Chapter XCII: Section 29 (12)

Mr. Chamberlain said: "Lord Roberts's proclamation was to the
effect that, in the first instance, general officers were
authorized to burn down farmhouses as a punishment in cases in
which they were used as fortified places or places for the
concealment of arms, or in which the white flag had been
improperly used, or where they had been the scenes of gross
treachery and of acts contrary to the laws of war. As a matter
of right and morality, the Government are prepared to sustain
Lord Roberts absolutely. … Lord Roberts was placed in the most
difficult position in which a general could possibly be
placed. He had his base 1,500 miles away at least from his
front, through a most difficult country, and he was served
only by a single line of railway, and any catastrophe to the
railway might have meant a catastrophe to the whole army. It
is all very well to talk of humanity, but you must take first
account of our own people.
{506}
Now, Sir, it was of the first importance, it was the clear
duty of Lord Roberts, to take any steps in his power to
prevent the cutting of the line and the danger which would
thereby accrue to his force, and he accordingly issued a
proclamation that in the case of the destruction of the line
persons in the vicinity would be held responsible, and that
farmhouses in the vicinity might be destroyed. We understood
his proclamation to mean that he would require evidence of
some complicity on the part of the persons whose farmhouses
were destroyed. … We inquired the other day, when the matter
assumed greater importance, whether the construction we
placed upon the proclamation was true, and we have a reply
from Lord Kitchener, who has now taken the place of Lord
Roberts, that we are perfectly right in that assumption. …
According to the proclamation of Lord Roberts, whose humanity
is proverbial, and who therefore could not under any
circumstances be accused of unnecessary cruelty, cattle are
always to be paid for by the troops, or a receipt given,
which is as good as payment, except in those cases in which
the owner of the cattle has been guilty of acts of war or of
outrages which are punishable by all civilized nations who
are at war. Therefore the taking of cattle does not mean
necessarily that the owner of the cattle is placed in the
impossibility of continuing his occupation. If he has not got
the cattle he has got the money for them except in the cases
in which destruction has taken place as a punitive measure.
In all other cases the instructions are precise, and I
believe from all the information we have obtained from the
reports of the generals in the field they have been strictly
carried out. Never in the history of war has war been carried
out with so much humanity on the part of the officers and of
the soldiers concerned as in the present war. The honourable
member also spoke of the deportation of women. That sounds
like something serious, but I believe it will be found that
it is only for their own protection. If we are unable in this
vast country to occupy and garrison every bit of it, when our
troops are removed, if women and children are left alone they
remain there in some danger—in danger from those marauding
bands of which I have spoken and also from the vast native
population. And, Sir, this native population is answerable, I
believe, for every case of proved outrage either upon women
or children. I believe, and the last reports we have received
confirm that belief, that in no case has a British soldier
been justly accused of such an outrage."

The following proclamation, issued by Lord Roberts, November
18, seems to indicate that there had been practices in
farm-burning, before that time, which he could not approve:
"As there appears to be some misunderstanding with reference
to burning of farms and breaking of dams, Commander-in-Chief
wishes following to be lines on which General Officers
Commanding are to act:—No farm is to be burnt except for act
of treachery, or when troops have been fired on from premises,
or as punishment for breaking of telegraph or railway line, or
when they have been used as bases of operations for raids, and
then only with direct consent of General Officer Commanding,
which is to be given in writing, the mere fact of a burgher
being absent on commando is on no account to be used as reason
for burning the house. All cattle, wagons, and foodstuffs are
to be removed from all farms; if that is found to be
impossible, they are to be destroyed, whether owner be present
or not."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
Cd. 426, 1900, page 23._

SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1900 (September).
Protectorate over Barotsiland.

The "Cape Times" of September 19, 1900, stated that a
"Government Gazette Extraordinary" had been issued containing
an Order in Council proclaiming a protectorate over
Barotsiland—North-Western Rhodesia. "The limits of the country
included in the protectorate are the parts of Africa bounded
by the River Zambesi, the German South-West African
Protectorate, the Portuguese possessions, the Congo Free
State, and the Kafukwe or Loengi River. The Order provides
that the British South Africa Company may nominate officials
to govern the territory, and that these are to be confirmed by
the High Commissioner. The High Commissioner may, amongst
other things, from time to time by proclamation provide for
the administration of justice, the raising of revenue by the
imposition of taxes (which may include a tax in respect of the
occupation of native huts), and Customs duties or otherwise,
and generally for the peace, order, and good government of all
persons within the limits of the order, including the
prohibition and punishment of acts tending to disturb the
public peace. The expenses of the administration of this
country, if not entirely borne by the revenues of the country,
will be borne by the British South Africa Company, and if the
revenue more than meet the expenses, the excess will be paid
to the Chartered Company."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (September).
Leave of absence to President Kruger.
His departure for Europe.
Proclamation of Lord Roberts.

The following proclamation by the Executive Council of the
Boer government was issued from Nelspruit on the 10th of
September, 1900: "Whereas the advanced age of His Honour the
State President makes it impossible for His Honour further to
accompany the Commandos; and whereas the Executive Council is
convinced that the highly-valued services of His Honour can
still be usefully applied in the interest of Land and People,
the Executive Council hereby determines to grant His Honour
leave of absence to Europe for the period of six months, in
order still to advance our cause there, and Mr. S. W. Burger,
Vice-President, takes his place according to law.
[Signed] S. W. BURGER, Vice President.
F. W. REITZ, State Secretary."

