTTON STATES EXPOSITION, The.

See (in this volume)
ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

COURT OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.

CREEKS, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume)
INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CRETE:
Recent archæological explorations.
Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos and
the Cretan Labyrinth.
Fresh light on the origin of the Alphabet.

See (in this volume)
ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

CRETE: A. D. 1896.
Conflict between Christians and Mussulmans,
and its preceding causes.

See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

CRETE: A. D. 1897.
Fresh conflicts.
Reports of the British Consul-General and others.
Greek interference and demands for annexation to Greece.
Action of the Great Powers.
Blockade of the island.

See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CRETE: A. D. 1897.
Withdrawal of Greek troops.
Acceptance of autonomy by the Greek government.

See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CRETE: A. D. 1897-1898.
Prolonged anarchy, and blockade by the Powers.
Final departure of Turkish troops and officials.
Government established under Prince George of Greece.

See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CRETE: A. D. 1901.
Successful administration of Prince George of Greece.

See (in this volume)
TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

CRISPI, Signor:
Ministry.

See (in this volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

CRISPI, Signor:
Parliamentary investigation of charges against.

See (in this volume)
ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

CROKER, "Boss."

See (in this volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1897.

CROMER, Viscount:
Administration in Egypt.

See (in this volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

CROMWELL, Oliver, Proposed statue of.

A proposal in the English House of Commons, in 1895, to vote
£500 for a statue of Cromwell was so violently opposed by the
Irish members that the government was compelled to withdraw
the item from the estimates.

CRONJE, General Piet:
In the South African war.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CROZIER, Captain William:
American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.

----------CUBA: Start--------

[Image: Map of Cuba and West Indies.

CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.
Ten years of insurrection.
The United States and Spain.
The Affair of the Virginius.
End of Slavery.

"The abolition of slavery in the southern states left the
Spanish Antilles in the enjoyment of a monopoly of slave
labor, which, in the production of sugar, especially, gave
them advantages which overcame all competition. This led to
the formation of a strong Spanish party, for whom the cause of
slavery and that of Spanish dominion were identical. These
were known as Peninsulars or Spanish immigrants. They were the
official class, the wealthy planters and slave-owners, and the
real rulers of Cuba. Their central organization was the Casino
Espagñol of Havana, which was copied in all the towns of the
island, and through these clubs they controlled the
volunteers, who at times numbered 60,000 or 70,000. … These
volunteers never took the field, but held possession of all
the cities and towns, and thus were able to defy even the
captain-general. They were obedient to his orders only so long
as he was acting in close accord with the wishes of their
party. On the other hand, there was a party composed of
Creoles, or native Cubans, whose cry was 'Cuba for the
Cubans!' and who hoped to effect the complete separation of
the island from Spain, either through their own efforts or
through the assistance of the United States. …

"The Spanish revolution of September, 1868, was the signal for
an uprising of the native or Creole party in the eastern part
of the island under the leadership of Cespedes. This movement
was not at first ostensibly for independence, but for the
revolution in Spain, the cries being, 'Hurrah for Prim!'
'Hurrah for the Revolution!' Its real character was, however,
apparent from the first, and its supporters continued for a
period of ten years, without regard to the numerous
vicissitudes through which the Spanish Government passed—the
provisional government, the regency, the elective monarchy,
the republic, and the restored Bourbon dynasty—to wage a
dogged, though desultory warfare against the constituted
authorities of the island. This struggle was almost
conterminous with President Grant's Administration of eight
years."
{171}
President Grant made early offers of mediation between Spain
and the insurgents, but no agreement as to terms could be
reached. An increasing sympathy with the Cubans raised demands
in the United States for their recognition as belligerents,
with belligerent rights, and the President is said to have
been ready to yield to the demand, but was deterred by the
influence of his Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, who contended
that the insurgents had established no government that could
claim such rights. The Cuban sympathizers in Congress were
accordingly checked by an opposing message (June 13, 1870),
and no interference occurred.

