Chapter XCIII: Section 29 (13)

"He did not particularly admire the Boers. To his mind they
had too much of the conservative element in them; but, judging
between the Afrikanders and the English who went to South
Africa, whilst fully recognizing that among the latter there
were many respectable men, he thought, taking them
collectively, the Boers were the better men. If we wanted to
maintain our rule in South Africa the Boers were the safest
men with whom to be on good terms. What were the Boers ready
to do? As he read the correspondence, they were ready to enter
the area of the British Empire, but only upon terms. Surely
our problem was to find terms honourable to us and to them,
which would lead to South Africa becoming one of those great
commonwealths connected with the Empire such as existed in
Australia and Canada. He suggested that, in the first place,
we should offer a full and absolute amnesty. He urged that the
Orange State and the Transvaal should as soon as possible be
made self-governing colonies. The Orange State was regarded by
every Englishman who had written about it as a model State. As
to the Transvaal, he admitted there was a difficulty, but he
would suggest that the main area of the country should be
separated from the Rand. The Rand might be administered by a
governor, a military governor if they liked, while in the rest
of the country the Dutch would have a majority. If this course
were adopted, instead of our giving some sort of pecuniary aid
to the Transvaalers, they might be paid a reasonable rent for
the Rand district, of which they would be deprived. … They on
that side of the House would be perfectly ready to agree to
the establishment of a provisional government, military or
civil—he should himself prefer Lord Kitchener to Sir Alfred
Milner—to carry on the country while they were arranging for
the colony to be self-governing. They were accustomed to be
told that Sir Alfred Milner was a sort of divine pro-consul.
He believed Sir Alfred Milner to be a most honourable man, and
very intelligent in many walks of life; but the truth was that
he began life as an Oxford don and then became an official in
the Treasury, facts which militated against his success in
practical politics. He believed that a man like Lord Dufferin
would do more for the cause of peace in South Africa than all
our soldiers."

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-April).
The High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, on the situation
and prospects.
Leave of absence obtained by Sir Alfred.

A British Blue Book, made public in London on the 18th of
April, contains an interesting despatch from Sir Alfred
Milner, frankly reviewing the general situation in South
Africa, as it appeared to him on the 6th of February, when he
wrote, from Cape Town, and giving his forecast of future
prospects. The following are the more important passages of
the communication:

"A long time has elapsed since I have attempted to send to you
any general review of South African affairs. The reason is
twofold. In the first place, I am occupied every day that
passes from morning till night by business, all of which is
urgent, and the amount and variety of which you are doubtless
able to judge from the communications on a great variety of
subjects, which are constantly passing between us. In the next
place, I have always hoped that some definite point would be
reached at which it might be possible to sum up that chapter
of our history which contained the war, and to forecast the
work of administrative reconstruction which must succeed it.
But I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that there will
be no such dividing line. I have not the slightest doubt of
the ultimate result, but I foresee that the work will be
slower, more difficult, more harassing, and more expensive
than was at one time anticipated. At any rate, it is idle to
wait much longer in the hope of being able to describe a clear
and clean-cut situation. Despite the many other calls upon my
time, and despite the confused character of the present
position, I think it better to attempt to describe, however
roughly and inadequately, the state of things as it exists
to-day.