Lord Roberts seems to have regarded the acceptance of this
"leave of absence" by President Kruger as equivalent to a
resignation of his office; for he published, on the 14th of
September, a proclamation in the following words:

"The late President, Mr. Kruger, and Mr. Reitz, with the
archives of the South African Republic, have crossed the
Portuguese frontier, and arrived at Lourenço Marques with a
view to sailing for Europe at an early date. Mr. Kruger has
formally resigned the position he held as President of the
South African Republic, thus severing his official connection
with the Transvaal. Mr. Kruger's action shows how hopeless in
his opinion is the war which has now been carried on for
nearly a year, and his desertion of the Boer cause should make
it clear to his fellow burghers that it is useless for them to
continue the struggle any longer.

{507}

"It is probably unknown to the inhabitants of the Transvaal
and Orange River Colony that nearly 15,000 of their
fellow-subjects are now prisoners of war, not one of whom will
be released until those now in arms against us surrender
unconditionally. The burghers must by this time be cognisant
of the fact that no intervention on their behalf can come from
any of the Great Powers, and, further, that the British Empire
is determined to complete the work which has already cost her
so many valuable lives, and to carry to its conclusion the war
declared against her by the late Governments of the South
African Republic and Orange Free State, a war to which there
can be but one ending. If any further doubts remain in the
minds of the burghers as to Her Britannic Majesty's
intentions, they should be dispelled by the permanent manner
in which the country is gradually being occupied by Her
Majesty's Forces, and by the issue of the Proclamations signed
by me on the 24th May and 1st September 1900, annexing the
Orange Free State and the South African Republic respectively,
in the name of Her Majesty.

"I take this opportunity of pointing out that, except in the
small area occupied by the Boer army under the personal
command of Commandant-General Botha, the war is degenerating,
and has degenerated, into operations carried on in an
irregular and irresponsible manner by small, and in very many
cases, insignificant bodies of men. I should be failing in my
duty to Her Majesty's Government and to Her Majesty's Army in
South Africa if I neglected to use every means in my power to
bring such irregular warfare to an early conclusion. The means
which I am compelled to adopt are those which the customs of
war prescribe as being applicable to such cases. They are
ruinous to the country, and entail endless suffering on the
burghers and their families, and the longer this guerrilla
warfare continues the more vigorously must they be enforced."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command:
1900, Cd. 420, page 78, and Cd. 426, page 17._

SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (October).
Proclamation of annexation to the British Dominions.

In terms similar to those used in proclaiming the annexation
of the Orange Free State (see above: MAY) the annexation of
the Transvaal to the Dominions of Her British Majesty was
proclaimed with great ceremony at Pretoria on the 25th of
October.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (November).
Return of Lord Roberts to England, leaving Lord Kitchener
in command.

Having been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the British Army,
in the place of Lord Wolseley, Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, on
the 29th of November, delivered the command in South Africa to
Lord Kitchener, and returned to England. At the same time,
Lord Kitchener was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and the Transvaal:
A. D. 1900 (December).
Afrikander Congress.
Lord Kitchener to the burghers of Pretoria.

From 6,000 to 8,000 persons were reported to be in attendance
at an "Afrikander Congress," held at Worcester, in Cape
Colony, December 6, which adopted the following resolutions:

"1. We men and women of South Africa assembled and represented
here, having heard the report of the people's deputation to
England, and having taken into earnest consideration the
deplorable condition into which the people of South Africa
have been plunged, and the grave danger threatening our
civilization, record our solemn conviction that the highest
interests of South Africa demand, first, the termination of
the war now raging with untold misery and horror, such as the
burning of houses, the devastation of the country, the
extermination of the white nationality, and the treatment to
which women and children are subjected, which will leave a
lasting heritage of bitterness and hatred, while seriously
endangering further relations between civilization and
barbarism in South Africa; secondly, the retention by the
Republics of their independence, whereby alone the peace of
South Africa can be maintained.

2. The congress desires full recognition of the right of the
people of this colony under its Constitution to settle and
manage their own affairs and to express grave disapproval of
the policy pursued and the attitude adopted in this matter by
the Governor and High Commissioner, his Excellency Sir Alfred
Milner.

3. The congress solemnly pledges itself to labour in a
constitutional way unceasingly for the above resolutions, and
resolves to send a deputation to his Excellency Sir Alfred
Milner, asking him to bring the resolutions officially to the
notice of her Majesty's Government."