"In February, 1873, when King Amadeus resigned his crown and a
republic was proclaimed in Spain, the United States made haste to
give the new government recognition and support, which led to
friendly relations between the two countries for a time, and
promised happy results. The Spanish republicans were being
urged to give the Cubans self-government and end slavery in
the whole Spanish domain, and they were lending, at least, a
considerate ear to the advice. But negotiation on that topic
was soon disturbed. On October 31, 1873, the steamer
'Virginius,' sailing under American colors and carrying a
United States registry, was captured on the high seas by the
'Tornado,' a Spanish war vessel, and on the afternoon of the
first of November taken into the port of Santiago de Cuba. The
men and supplies she bore were bound for the insurgents, but
the capture did not occur in Cuban waters. General Burriel,
the commandant of the city, summoned a court-martial, and, in
spite of the protests of the American consul, condemned to
death—at the first sitting—four of the passengers—General W.
A. C. Ryan, an Irish patriot, and three Cubans. They were shot
on the morning of November 4. On the 7th twelve other
passengers were executed, and on the 8th Captain Fry and his
entire crew, numbering 36, making the total number of
executions 53." This barbarous procedure caused hot excitement
in the United States, and demands for reparation were made so
sharply that the two countries came near to war. In the end it
was shown that the "Virginius" was sailing under the American
flag without right, being owned by Cubans and controlled by
them. The vessel was surrendered, however, but foundered off
Cape Fear, while being conveyed to the United States. Her
surviving passengers were released, and an indemnity was paid
for all who were put to death. The brutal officer who took
their lives was never brought to justice, though his
punishment was promised again and again. On the settlement of
the Virginius question, the government of the United States
resumed its efforts to wring concessions to the Cubans from
Spain, and sought to have its efforts supported by Great
Britain and other European powers. Cold replies came from all
the cabinets that were approached. At the same time, the
Spanish government met the demand from America with promises
so lavish (April, 1876), going so far in appearance towards
all that had been asked, that no ground for intervention
seemed left. The act of Secretary Fish, in proposing
intervention to foreign powers, was sharply criticised as a
breach of the Monroe doctrine; but he made no defense.

"The Cuban struggle continued for two years longer. In
October, 1877, several leaders surrendered to the Spanish
authorities and undertook the task of bringing over the few
remaining ones. Some of these paid for their efforts with
their lives, being taken and condemned by court-martial, by
order of the commander of the Cuban forces. Finally, in
February, 1878, the terms of pacification [under an agreement
called the Treaty of El Zanjon] were made known. They embraced
representation in the Spanish Cortes, oblivion of the past as
regarded political offences committed since the year 1868, and
the freedom of slaves in the insurgent ranks. In practice,
however, the Cuban deputies were never truly representative,
but were men of Spanish birth, designated usually by the
captain-general. By gradual emancipation, slavery ceased to
exist in the island in 1885. The powers of the
captain-general, the most objectionable feature of Spanish
rule, continued uncurtailed."

_J. H. Latané,
The Diplomatic Relations of the United States
and Spanish America,
chapter 3._

CUBA: A. D. 1895.
Insurrection renewed.

Early in 1895 a new uprising of the oppressed Cubans was
begun, and on the 7th of December, in that year, T. Estrada
Palma, writing as their authorized representative, presented
to the State Department at Washington a statement setting
forth the causes of the revolt and describing its state of
organization at that time. The causes, he wrote, "are
substantially the same as those of the former revolution,
lasting from 1868 to 1878, and terminating only on the
representation of the Spanish Government that Cuba would be
granted such reforms as would remove the grounds of complaint
on the part of the Cuban people. Unfortunately the hopes thus
held out have never been realized. The representation which
was to be given the Cubans has proved to be absolutely without
character; taxes have been levied anew on everything
conceivable; the offices in the island have increased, but the
officers are all Spaniards; the native Cubans have been left
with no public duties whatsoever to perform, except the
payment of taxes to the Government and blackmail to the
officials, without privilege even to move from place to place
in the island except on the permission of the governmental
authority. Spain has framed laws so that the natives have
substantially been deprived of the right of suffrage. The
taxes levied have been almost entirely devoted to support the
army and navy in Cuba, to pay interest on the debt that Spain
has saddled on the island, and to pay the salaries of the vast
number of Spanish officeholders, devoting only $746,000 for
internal improvements out of the $26,000,000 collected by tax.
No public schools are within reach of the masses for their
education. All the principal industries of the island are
hampered by excessive imposts. Her commerce with every country
but Spain has been crippled in every possible manner, as can
readily be seen by the frequent protests of shipowners and
merchants. The Cubans have no security of person or property.
The judiciary are instruments of the military authorities.
Trial by military tribunals can be ordered at any time at the
will of the Captain-General. There is, beside, no freedom of
speech, press, or religion. In point of fact, the causes of
the Revolution of 1775 in this country were not nearly as
grave as those that have driven the Cuban people to the
various insurrections which culminated in the present
revolution. …