"It is no use denying that the last half-year has been one of
retrogression. Seven months ago this Colony was perfectly
quiet, at least as far as the Orange River. The southern half
of the Orange River Colony was rapidly settling down, and even
a considerable portion of the Transvaal, notably the
south-western districts, seemed to have definitely accepted
British authority, and to rejoice at the opportunity of a
return to orderly government, and the pursuits of peace.
To-day the scene is completely altered. It would be
superfluous to dwell on the increased losses to the country
caused by the prolongation of the struggle, and by the form
which it has recently assumed. The fact that the enemy are now
broken up into a great number of small forces, raiding in
every direction, and that our troops are similarly broken up
in pursuit of them, makes the area of actual fighting, and
consequently of destruction, much wider than it would be in
the case of a conflict between equal numbers operating in
large masses.
{515}
Moreover, the fight is now mainly over supplies. The Boers
live entirely on the country through which they pass, not only
taking all the food they can lay hands upon on the farms,
grain, forage, horses, cattle, &c., but looting the small
village stores for clothes, boots, coffee, sugar, &c., of all
which they are in great need. Our forces, on their side, are
compelled to denude the country of everything moveable, in
order to frustrate these tactics of the enemy. No doubt a
considerable amount of the stock taken by us is not wholly
lost, but simply removed to the refugee camps, which are now
being established at many points along the railway lines. But
even under these circumstances, the loss is great, through
animals dying on the route, or failing to find sufficient
grass to live upon when collected in large numbers at the
camps. Indeed, the loss of crops and stock is a far more
serious matter than the destruction of farm buildings, of
which so much has been heard. I say this not at all as an
advocate of such destruction. I am glad to think that the
measure is now seldom if ever resorted to. At the same time,
the destruction of even a considerable number of farms, having
regard to the very rough and inexpensive character of the
majority of these structures in the Orange River Colony and
Transvaal, is a comparatively small item in the total damage
caused by the war to the agricultural community.

"To the losses incidental to the actual course of the
campaign, there has recently been added destruction of a
wholly wanton and malicious character. I refer to the injury
done to the head-gear, stamps, and other apparatus of some of
the outlying mines by Boer raiders, whose sole object was
injury. For this destruction there is, of course, no possible
excuse. … Fortunately the damage done to the mines has not
been large, relatively to the vast total amount of the fixed
capital sunk in them. The mining area is excessively difficult
to guard against purely predatory attacks having no military
purpose, because it is, so to speak, 'all length and no
breadth'—one long thin line, stretching across the country
from east to west for many miles. Still, garrisoned as
Johannesburg now is, it is only possible successfully to
attack a few points in it. Of the raids hitherto made, and
they have been fairly numerous, only one has resulted in any
serious damage. In that instance the injury done to the single
mine attacked amounted to £200,000, and it is estimated that
the mine is put out of working for two years. This mine is
only one out of a hundred, and is not by any means one of the
most important. These facts may afford some indication of the
ruin which might have been inflicted, not only on the
Transvaal and all South Africa, but on many European
interests, if that general destruction of mine works which was
contemplated just before our occupation of Johannesburg had
been carried out. However serious in some respects may have
been the military consequences of our rapid advance to
Johannesburg, South Africa owes more than is commonly
recognized to that brilliant dash forward, by which the vast
mining apparatus, the foundation of all her wealth, was saved
from the ruin threatening it.

"The events of the last six or seven months will involve a
greater amount of repair and a longer period of recuperation,
especially for agriculture, than anybody could have
anticipated when the war commenced. Yet, for all that, having
regard to the fact that both the Rand and Kimberley are
virtually undamaged, and that the main engines of prosperity,
when once set going again, will not take very long to get into
working order, the economic consequences of the war, though
grave, do not appear by any means appalling. The country
population will need a good deal of help, first to preserve it
from starvation, and then, probably, to supply it with a
certain amount of capital to make a fresh start. And the great
industry of the country will need some little time before it
is able to render any assistance. But, in a young country with
great recuperative powers, it will not take many years before
the economic ravages of the war are effaced.