On the 21st of December Lord Kitchener addressed a meeting, at
Pretoria, of burghers who had surrendered to the British and
who desired to bring about peace. In his remarks he was
reported to have said: "The Boers had fought a good fight, but
they were overpowered. There would be no dishonour in the
leaders recognizing this fact. The proclamations that had been
issued were of little use, as means were adopted to prevent
them from reaching the burghers. He trusted that the committee
would endeavour to acquaint the Boers in the field with the
true position. He desired to give them every chance to
surrender voluntarily, and to finish the war by the most
humane means possible. If the conciliatory methods now being
adopted failed he had other means which he would be obliged to
exercise. He would give the committee notice if the time
arrived to consider conciliation as a failure. The principal
difficulties were that burghers desirous of surrendering were
afraid they would not be allowed to remain in their own
districts or that they would be punished for violating their
oath of neutrality. General Kitchener declared that he had
issued instructions that burghers who surrendered would, with
their families and stock, be protected in their own districts.
Those who had broken the oath of neutrality under compulsion
would be accorded the same treatment. Deserted women and
children would be kept in laagers, where their friends could
freely join them. It was essential to clear the country. While
food remained the commandos were enabled to continue in the
field. General Kitchener added that it must be understood that
the British would not be responsible for stock unless it was
brought in and kept within protected limits. In conclusion
General Kitchener said that he had come to speak to the
burghers personally in order that they might be able to tell
their friends what they had heard from his own lips."

{508}

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (December).
Numbers of British troops employed in the war from the
beginning, and their losses.

See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

SOUTH AFRICA: British Colonies: A. D. 1901 (January).
New heads of the Colonial Governments.

The following appointments were announced by the British
Colonial Office on the 4th of January, 1901: Sir Alfred Milner
to be Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.
The Honourable Sir Walter Francis Hely-Hutchinson (Governor of
Natal and Zululand since 1893) to be Governor of Cape Colony.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Henry C. McCallum (Governor of
Newfoundland since 1898, and aide-de-camp to the Queen since
1900) to be Governor of Natal. Major Hamilton John Goold-Adams
(Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate) to be
Lieutenant-Governor of the Orange River Colony.

SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1901 (January).
Boer invasion.
Declaration of martial law.

On New Year's Day, 1901, the Cape Town correspondent of the
"London Times" was compelled to write: "The immediate aspect
of affairs in Cape Colony at the opening of the new year is
scarcely less gloomy than at the beginning of 1900. The number
of Boers invading the country to-day may be less than it was a
year ago, but they have penetrated further south, and their
presence near such centres of hostile Dutch feeling as Graaf
Reinet constitutes an element of danger which was not present
last January. The proclamation issued this morning by the High
Commissioner calling for volunteers to defend the lines of
communication proves that the military authorities are at last
alive to the critical nature of the situation, but the measure
comes very late in the day."

On the 17th of January a cable message from Cape Town
announced: "An extraordinary gazette issued this afternoon
contains a proclamation placing the whole of the Cape Colony
under martial law, with the exception of the Cape Town,
Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth and East London districts
and the territories of the Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand and
East Pondoland. The gazette also states that the
peace-preservation act will be enforced in the Cape Colony,
Wynberg and Simonstown districts. Under this act all the civil
population will be called upon to deliver up their arms."

SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1901 (January).
Peace movement.
Condition of country described.
Defiant proclamation of Steyn and De Wet.

Early in January, a "Central Peace Committee," formed at
Kroonstad, addressed an open letter to their fellow citizens,
appealing for submission and peace, saying: "The country is
literally one vast wilderness. The farmers are obliged to go
to the towns for protection, and huge refugee camps have been
formed by the British for them and their families. These
people have lost everything, and ruin and starvation stare
them in the face. All this misery is caused by a small and
obstinate minority, who will not bow to the inevitable and who
make the majority suffer. Any encouragement to the men still
on commando to continue the hopeless struggle can only injure
us and cause us further misery. We have done our best and
fought to get Africa under one flag, and we have lost. Let
there be no mistake about this. England has spent millions and
sacrificed thousands of lives, and no reasonable being can
believe for one moment that she will now give up the fruits of
victory. It is, therefore, a duty for us, her beaten foe, to
accept the terms offered by our conqueror. … We appeal to you
and ask you to appoint another congress, and nominate men of
influence out of your midst to visit Mr. Steyn and General De
Wet, and try to persuade them to accept the terms offered by
England. These two men are the only obstacles to peace. We ask
you to believe us when we say that Mr. Kruger and the late
Transvaal Government have been willing twice already to accept
British terms, but Mr. Steyn refused to have anything to do
with surrender. He continued the war and encouraged the
burghers in the hope that we should get European assistance.
To-day he is cut off from all communication with the outside
world. You know and we know how unfounded that hope is and it
is your duty to assist us to make him understand this. We
appeal to you to help us to make an end to this unhappy state
of affairs, which is plunging everybody into poverty and
despair."