{172}

"Years before the outbreak of the present hostilities the
people within and without the island began to organize, with a
view of preparing for the inevitable revolution, being
satisfied, after repeated and patient endeavors, that peaceful
petition was fruitless. In order that the movement should be
strong from the beginning, and organized both as to civil and
military administration, the Cuban Revolutionary party was
founded, with José Marti at its head. The principal objects
were by united efforts to obtain the absolute independence of
Cuba, to promote the sympathy of other countries, to collect
funds with these objects in view, and to invest them in
munitions of war. The military organization of this movement
was completed by the election of Maximo Gomez as commander in
chief. This election was made by the principal officers who
fought in the last revolution. The time for the uprising was
fixed at the solicitation of the people in Cuba, who protested
that there was no hope of autonomy, and that their deposits of
arms and ammunition were in danger of being discovered and
their leaders arrested. A large amount of war material was
then bought by Marti, and vessels chartered to transport it to
Cuba, where arrangements were made for its reception in the
provinces of Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara; but
at Fernandina, Florida, it was seized by the United States
authorities. Efforts were successfully made for the
restitution of this material; nevertheless valuable time and
opportunity was thus lost. The people in Cuba clamored for the
revolution to proceed immediately, and in consequence the
uprising was not further postponed. The date fixed for the
uprising was the 24th of February. The people responded in
Santiago, Santa Clara, and Matanzas. The provinces of Puerto
Principe and Pinar del Rio did not respond, owing to lack of
arms. In Puerto Principe rigorous search had previous to the
24th been instituted, and all arms and ammunition confiscated
by the Government. The leaders in the provinces of Matanzas
and Santa Clara were imprisoned, and so the movement there was
checked for the time being. … In the province of Santiago the
revolution rapidly increased in strength under the leadership
of Bartolome Masso; one of the most influential and respected
citizens of Manzanillo; Guillermo Moncada, Jesus Rabi, Pedro
Perez, Jose Miro, and others. It was characterized by the
Spanish Government as a negro and bandit movement, but many of
the most distinguished and wealthy white citizens of the
district flocked to the insurgent camp. …

On the 1st of April, Generals Antonio and José Maceo, Flor
Crombet, and Augustin Cebreco, all veteran leaders in the
former revolt, landed at Duaba, in the province of Santiago,
and thousands rose to join them. Antonio Maceo then took
command of the troops in that province, and on the 11th of
April a detachment received Generals Maximo Gomez, José Marti,
Francisco Borrerro, and Angel Guerra. Captain-General Calleja
was, on the 16th of April, succeeded by General Arsenio
Martinez Campos, the present commander in chief of the Spanish
forces, who has the reputation of being Spain's greatest living
general. … The military organization of the Cubans is ample
and complete. Major General Maximo Gomez is the commander in
chief, as we have said, of all the forces, a veteran of the
last revolution, as indeed are all the generals almost without
exception. Major General Antonio Maceo is second in command of
the army of liberation, and was, until called upon to
cooperate with the commander in chief in the late march to the
western province, in command of Santiago. The army is at
present divided into five corps—two in Santiago, one in Puerto
Principe, and two in Santa Clara and Matanzas. …

"As above indicated, Jose Marti was the head of the
preliminary civil organization, and he, immediately upon
landing with Gomez in Cuba, issued a call for the selection of
representatives of the Cuban people to form a civil
government. His death [in an engagement at Boca de Dos Rios,
May 19] postponed for a time the selection of these men, but
in the beginning of September the call previously issued was
complied with. Representatives from each of the provinces of
Santiago, Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and the western part
of the island, comprising the provinces of Matanzas and
Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent
assembly, which was to establish a civil government,
republican in form. … A constitution of the Republic of Cuba
was adopted on the 16th of September. … On the 18th of
September … officers of the Government were elected by the
constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the
constitution. …

"The Spaniards charge, in order to belittle the insurrection,
that it is a movement of negroes. It should be remembered that
not more than one-third of the entire population are of the
colored race. As a matter of fact, less than one-third of the
army are of the colored race. Take, for instance, the generals
of corps, divisions, and brigades; there are but three of the
colored race, namely, Antonio and José Maceo and Augustin
Cebreco, and these are mulattoes whose deeds and victories
have placed them far above the generals of those who pretend
to despise them. None of the members of the constituent
assembly or of the government are of the colored race. The
Cubans and the colored race are as friendly in this war as
they were in times of peace. …