"What is more serious to my mind than the mere material
destruction of the last six months is the moral effect of the
recrudescence of the war. I am thinking especially of the
Orange River Colony, and of that portion of the Transvaal
which fell so easily into our hands after the relief of
Mafeking, that is to say, the country lying between
Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the border of Bechuanaland.
Throughout this large area the feeling in the middle of last
year was undoubtedly pacific. The inhabitants were sick of the
war. They were greatly astonished, after all that had been
dinned into them, by the fair and generous treatment they
received on our first occupation, and it would have taken very
little to make them acquiesce readily in the new regime. At that
time too, the feeling in the Colony was better than I have
ever known it. The rebellious element had blown off steam in
an abortive insurrection, and was glad to settle down again.
If it had been possible for us to screen those portions of the
conquered territory, which were fast returning to peaceful
pursuits, from the incursions of the enemy still in the field,
a great deal of what is now most deplorable in the condition of
South Africa would never have been experienced. The vast
extent of the country, the necessity of concentrating our
forces for the long advance, first to Pretoria and then to
Komati Poort, resulted in the country already occupied being
left open to raids, constantly growing in audacity, and fed by
small successes, on the part of a few bold and skilful
guerrilla leaders who had nailed their colours to the mast.
The reappearance of these disturbers of the peace, first in
the south-east of the Orange River Colony, then in the
south-west of the Transvaal, and finally in every portion of
the conquered territory, placed those of the inhabitants who
wanted to settle down in a position of great difficulty.
Instead of being made prisoners of war, they had been allowed
to remain on their farms on taking the oath of neutrality, and
many of them were really anxious to keep it. But they had not the
strength of mind, nor, from want of education, a sufficient
appreciation of the sacredness of the obligation which they
had undertaken, to resist the pressure of their old companions
in arms when these reappeared among them appearing to their
patriotism and to their fears. …

{516}

"As the guerrilla warfare swept back over the whole of the
western Transvaal, and practically the whole of the Orange
River Colony, its effect upon the Cape Colony also became very
marked. There was a time, about the middle of last year, when
the bulk of the Dutch population in the Cape Colony, even
those who had been most bitter against us at the outset,
seemed disposed to accept the 'fait accompli,' and were
prepared to acquiesce in the union of all South Africa under
the British flag. Some of them even began to see certain
advantages in such a consummation. The irreconcilable line
taken in the Cape Parliament, during its recent Session from
July to October, was a desperate effort to counteract this
tendency. But I doubt whether it would have succeeded to the
moderate extent to which it has, had it not been for the
recrudescence of the war on the borders of the Colony, and the
embittered character which it assumed. Every act of harshness,
however necessary, on the part of our troops, was exaggerated
and made the most of, though what principally inflamed the
minds of the people were alleged instances of needless cruelty
which never occurred. Never in my life have I read of, much
less experienced, such a carnival of mendacity as that which
accompanied the pro-Boer agitation in this Colony at the end
of last year. And these libels still continue to make
themselves felt. …

"The present position of affairs, alike in the new territories
and in a large portion of the Cape Colony, if by no means the
most critical, is possibly the most puzzling that we have had
to confront since the beginning of the war. Naturally enough
the public are impatient, and those who are responsible for
the government of the country are bombarded with most
conflicting advice. On the one hand, there is the outcry for
greater severity and for a stricter administration of Martial
Law. On the other hand, there is the expression of the fear
that strict measures would only exasperate the people.
Personally, I am of the opinion, which I have always held,
that reasonable strictness is the proper attitude in the
presence of a grave national danger, and that exceptional
regulations for a time of invasion, the necessity of which
every man of sense can understand, if clearly explained and
firmly adhered to, are not only not incompatible with, but
actually conducive to, the avoidance of injustice and cruelty.
I am satisfied by experience that the majority of those Dutch
inhabitants of the Colony who sympathize with the Republics,
however little they may be able to resist giving active
expression to that sympathy, when the enemy actually appear
amongst them, do not desire to see their own districts
invaded, or to find themselves personally placed in the
awkward dilemma of choosing between high treason and an
unfriendly attitude to the men of their own race from beyond
the border. There are extremists who would like to see the
whole of the Cape Colony overrun. But the bulk of the farmers,
especially the substantial ones, are not of this mind. …