As if in response to this cry for peace, Steyn and De Wet
issued the following proclamation a few days later: "Be it
known to all that the war which was forced on the Republics by
the British Government still rages in the Orange Free State
and in the South African Republic; and that the customs of
civilized warfare and also the Conventions of Geneva and The
Hague have not been observed by the enemy, who has not
scrupled, contrary to the Geneva Convention, to capture
doctors and ambulances and to deport them, in order to prevent
our wounded from getting medical assistance. He has seized
ambulances and material appertaining thereto, and has not
hesitated, contrary to the recognized primitive rules of
warfare, and contrary to his solemn agreement at The Hague, to
arrest neutrals and deport them, and to send out marauding
bands to plunder, burn, and damage the burghers' private
property. He has armed Kaffirs and natives and made use of
them against us in war. He has been continually busy capturing
women and children, old and sickly men. Many women's deaths
have been occasioned because the so-called Christian enemy had
no consideration for women on a sick bed or for those whose
state of health should have protected them against rough
treatment. Honourable women and tender children have not only
been treated roughly, but also in an insulting manner by the
soldiers, by order of their officers. Moreover, old mothers
and women have been raped, even wives and children. The
property of prisoners of war, and even of killed burghers, has
not been respected. In many instances the mother and father
have been taken from the house, which was thus left
unprotected, and all have been left to their fate, an easy
prey to the savage. The world has been untruthfully informed
by the enemy that he was obliged to carry out this destruction
because the burghers blew up the line and cut the wires, or
misused the white flag. Nearly all the houses in the two
Republics have been destroyed, whether in the neighbourhood of
the railway line or not; while with regard to the misuse of
the white flag, that is simply a continuance of the
everlasting calumny against which the Afrikander has had to
strive since God brought him into contact with Englishmen.
Robbing his opponent of his goods has not satisfied him; he
will not be satisfied till he has robbed him of his good name
also.

{509}

"Then he wishes to inform the world that the Republics are
conquered and the war ended, and that only here and there
small plundering bands are to be found who continue the strife
in an irresponsible manner. It is an untruth. The Republics
are not yet conquered. The war is not finished. The burgher
forces of the two Republics are still led by responsible
leaders, as from the commencement of the war, under the
supervision of the Governments of both Republics. The fact
that Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener choose to term the
burgher forces marauding bands does not make them such.
Similarly, saying that the war is over does not put an end to
it while fighting still continues. When was this war over?
After the battle of Spion Kop or after Paardeberg? After the
occupation of Bloemfontein or Pretoria? Or perhaps after the
battles of Dewetsdorp or Commando Nek, in both of which
irregulars were captured and the enemy totally vanquished. The
burghers would be less than men if they allowed the enemy to
go unpunished after ill-treating their wives and destroying
their homes from sheer lust of destruction. Therefore a
portion of our burghers have again been sent into Cape Colony,
not only to wage war, but to be in a position to make
reprisals as they have already done in the case of the
ambulances. Therefore we again warn the officers of her
Majesty's troops that unless they cease the destruction of
property in the Republics, we shall wreak vengeance by
destroying the property of her Majesty's subjects who are
unkindly disposed to us; but at the same time, to avoid being
misunderstood, we hereby openly declare that the women and
children will always remain unmolested, despite anything done
to ours by her Majesty's troops. We ask for nothing from our
brothers in Cape Colony, but we call upon them, as well as
upon the civilized world, to assist on behalf of civilization
and Christianity in putting an end to the barbarous manner of
the enemy's warfare. Our prayer will always be that the God of
our fathers will not desert us in this unrighteous strife.

"On the field, January 14. STEYN. DE WET."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
Report of British military forces in South Africa from the
beginning of the war, with the number of killed and wounded
and the deaths from wounds and disease.

A Parliamentary paper issued on the 26th of February, 1901,
contained the following table, showing the strength of the
garrison in South Africa on the 1st of August, 1899, before
the beginning of the war, with the subsequent reinforcements
and casualties, and the total strength of forces on the 1st of
February, 1901:

|NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN. OFFICERS|CAVALRY|ARTILLERY|INFANTRY|OTHERS|TOTAL|TOTAL AND OFFICERS MOUNTED AND MEN INFANTRY ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- I. Garrison on Aug. 1, 1899 318 1,127 1,035 6,428 1,032 9,622 9,940 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- II. Reinforcements, Aug. 1, 1899, to Oct. 11, 1899 (outbreak of war)

(1.) From Home. 280 … 743 5,620 … 6,363 6,643 (2.) From India (some of these did not reach South Africa until after the outbreak of hostilities) 259 1,564 653 3,427 … 5,644 5,903

------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 539 1,564 1,396 9,047 … 12,007 12,546 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------

III. Further reinforcements from Oct. 11, 1899, to end of July, 1900

Regulars (1.) From Home and Colonies. 5,748 11,003 14,145 110,292 14,347 149,787 155,535 (2.) From India. 132 713 376 670 … 1,759 1,891

------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 5,880 11,716 14,521 110,962 14,347 151,546 157,426 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Colonials (1.) From Colonies other than South African. 550 287 692 9,788 267 11,034 11,584 (2.) Raised in South Africa. 1,387 … … … … 28,932 30,319

------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1,937 … … … … 39,966 41,903 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Imperial yeomanry. 536 … … … … 10,195 10,731 Volunteers from United Kingdom. 342 … 358 9,995 434 10,787 11,129 Militia. 831 … 617 19,753 256 20,626 21,457

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Total all arms sent to, and raised in, South Africa up to Aug. 1, 1900, including garrison on Aug. 1, 1899. 10,383 … … … … 254,749 265,132

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

IV. Further reinforcements from Aug. 1, 1900, to Jan. 31, 1901 (1.) Regulars 820 3,213 652 10,439 975 15,279 16,099 (2.) Militia 7 … … 1,141 … 1,141 1,148

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

11,210 … … … … 271,169 282,379
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

{510}

NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.