"The subject … which has caused probably the most discussion
is the order of General Gomez to prevent the grinding of sugar
cane and in case of the disobedience of said order the
destruction of the crop. … The reasons underlying this measure
are the same which caused this country to destroy the cotton
crop and the baled cotton in the South during the war of the
secession. The sugar crop is a source of large income to the
Spanish Government, directly by tax and export duty, as well
as indirectly. The action of the insurgents is perfect]y
justified, because it is simply a blockade, so to speak, on
land—a prevention of the gathering, and hence the export, of
the commodity with, naturally, a punishment for the violation
thereof. …

{173}

"In view of the history of this revolution as herein stated,
in view of the causes which led to it, its rapid growth, its
successes in arms, the establishment, operation, and resources
of the Government of the Cuban Republic, the organization,
number, and discipline of its army, the contrast in the
treatment of prisoners to that of the enemy, the territory in
its control and subject to the carrying out of its decrees, of
the futility of the attempts of the Spanish Government to crush
the revolution, in spite of the immense increase of its army
in Cuba and of its blockade and the many millions spent for
that purpose, the cruelties which on the part of the Spanish
have especially characterized this sanguinary and fiercely
conducted war, and the damage to the interests of the citizens
of this country under the present conditions, I, as the duly
accredited representative, in the name of the Cuban people in
arms who have fought singly and alone against the monarchy of
Spain for nearly a year, in the heart of a continent devoted
to republican institutions, in the name of justice, in the
name of humanity, in the name of liberty, petition you, and
through you the Government of the United States of America, to
accord the rights of belligerency to a people fighting for
their absolute independence."

_United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,
Senate Document Number 166._

CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.
Captain-General Campos succeeded by General Weyler.
Weyler's Concentration Order and other edicts.
Death of Antonio Maceo.
Weyler succeeded by Blanco.

In January, 1896, Governor and Captain-General Campos, whose
policy had been as humane and conciliatory as his Spanish
surroundings would permit it to be, was recalled, and Don
Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, Marquis of Teneriffe, and lately
Captain-General of Catalonia, was sent to take his place.
General Weyler arrived at Havana on the 10th of February, and
six days later, before he could possibly have acquired any
personal knowledge of the conditions with which he had to
deal, he issued three military edicts, in which a policy of
merciless ruin to the island was broadly set forth. The first
of these edicts or proclamations commanded as follows:

"Article 1.
All inhabitants of the district of Sancti Spiritus and the
provinces of Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba will have to
concentrate in places which are the headquarters of a
division, a brigade, a column, or a troop, and will have to be
provided with documentary proof of identity, within eight days
of the publication of this proclamation in the municipalities.

"Article 2.
To travel in the country in the radius covered by the columns
in operation, it is absolutely indispensable to have a pass
from the mayor, military commandants, or chiefs of
detachments. Anyone lacking this will be detained and sent to
headquarters of divisions or brigades, and thence to Havana,
at my disposition, by the first possible means. Even if a pass
is exhibited, which is suspected to be not authentic or granted
by authority to person with known sympathy toward the
rebellion, or who show favor thereto, rigorous measures will
result to those responsible.

"Article 3.
All owners of commercial establishments in the country
districts will vacate them, and the chiefs of columns will
take such measures as the success of their operations dictates
regarding such places which, while useless for the country's
wealth, serve the enemy as hiding places in the woods and in
the interior.

"Article 4.
All passes hitherto issued hereby become null and void."

The order of "concentration" contained in the first article of
this decree was slowly executed, but ultimately it produced
horrors of suffering and death which words could hardly
describe. The second of Weyler's edicts delegated his own
unlimited "judicial attributes," for the enforcement of the
"military code of justice," to certain subordinate commanders,
and gave sharp directions for their exercise. The third
specified a large number of offenses as being "subject to
military law," including in the category every use of tongue
or pen that could be construed as "favorable to the
rebellion," or as injurious to the "prestige" of the Spanish
army, or "the volunteers, or firemen, or any other force that
co-operates with the army." It is said to have been nearly a
year before the Weyler policy of "concentration" was generally
carried out; but even before that occurred the misery of the
country had become very great. Both parties in the war were
recklessly laying waste the land. The insurgent leaders had
published orders for a total destruction of sugar factories
and plantations, because the product supplied revenues to
Spain; and now the Spanish governor struck all traffic and
industry down in the rural districts, by driving the
inhabitants from their homes and fields, to concentrate and
pen them up in certain prescribed places, with practically no
provision for employment, or shelter or food. At the close of
the year 1896 the state of suffering in the island was not yet
at its worst; but already it was riveting the attention of the
neighboring people of the United States, exciting a hot
feeling against Spain and a growing desire for measures on the
part of the American government to bring it to an end.
Repeated attempts had already been made by frothy politicians
in Congress to force the country into an attitude toward Spain
that would challenge war; but the Executive, supported by a
congressional majority, and by the better opinion of the
American public, adhered with firmness to a policy which aimed
at the exhausting of pacific influences in favor of the Cuban
cause. In his annual message to Congress at the opening of the
session in December, 1896, President Cleveland set forth the
situation in the following words:

"It is difficult to perceive that any progress has thus far
been made towards the pacification of the island. … If Spain
still holds Havana and the seaports and all the considerable
towns, the insurgents still roam at will over at least
two-thirds of the inland country. If the determination of
Spain to put down the insurrection seems but to strengthen
with the lapse of time, and is evinced by her unhesitating
devotion of largely increased military and naval forces to the
task, there is much reason to believe that the insurgents have
gained in point of numbers, and character, and resources, and
are none the less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb,
without practically securing the great objects for which they
took up arms. If Spain has not yet re-established her
authority, neither have the insurgents yet made good their
title to be regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the
contest has gone on, the pretense that civil government exists
on the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it,
has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot such a
government, more or less imperfectly, in the large towns and
their immediate suburbs. But, that exception being made, the
entire country is either given over to anarchy or is subject
to the military occupation of one or the other party. … In
pursuance of general orders, Spanish garrisons are now being
withdrawn from plantations and the rural population required
to concentrate itself in the towns. The sure result would seem
to be that the industrial value of the island is fast
diminishing, and that unless there is a speedy and radical
change in existing conditions, it will soon disappear
altogether. …

{174}

"The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining country, by
nature one of the most fertile and charming on the globe,
would engage the serious attention of the Government and
people of the United States in any circumstances. In point of
fact, they have a concern with it which is by no means of a
wholly sentimental or philanthropic character. It lies so near
to us as to be hardly separated from our territory. Our actual
pecuniary interest in it is second only to that of the people
and Government of Spain. It is reasonably estimated that at
least from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of American capital are
invested in plantations and in railroad, mining, and other
business enterprises on the island. The volume of trade
between the United States and Cuba, which in 1889 amounted to
about $64,000,000, rose in 1893 to about $103,000,000, and in
1894, the year before the present insurrection broke out,
amounted to nearly $96,000,000. Besides this large pecuniary
stake in the fortunes of Cuba, the United States finds itself
inextricably involved in the present contest in other ways
both vexatious and costly. … These inevitable entanglements of
the United States with the rebellion in Cuba, the large
American property interests affected, and considerations of
philanthropy and humanity in general, have led to a vehement
demand in various quarters, for some sort of positive
intervention on the part of the United States. …

"It would seem that if Spain should offer to Cuba genuine
autonomy—a measure of home rule which, while preserving the
sovereignty of Spain, would satisfy all rational requirements
of her Spanish subjects—there should be no just reason why the
pacification of the island might not be effected on that
basis. Such a result would appear to be in the true interest
of all concerned. … It has been objected on the one side that
Spain should not promise autonomy until her insurgent subjects
lay down their arms; on the other side, that promised
autonomy, however liberal, is insufficient, because without
assurance of the promise being fulfilled. … Realizing that
suspicions and precautions on the part of the weaker of two
combatants are always natural and not always
unjustifiable—being sincerely desirous in the interest of both
as well as on its own account that the Cuban problem should be
solved with the least possible delay—it was intimated by this
Government to the Government of Spain some months ago that, if
a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered the Cuban
insurgents, and would be accepted by them upon a guaranty of
its execution, the United States would endeavor to find a way
not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such guaranty. While
no definite response to this intimation has yet been received
from the Spanish Government, it is believed to be not
altogether unwelcome, while, as already suggested, no reason
is perceived why it should not be approved by the insurgents. …

"It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed that
the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will be
indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord all
due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view the
pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend
our inevitably close relations to it, and its possible
results, without considering that by the course of events we
may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition,
as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end
the contest, either alone and in her own way, or with our
friendly co-operation."