"The inherent vice, if I may say so, of almost all public
discussion of our South African difficulties is the tendency
to concentrate attention too exclusively upon the Boers. Say
what we will, the controversy always seems to relapse into the
old ruts—it is the British Government on the one hand, and the
Boers on the other. The question how a particular policy will
affect, not merely our enemies, but our now equally numerous
friends, seems seldom to be adequately considered. And yet it
would seem that justice and policy alike should lead us to be
as eager to consider the feelings and interests, and to retain
the loyalty, of those who are fighting on our side, as to
disarm the present enmity and win the future confidence of
those who are fighting against us. And this principle would
seem an the easier to adhere to because there is really
nothing which the great body of the South African loyalists
desire which it is not for the honour and advantage of the
Mother Country to insist upon. Of vindictiveness, or desire to
oppress the Afrikanders, there is, except in hasty utterances,
inevitable in the heat of the conflict, which have no
permanent significance, or in tirades which are wholly devoid
of influence, no sign whatever. The attitude of almost all
leading and representative men, and the general trend of
public feeling among the loyalists, even in the intensity of
the struggle, is dead against anything like racial
exclusiveness or domination. If this were not so, it would be
impossible for a section of pure bred Afrikanders, small no
doubt in numbers but weighty in character and position, to
take the strong line which they do in opposition to the views
of the majority of their own people, based as these are, and
as they know them to be, upon a misconception of our policy
and intentions. These men are among the most devoted adherents
to the Imperial cause, and would regard with more disfavour
and alarm than anyone the failure of the British nation to
carry out its avowed policy in the most complete manner. They
are absolutely convinced that the unquestioned establishment
of the British supremacy, and the creation of one political
system from Cape Town to the Zambesi, is, after all that has
happened, the only salvation for men of their own race, as
well as for others. Of the terms already offered, a great
majority, I believe, of the South Africans at present in arms
on our side entirely approve. There is, no doubt, an extreme
section who would advocate a sterner attitude on our part, but
they are not numerous, and their feelings are not lasting. The
terms offered by Lord Kitchener, which are, in substance,
identical with repeated declarations of policy on the part of
His Majesty's Government, are generally regarded as a generous
and statesmanlike offer, as one which, if firmly adhered to,
will ultimately be accepted, but as an offer which we cannot
afford to enlarge. On the other hand, there is a very general
desire that no effort should be spared to make the generous
character of our intentions widely known, and to encourage any
disposition on the part of the enemy to parley, with the object
of making them better acquainted with the terms on which we
are prepared to accept their submission.

"If I might sum up the predominant, indeed, the almost
unanimous feeling of those South Africans who sympathise with
the Imperial Government, I should describe it as follows:—They
are sick to death of the war, which has brought ruin to many of
them, and imposed considerable sacrifices on almost all. But
they would rather see the war continue for an indefinite time
than run the risk of any compromise which would leave even the
remotest chance of the recurrence of so terrible a scourge in
the future. They are prepared to fight and suffer on, in order
to make South Africa, indisputably and for ever, one country
under one flag, with one system of government, and that system
the British, which they believe to ensure the highest possible
degree of justice and freedom to men of all races.
{517}
But, with that object accomplished, they are willing, and,
indeed, ready, to bury racial animosities. They have fought
against the principle of race oligarchy in one form, and they
do not wish to re-establish it in another. For the attainment
of that object, they would rely for the present on the
vigorous prosecution of the war in which they are prepared
themselves to take the most active part, coupled with every
inducement to the enemy to come in on the terms already
offered, and for the future, as soon as public security is
assured and the circumstances permit, on the extension to the
newly acquired territories of a system of Colonial
self-government. For my own part, I have no doubt that this
attitude is a wise one, and that it only requires persistence
in it, in spite of the discouraging circumstances of the
moment, to lead us to ultimate success."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command, Cd. 547._

The same Blue Book made known the fact that, on the 3d of
April, Sir Alfred Milner applied for and obtained leave of
absence for three months from his duties in South Africa.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
The situation.

Early in April it was announced that the seat of government of
the South African Republic had been transferred from
Pietersburg to Leydsdorp in the Zoutpansberg by the
Vice-President, General Schalk-Burger, which seems to indicate
the beginning of another stage of the South African war. The
Boers are said to have been for some time past collecting
great quantities of cattle and sheep in the fastnesses of the
Zoutpansberg, where also they have ample supplies of
ammunition, and intend making it a point of ultimate
resistance as well as a base of present operations.

SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
The cost of the war to Great Britain as stated
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

In his speech (April 18), on introducing the budget for 1901,
in the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir
Michael Hicks-Beach, made the following statements of the cost
of the war to Great Britain: "I would remind the Committee
that so far we have borrowed towards the cost of the war
£67,000,000—£13,000,000 Treasury bills, £10,000,000 Exchequer
Bonds maturing rather less than three years hence, £14,000,000
Exchequer Bonds maturing about five years hence, and
£30,000,000 War Loan maturing in 1910. Now, Sir, in what mode
may we fairly borrow such a large sum as we now require? This
can no longer be considered a small war. In cost it is a great
war. Let me just make a statement to the Committee as to what,
so far, the estimated cost of this war has been. In 1899-1900 the
Estimates were £23,217,000. Last year they were £68,620,000,
and this year's Estimates amount to £60,230,000, including in
each case the interest on the sums borrowed. That amounts to
over £152,000,000. I must ask the Committee to remember that
in those figures I include the cost of both the South African
and Chinese wars. Then I have to add a million and a quarter
for this year's borrowing, making in all over £153,000,000.
That is double the cost of the Crimean War, and when I look
back at the Peninsular War I find the two most expensive years
were 1813 and 1814. The forces engaged, of course, were very
much smaller than those engaged now; but in those two years
the total cost of our Army and Navy amounted to £144,581,000.
This amount is less than the charges of the South African and
Chinese wars. Therefore, I think I am justified in saying that
in cost this has been a great war. I think, then, it is clear
we can no longer, in borrowing towards the cost of it, rely
upon temporary borrowing. We have already £67,000,000 of
unfunded debt borrowed for this purpose and maturing within
the next ten years. We have also some £36,000,000 of 2¾ and 2½
per cent., redeemable in 1905. Therefore, whatever may be the
prosperity of the country, whatever may be the condition of
our finances, it is perfectly obvious to my mind that the
stanchest advocate of the redemption of the debt will have
ample scope for his energies in the years that are now before
us. For this reason I propose to ask the Committee to extend
the powers of borrowing which they gave me in previous Acts,
to Consols."

----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC, The.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL);

also,
CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

See (in this volume)
AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.
The Dispensary Law.

In 1892 the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Act,
commonly called the Dispensary Law, which caused turbulent
agitations in the State, and excited much interest in the
country at large. It was based upon the principle of what is
known as the Gothenburg system of regulation for the sale of
intoxicating liquors, making the traffic a State monopoly,
carried on by officials, under rigorous restrictions, with
profit to the public treasury, and none else. It provided for
the creation of a State Board of Control, under the direction
of which a Commissioner, appointed by the Governor, should
purchase all intoxicating liquors allowed to be sold in the
State, and should furnish the same to such agents (called
"dispensers") in the several counties as might be appointed by
county boards to sell them, in accordance with the regulations
prescribed. It required all liquors purchased by the
Commissioner to be tested by an official chemist and declared
to be pure and unadulterated. It allowed nobody but the
official "dispensers" to deal in any manner with any kinds of
intoxicating liquors after the 1st of July, 1893. It forbade
the selling of such drinks by the authorized salesmen to
minors and drunkards, and it required all who bought to sign
and date a printed or written request, stating their residence
and age.

The law was fiercely resisted in many parts of the State by
mobs, and powerfully assailed in the courts; but Governor
(afterwards Senator) Tillman, who then occupied the executive
chair, gave it resolute enforcement and support. The attack in
the courts had momentary success in 1894, the Supreme Court of
the State rendering a decision adverse to the
constitutionality of the law; but, meantime, the Legislature,
in 1893, had made changes in the Act, and its new enactment
was held to be untouched by the judgment of the court.
{518}
Before a new case could be brought to issue, the retirement of
one of the justices of the Supreme Court brought about a
change of opinion in that tribunal, and the law in its new
form was sustained. Disorderly resistance to the enforcement
of the law was long kept up; but in the end such resistance
seems to have been mostly overcome.