Officers Cavalry. Artillery. Infantry Others. Total. Total
and Officers
Mounted and Men
Infantry

V. Numbers (1.) Killed to Jan. 31, 1901 334. 3,346 3,680 (2.) Wounded to Jan 31, 1901. 1,242. 14,914 16,156 (3.) Died of disease or wounds or accidentally killed in South Africa to Jan. 31, 1001. 301. 9,008 9,309 (4.) Disbanded and discharged in South Africa. 299. 5,231 5,530 (5.) In hospital in South Africa on Dec. 28, 1900 (latest returns). 415. 13,716 14,131

VI. Numbers left South Africa (1.) For England not invalids. 1,214 11,109 12,323 (2.) For England sick, wounded, and died on passage 1,703 39,095 40,198 (3.) Returned to India direct from South Africa. 20 70 90 (4.) Returned to Colonies direct from South Africa (a) Regulars, including two battalions to Ceylon. 98 2,041 2,139 (b) Colonials. 177 3,384 3,561

VII. Present strength of Forces in South Africa, Feb. 1, 1901 (1.) Regulars. 4,305 12,600 12,000 99,700 12,885 137,185 141,490 (2.) Colonials. 1,339 27,000 28,339* (3.) Imperial yeomanry 495 7,500 7,995 4.) Volunteers. 200 7,500 7,700 5.) Militia. 725 18,700 19,425

TOTAL 7,064 197,885 204,949*

* Exclusive of recently raised Colonials whose numbers have not yet been reported.

On the 9th of February the following announcement was issued
officially from the British War Office:

"In view of recent Boer activity in various directions his
Majesty's Government have decided, in addition to the large
forces recently equipped locally in South Africa, to reinforce
Lord Kitchener by 30,000 mounted troops beyond those already
landed in Cape Colony. The recruiting for Imperial Yeomanry
has proceeded so rapidly that it is anticipated not less than
10,000 will be shortly available. The South African Mounted
Constabulary, including those enlisted in the colonies, may be
relied upon to the extent of 8,000. The new colonial
contingents to replace those withdrawn will probably reach
5,000. The remainder of the force will be made up by cavalry
and mounted infantry from the home establishment. The
enlistment of Volunteer companies to replace those who have
served a year in South Africa is also being proceeded with.
Arrangements have been made for the prompt equipment and
transportation of the force."

In reply to a question in Parliament the 18th of February,
1901, Mr. Brodrick, the Secretary of State for War, stated
that the total number of cases of typhoid or enteric fever in
the British army, from the beginning of the war to the end of
December, 1900, had been 19,101; deaths 4,233; invalided and
sent home, 10,075.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
The declared policy of the British Government.

Speaking in the House of Commons on the 18th of February,
1901, the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, declared the
government policy of dealing with the Boers, with strong
emphasis, in the following words:

"From the moment when the invasion took place, and the first
shot was fired by the Boers, from that moment we declared our
policy, that not one shred of the independence which the Boers
had abused should ever again be conceded to them. That was the
policy stated by the Prime Minister in his answer to the
representations which were made to him by the Presidents of
the two Republics. That was the policy, is the policy, and
will be the policy of His Majesty's Government to the end. Let
there be no mistake about that. It is no use arguing with us
on the subject of independence. That, as far as we are
concerned, is a closed question. Raise it, if you like to
raise it, not in speeches, but by amendments. We are quite
ready. We challenged you at the last election. You have never
ceased to complain of the challenge. We challenge you in the
House of Commons. If you believe the annexation we have
announced ought to be repudiated; if you think, with the
honorable and learned gentleman who has just spoken, that we
ought to restore the independence of these two Republics, in
any form, it is for you to say so in a definite amendment. It
is for you to put the issue before the House of Commons and
the country and we are perfectly prepared to meet you.
Assuming that we are all agreed that annexation cannot be
undone, then the policy of the Government is to establish
equality and protection and justice for the native population
and to grant the fuller liberties involved in our definition
of self-government as soon as that can safely be conceded. …
The Boers know perfectly well, they have been told again and
again, directly and indirectly, and it has been repeatedly
stated in this House that at the earliest possible moment they
will be granted self-government."

{511}

The Liberal leader interrupted the speaker to intimate that he
understood a Crown colony government to be in contemplation,
and that his objection was to that. On which Mr. Chamberlain
proceeded to say: "Either the right honourable gentleman does
not know what Crown colony government is or else he is
quibbling about words. Will he be satisfied if I call it a
civil government, with Ministers and a Governor appointed by
his Majesty and a council to advise him? That is civil
government, and it has this about it—that the Imperial
Government has control in the last resort. That is what we
mean. … We are quite ready to establish the civil government
of which I have spoken, we are ready to maintain equality, we
are ready to secure justice to all the inhabitants of the
Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, but we are not prepared
to put into their hands the whole control of the
administration and civil government until we know it will be
safe to do so. It is said that our views have not been
communicated to the Boers and that a proclamation which I
promised I would endeavour to have circulated has not yet been
so distributed. I wish to say that, so far as the leaders are
concerned, I am convinced they know perfectly well what terms
we are willing to offer. There is no excuse on their part. It
is possible that many of their followers, being ignorant
people—when they come to us we find they have been deceived as
to what is going on—do not know the terms we are willing to
offer. We have by various means endeavoured to get to the rank
and file a knowledge of the terms which are being offered, and
we know what the result has been. The emissaries have been
sent—emissaries not sent by us, permitted by us to go, who
volunteered themselves in what they believed to be the
interests of their countrymen, to make these representations—
these emissaries have been apparently, as far as our
information goes, brutally ill-used, tortured before
execution, shot as spies after having been flogged. "

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
Attitude of the English Liberal party towards the war.

See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
Unsuccessful peace parley between Lord Kitchener and
Commandant Botha.

By the intermediation of the wife of the Boer Commandant Louis
Botha, an interview between that officer and Lord Kitchener
was brought about, on the last day of February, for discussion
"as to means of bringing the war to an end." The questions raised
in the conversation were reported by Lord Kitchener to Mr.
Brodrick, the British Secretary for War, in a telegram from
Pretoria, March 1, as follows: "I have had a long interview
with Botha, who showed very good feeling and seemed anxious to
bring about peace. He asked for information on a number of
subjects which he said that he should submit to his Government
and people, and if they agreed he should visit Orange River
Colony and get them to agree. They should all then hand in
their arms and finish the war. He told me that they could go
on for some time, and that he was not sure of being able to
bring about peace without independence. He tried very hard for
some kind of independence, but I declined to discuss such a
point, and said that a modified form of independence would be
most dangerous and likely to lead to war in the future.
Subject was then dropped, and—

"Firstly.—The nature of future government of Colonies asked
about. He wanted more details than were given by Colonial
Secretary, and I said that, subject to correction from home, I
understood that when hostilities ceased military guard would be
replaced by Crown Colony administration, consisting of
nominated Executive, with elected assembly to advise
administration, to be followed after a period by
representative government. He would have liked representative
government at once, but seemed satisfied with above.

"Secondly.—Whether a Boer would be able to have a rifle to
protect him from native? I said I thought he would be by a
licence and on registration.

"Thirdly.—He asked whether Dutch language would be allowed? I
said that English and Dutch would, I thought, have equal
rights. He expressed hope that officials dealing with farmers
would know Dutch.

"Fourthly.—The Kaffir question. This turned at once on
franchise of Kaffirs, and a solution seemed to be that
franchise should not be given to Kaffirs until after
representative government was granted to Colonies. Orange Free
State laws for Kaffirs were considered good.

"Fifthly.—That Dutch Church property should remain untouched.

"Sixthly.—Public trusts and orphan funds to be left intact. He
asked whether British Government, in taking over the assets of
Republics, would also take over legal debts. This he made
rather a strong point of, and he intended it to include debts
legally contracted since the war began. He referred to notes
issued amounting to less than a million.

"Seventhly.—He asked if any war tax would be imposed on
farmers? I said I thought not.

"Eighthly.—When would prisoners of war return?

"Ninthly.—He referred to pecuniary assistance to repair burnt
farms, and enable fanners to start afresh. I said I thought
some assistance would be given.

"Tenthly.—Amnesty to all at end of war. We spoke of Colonials
who joined Republics, and he seemed not adverse to their being
disfranchised.

"I arranged with him that I should write and let him know the
view of the Government on these points. All I said during the
interview was qualified by being subject to confirmation from
home. He was anxious to get an answer soon."

Two days later, General Kitchener drafted and submitted to
High Commissioner Sir A. Milner the reply which he wished to
be authorized to make to the questions of Commandant Botha.
This was transmitted, in turn, by the High Commissioner to
Colonial Secretary Chamberlain, with approval of all the
suggestions of Lord Kitchener, except on the subject of
amnesty to the rebel "Afrikanders" of Cape Colony and Natal,
who had joined the ranks of the Boers. Lord Kitchener wished
to say that "on the cessation of hostilities and the complete
surrender of arms, ammunition, cannon, and other munitions of
war now in the hands of the burghers in the field or in
Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's Government is
prepared at once to grant an amnesty in the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony for all bona fide acts of war committed
during the recent hostilities; as well as to move the
Governments of Cape Colony and Natal to take similar action
but qualified by the disfranchisement of any British subjects
implicated in the recent war."
{512}
Sir Alfred Milner proposed to amend the latter clause as
follows: "British subjects of Cape Colony or Natal, though
they will not be compelled to return to those Colonies, will,
if they do so, be liable to be dealt with under the laws of
those Colonies specifically passed to meet the circumstances
arising out of the present war and which greatly mitigate the
ordinary penalties of rebellion." "While willing," he said,
"to concede much in order to strengthen Botha in inducing his
people to submit, the amnesty of rebels is not, in my opinion,
a point which His Majesty's Government can afford to concede.
I think it would have a deplorable effect in Cape Colony and
Natal to obtain peace by such a concession." Mr. Chamberlain
agreed with the High Commissioner, writing in reply: "His
Majesty's Government feel that they cannot promise to ask for
complete amnesty to Cape and Natal rebels who are in totally
different position to burghers without injustice to those who
have remained loyal under great provocation, and they are
prepared substantially to adopt your words, but you must
consider whether your last line is strictly applicable to
Natal." Mr. Chamberlain made numerous other criticisms of Lord
Kitchener's suggested letter, and amended it in many
particulars, the most important of which related to the form
of government under which the late republics would be placed.
Lord Kitchener would have said: "Military law will cease and
be at once replaced by civil administration, which will at
first consist of a Governor and a nominated Executive with or
without an advisory elected Assembly, but it is the desire of
His Majesty's Government, as soon as circumstances permit, to
establish representative Government in the Transvaal and
Orange River Colony." His political superior instructed him to
change the statement as follows: "For 'military law will
cease' say 'military administration will cease.' It is
possible that there may be disturbed districts for some time
after terms have been accepted, and Governor of Colonies
cannot abandon right of proclaiming martial law where
necessary. In the same sentence omit the words 'at the same
time' and 'at once' and substitute at the beginning the words
'at the earliest practicable date.' For 'consist of a
Governor' down to 'Assembly' read 'consist of a Governor and
an Executive Council composed of the principal officials with
a Legislative Council consisting of a certain number of
official members to whom a nominated unofficial element will
from the first be added.' In place of the words 'to establish
representative government' substitute 'to introduce a
representative element, and ultimately to concede to the new
Colonies the privilege of self-government.' It is desirable at
this stage to be quite precise in order to avoid any charge of
breach of faith afterwards."