In January, 1897, however, one provision of the Act, which
forbade all importation of liquors into the State by private
persons, even for their own use, was declared by the Supreme
Court of the United States to be an interference with
inter-state commerce, and therefore unconstitutional. This
breaks down the Dispensary Law, so far as concerns citizens
who are able to import liquors for themselves. Otherwise the
law seems to be now stoutly entrenched, and other States are
being sufficiently satisfied with its success in South
Carolina to adopt it. The following testimony as to its
success is from the pen of a North Carolinian, who became
instrumental in carrying the system into his own State.

"The familiar features of the dispensary were its closing
promptly at sundown; no drinking on the premises; the sale of
liquor to those only who were of age, who were not in the
habit of drinking to excess, who were sober at the time of the
sale, and who signed an application for what they bought on a
public book; and the fact that the dispenser was a salaried
officer, and thus free from pecuniary interest in stimulating
sales. To this was added in South Carolina a force of
constables whose special business it was to arrest those who
sold liquor contrary to law.

"The fact that the dispensary law was a substitute for
Prohibition made the law odious at first to those who had
fought most ardently for the Prohibition cause. And the
political faction over which Mr. Tillman had triumphed,
containing a good proportion of the best blood and brains of
the State, opposed the dispensary on personal grounds. The spy
system, as it was called, and the resistance to the
constables, sometimes resulting in bloodshed, set many of the
more peaceable and conservative citizens against the law.
Added to this, the constitutionality of the law as a whole and
of important provisions separately was strenuously contested
in the United States Courts, with varying success until the
Supreme Court settled the matter forever in favor of the law.
These difficulties are mentioned to show what the system has
had to face in South Carolina, and for the purpose of
remarking that the system has triumphed over all opposition.
The amended Constitution of the State decrees against the
re-establishment of the saloon. The Dispensary candidate for
Governor in the last election defeated the Prohibition
candidate. And the testimony of sober, conservative citizens
of every rank and profession is now practically unanimous to
the effect that drunkenness and the crimes resulting therefrom
have decreased beyond expectation."

_A. J. McKelway,
The Dispensary in North Carolina
(Outlook, April 8, 1899)._

SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.
New constitution.
Introduction of a qualified suffrage.
Practical disfranchisement pf the greater part of the negroes.

On the 1st of January, 1896, a new constitution, promulgated
by a constitutional convention the previous month, without
submission to popular vote, came into effect. It was framed
especially to accomplish a practical disfranchisement of the
larger part of the negro population, which it did by the
operation of an educational qualification with peculiar
conditions attached. Until the first of January, 1898, it
permitted the enrollment of voters who could read, or who
could explain to the satisfaction of the registering officer a
section of the constitution read to them; and all citizens
registered before that date were to be qualified voters
thereafter. But subsequent to the date specified, none could
be registered except those able to read and write any required
part of the constitution, or else to prove themselves owners
of property and taxpayers on not less than $300. Registration
to be conducted by county boards appointed by the governor.

See, also (in this volume)
MISSISSIPPI.

Speaking in the United States Senate in justification of this
measure, Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, said: "We took
the government away. We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We
are not ashamed of it. The Senator from Wisconsin would have
done the same thing. I see it in his eye right now. He would
have done it. With that system—force, tissue ballots, etc.—we
got tired ourselves. So we called a constitutional convention,
and we eliminated, as I said, all of the colored people whom
we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. … I
want to call your attention to the remarkable change that has
come over the spirit of the dream of the Republicans; to
remind you gentlemen from the North that your slogans of the
past—brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God—have gone
glimmering down the ages. The brotherhood of man exists no
longer, because you shoot negroes in Illinois, when they come
in competition with your labor, as we shoot them in South
Carolina when they come in competition with us in the matter
of elections. You do not love them any better than we do. You
used to pretend that you did, but you no longer pretend it
except to get their votes. … You deal with the Filipinos just
as we deal with the negroes, only you treat them a heap
worse."