Out of the instructions he received, Lord Kitchener finally
framed the following letter to Commandant Botha, sent to him
on the 7th of March: "With reference to our conversation at
Middelburg on 28th February, I have the honour to inform you
that in the event of a general and complete cessation of
hostilities and the surrender of all rifles, ammunition,
cannon, and other munitions of war in the hands of the
burghers or in Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's
Government is prepared to adopt the following measures:

"His Majesty's Government will at once grant an amnesty in the
Transvaal and Orange River Colonies for all bona fide acts of
war committed during the recent hostilities. British subjects
belonging to Natal and Cape Colony, while they will not be
compelled to return to those Colonies, will, if they do so, be
liable to be dealt with by the law of those Colonies specially
passed to meet the circumstances arising out of the present
war. As you are doubtless aware, the special law in the Cape
Colony has greatly mitigated the ordinary penalties for high
treason in the present cases.

"All prisoners of war now in St. Helena, Ceylon, or elsewhere
will, on the completion of the surrender, be brought back to
their country as quickly as arrangements can be made for their
transport.

"At the earliest practicable date military administration will
cease and will be replaced by civil administration in the form
of Crown Colony Government. There will therefore be, in the
first instance, in each of the new Colonies a Governor and an
Executive Council, consisting of a certain number of official
members, to whom a nominated unofficial element will be added.
But it is the desire of His Majesty's Government, as soon as
circumstances permit, to introduce a representative element
and ultimately to concede to the new Colonies the privilege of
self-government. Moreover, on the cessation of hostilities a High
Court will be established in each of the new Colonies to
administer the law of the land, and this Court will be
independent of the Executive.

"Church property, public trusts, and orphans funds will be
respected.

"Both the English and Dutch languages will be used and taught
in public schools where parents of the children desire it, and
allowed in Courts of Law.

"As regards the debts of the late Republican Governments, His
Majesty's Government cannot undertake any liability. It is,
however, prepared, as an act of grace, to set aside a sum not
exceeding £1,000,000 to repay inhabitants of the Transvaal and
Orange River Colonies for goods requisitioned from them by the
late Republican Governments, or, subsequent to annexation, by
Commandants in the field being in a position to enforce such
requisitions. But such claims will have to be established to
the satisfaction of a Judge or Judicial Commission appointed
by the Government to investigate and assess them, and if
exceeding in the aggregate £1,000,000, they will be liable to
reduction pro rata.

"I also beg to inform your Honour that the new Government will
take into immediate consideration the possibility of assisting
by loan the occupants of farms who will take the oath of
allegiance to repair any injury sustained by destruction of
buildings or loss of stock during the war, and that no special
war tax will be imposed on farmers to defray the expense of
the war.

"When burghers require the protection of fire-arms such will
be allowed to them by licence and on due registration,
provided they take the oath of allegiance. Licences also will
be issued for sporting rifles, guns, &c., but military
firearms will only be allowed for means of protection.

{513}

"As regards the extension of the franchise to Kaffirs in the
Transvaal and Orange River Colony, it is not the intention of
His Majesty's Government to give such franchise before
representative government is granted to these Colonies, and if
then given it will be so limited as to secure the just
predominance of the white races. The legal position of
coloured persons will, however, be similar to that which they
hold in Cape Colony.

"In conclusion, I must inform your Honour that if the terms
now offered are not accepted after a reasonable delay for
consideration they must be regarded as cancelled."

On the 16th of March the following reply came from the Boer
Commandant: "I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your
Excellency's letter stating what steps your Excellency's
Government is prepared to take in the event of a general and
total cessation of hostilities. I have advised my Government
of your Excellency's said letter; but, after the mutual
exchange of views at our interview at Middelburg on 28th
February last, it will certainly not surprise your Excellency
to know that I do not feel disposed to recommend that the
terms of the said letter shall have the earnest consideration
of my Government. I may add also that my Government and my
chief officers here entirely agree to my views." This ended
the negotiations.