_Congressional Record,
56th Congress, 1st Session, pages 2347, 2349._

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.
Constitutional amendment introducing the
Initiative and the Referendum.

A constitutional amendment, adopted by popular vote at the
November election, introduces the principle of the Swiss
Initiative and Referendum, providing that the Legislature must
render obedience to petitions signed by 5 per cent. of the
voters of the State, which call for the enactment and
submission to popular vote of any stipulated law, or which
require the submission to a popular vote of any Act which the
Legislature may have passed.

SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899.
Adoption of the Dispensary System.

A constitutional amendment, providing for a dispensary system
of regulation for the liquor traffic was adopted in 1899 by a
majority of 1,613 votes.

See, (in this volume),
SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

The newly adopted clause reads as follows: "The manufacture
and sale of intoxicating liquors shall be under exclusive
State control, and shall be conducted by duly authorized
agents of the State, who shall be paid by salary and not by
commission."

{519}

SOUTHWEST AFRICA, German:
Trade, etc.

See (in this volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

SPAIN: A. D. 1868-1885.
Affairs in Cuba.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.
Conflict between army and Press.
Change of Ministry.
Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

A violent conflict between the military authorities and the
newspaper Press arose in consequence of an attack made by
officers of the army on a Republican editor who had sharply
criticised certain details of army administration. They not
only assaulted him in person, but broke up his presses and
type. This military mob outrage was resented and denounced by
the whole Press, of every party; whereupon the military
authorities began prosecutions in the military courts, and
making arrests of publishers and editors, with a contempt for
law which seemed to be ominous of some revolutionary intent.
The Liberal Ministry, under Señor Sagasta, not able,
apparently, to control these proceedings, resigned office, and
a Conservative Cabinet was formed by Señor Canovas del
Castillo. The new Ministry had many difficulties to face, the
fresh outbreak of revolt in Cuba being the most serious.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1895.

But student rioting at Barcelona, caused by the dismissal of
11 professor whose writings were condemned at Rome, became
grave enough to require the sending of the redoubtable General
Weyler to the scene; and popular excitements in Madrid,
growing out of exposures of corruption in the municipal
council, drove two of the colleagues of Canovas from their
posts. In January, 1896, Weyler was sent to Cuba, to pursue in
that unhappy island a policy which produced conditions that
horrified the world.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897, and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

Elections held in April, 1896, gave the government of Canovas
an overwhelming majority in the Cortes.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1897,
Administration of General Weyler in Cuba.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1898.
Insurrection in the Philippines.

See (in this volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (August-October).
Assassination of the Prime Minister, Canovas del Castillo.
Return of Sagasta to power.
Condition of the country.