A discussion of the negotiations in Parliament occurred on the
28th of March, when Mr. Bryce (Liberal) said "they were agreed
that the Government took an onward step when they allowed the
peace negotiations to be entered into, and it was important to
observe that, not only Lord Kitchener, but Sir Alfred Milner
was persuaded that General Botha meant business. It was
possible there were causes at work with which the House were
not acquainted which caused the negotiations to be broken off.
General Botha wrote to Lord Kitchener:—'You will not be
surprised to hear that my answer is in the negative.' One of
two things must have happened—either Lord Kitchener heard from
General Botha something that the House had not heard of, or
else General Botha was so much struck by the difference
between the terms which Lord Kitchener had discussed and the
terms contained in the letter that he conceived a distrust of
us altogether and believed that the Government would not
accept what Lord Kitchener had offered. He thought the
Government were right in asking that the oath of allegiance
should be taken, that they were entitled to insist upon the
provision that all hostilities must cease, and that they could
not pledge themselves as to the precise time when they would
bring back the prisoners. But there were three points on which
there were substantial differences between the terms Lord
Kitchener appeared to have offered and the terms in the final
letter. The first is the question of amnesty for the Cape
rebels. Lord Kitchener and General Botha appeared to have come
to an agreement on that subject. General Botha did not object
to the disfranchisement of the Cape rebels, and Lord Kitchener
did not appear to have conveyed any suggestion whatever of
anything except disfranchisement. He could conceive nothing
more likely to turn back the pacific desires of the Boers than
the fact that they found that, instead of the Cape rebels
having nothing but disfranchisement to fear, they were to be
held subject to the Cape laws as to treason. He was not
arguing whether that was right or wrong. The question was what
the Boers would think, and he put it to the House that it was
the most natural thing that they should be struck by the
contrast between the terms which Lord Kitchener appeared to
offer and the terms which were offered when the final letter
came, and that that was just the point upon which brave men,
feeling for their comrades, would be inclined to stand out.
They would be told that they would displease the loyalists at
the Cape if they did not exact all the penalties for treason.
He hoped they would never in that House consider it any part
of their business to satisfy the vindictive feeling of the
colonists at the Cape."

As to the difference between the terms of future government
for the inhabitants of the late republics proposed by Lord
Kitchener and those laid down by the Colonial Secretary, Mr.
Bryce said: "He should like to have known what the proposals
were that General Botha made with regard to a modified
independence, for he thought it was quite possible that it
might turn out in the long run that some kind of what was
called modified independence, protection, would be a great
deal easier for this country to work than a system of Crown
colony government. He thought the contrast between the
elective assembly which Lord Kitchener offered and the purely
arbitrary and despotic system which the final letter conveyed
must at once have struck the Boers as indicating the
difference between the views which the military man on the
spot entertained and the proposal which they might expect from
the Government. Of course there were objections to the
immediate grant of self-government. So also there were
objections to any course, and that course should be chosen
which was open to the fewest objections. But the proposal of
Crown colony government was, of all courses, the worst that
could be suggested. It had been suggested that members of the
Liberal party had asked for full-grown representative and
responsible government, but they never had suggested that.
What they had objected to was Crown colony government. They
admitted that when the war ended there must be an intermediate
period of administration, military or civil, but there was all
the difference in the world between an admittedly provisional
administration understood to be provisional and the creation
of the whole apparatus of Crown colony government. The Boer
population had an aversion to Crown colony administration,
associated in their minds with the days of Sir Owen Lanyon,
and an arbitrary form of government it was known to be. Of
course it was arbitrary; honourable members who questioned
that could not know what Crown colony administration was. The
existence of a nominated council did not prevent it being
arbitrary inasmuch as the members were obliged to vote as they
were directed by the Governor. He could not help thinking that
Lord Kitchener might, if he were asked to do so, throw some
light on a remarkable expression in the letter from General
Botha in which he said, after the mutual interchange of views
at their meeting, Lord Kitchener would not be surprised to
learn that he was not disposed to recommend the terms
proposed."

{514}

The radical Mr. Labouchere was sharper in his criticism: "He
held that it was nonsense to call the terms offered to the
Boers liberal and lenient; they were neither. We had burnt
their farms and desolated their country, and then we offered
them a small gift of money to put them back on their farms
while we took away their independence and their flag. He
honoured the men who resisted, no matter at what cost, when
the question was the independence of their native land. How
right General Botha was in distrusting the alterations made by
the Secretary for the Colonies in the matter of the gift was
shown by the right honourable gentleman himself, when he said
that, whereas the gift was to be limited to a certain sum, the
loyalists were to be paid first. In that case what would
remain to the burghers of the two colonies? The position of
the Boers in the Empire under the terms of the Colonial
Secretary would be little better than that of Kaffirs. As far
as ultimate self-government was concerned, they were to put
their faith in the Colonial Secretary. If he might offer them
a word of advice it would be—Put no faith in the Colonial
Secretary; get it in black and white. We had lost a great
opportunity of ending the war and settling South Africa. Peace
won by the sword would create a dependency in which racial
feuds would go on and the minority would be maintained over
the majority by a huge British garrison. The Dutch majority
was certain to increase every decade. The Transvaal farmers
lived in a poor, rude manner which English people would not
accept. …