On the 8th of August, the Spanish Prime Minister, Señor
Canovas del Castillo, was shot by an Italian anarchist, a
Neapolitan, named Angiolillo, while sojourning for a few days,
with his wife, at the baths of Santa Aguada. He lived but two
hours after receiving his wounds. General Azcarraga, Minister
of War, was called by the Queen to take temporary charge of
the government; but before the end of September he and his
cabinet were forced to resign, and the Liberals, under the
lead of Señor Sagasta, returned to power. "Canovas was the
strong man of Spain. He was not the educator of the people, or
the worker of the popular inclination. His vigorous
understanding was their muscular master. The police were on
his side; a useful portion of the press, hired judiciously for
the purpose; the army; and the brains to set them all in
motion; and, so equipped, Antonio Canovas del Castillo
confronted the Spanish people and said, 'Come on.' It was a
resolute and daring attitude, and kept the crowd triumphantly
at bay for thirty years. But of late a change had taken place.
A good deal of the old fire had burned out. Fifteen years of
colonial revolt, again, impress even the thickest-headed
Spanish peasant into conceiving that the trouble has no
business to last so long, and that his rulers, if hard and
exigent towards himself, are weak, extravagant, and
undexterous elsewhere. And this suspicion ripens into
certainty when he sees his sons torn from his side and packed
over sea, and when his taxes swell and swell, and the price of
bread goes up and up, and still no alteration for the better.
This cumulative truth is what the Spanish plebs have learned
at last, within a year ago, and if Canovas had had the
foresight of the true statesman, instead of the blind egoism
of the autocrat, he would have thrown up his losing cards
while there was time and said, 'The Cuban War is a mistake.
Forgive me.' But his unflagging obstinacy held him to his
desperate and aimless course. Although his complicity with his
emissary, Weyler, in sending and publishing one lying telegram
after another, was manifest as day, he smiled and rubbed his
hands, and vowed the war was all but over; and behind that
smile he half despised and half defied the victims he invited
to believe him. He made no claim to be a patriot. He knew he
was unpopular. He knew that for every cottage whence a son had
been torn away to that disastrous strife in Cuba the Conservative
Government of the nation may count upon one bitter foe—the
Republicans or the Duke of Madrid upon one sure ally. What
would have happened in Spain, had he lived longer, is quite
beyond the average power to say. The prospect was too horrible
for words. However, he died, and his ministry, after feebly
mimicking the stubborn temper of their chief, succumbed also,
leaving to the Liberal Party a legacy which may be likened to
a bomb with time-fuse well alight and sputtering into the
explosive. In plainer words what faces Señor Sagasta is the
following: Spain is a beggar. Her credit is gone. Her army,
always of late years behindhand in discipline, instruction,
commissariat, and the thousand and one minutiæ other nations
are solicitous to attend to, is decimated by disease,
dispirited, and utterly incompetent to engage in war with any
civilised power. Her navy is rotten. Her people are
discontented and divided into various creeds. Some are for the
existing regime, some for Don Carlos, and some for the
Republic."

_L. Williams,
Can Sagasta save Spain?
(Fortnightly Review, December, 1897)._

SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (November).
Autonomous Constitution granted to Cuba and Porto Rico.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898.
War with the United States.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (February-March).
Destruction of the United States
battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
Discussion of Cuban affairs with the Government of the
United States.
Message of the President to Congress,
asking for authority to intervene in Cuba.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

{520}

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (April).
Demand of the United States Government that the authority and
Government of Spain be withdrawn from Cuba, and its result
in a state of war.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
Suspension of hostilities and negotiations of Treaty of
Peace with the United States.
Relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, and cession of Porto
Rico, Guam and the Philippine Islands to the United States.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (August 21).
Letter from Spanish soldiers, on their departure from
Santiago de Cuba, to the soldiers of the American army.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899.
Abolition of the Ministry of the Colonies.
Resignation of the Sagasta Cabinet.
Ratification of the Treaty of Peace.

The new conditions in Spanish government resulting from the
loss of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines were promptly
acknowledged, in January, by the abolition of the Ministry of
Colonies, for which no sufficient duties remained. On the 20th
of February the Cortes was summoned, and on the same day the
"state of siege," declared during the war, which had
practically suspended constitutional rights, was removed by
proclamation. The Treaty of Peace with the United States was
laid before the Cortes; but the military party, led by General
Weyler, opposed the approval of the Treaty, evidently for the
purpose of embarrassing and weakening the government. They
were so far successful that Señor Sagasta and his cabinet were
forced to resign, on the 28th of February, and a Conservative
Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed. But the Cortes,
which declined to support the government in accepting the
Treaty of Peace, was dismissed a few days later by the
Queen-Regent, who signed the Treaty on her own responsibility,
March 11. The Silvela Ministry proved inharmonious, made so
especially by the Minister of War, General Polavieja, and in
September it was reconstructed, with Polavieja dropped out.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (January).
Relinquishment of sovereignty in Cuba.

See (in this volume)
CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (February).
Sale of the Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands to Germany.

See (in this volume)
CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)
PEACE CONFERENCE.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (October-November).
Weyler appointed Captain-General of Madrid.
Resignation of the Silvela Ministry.
The army in control.

The army won control of the government in October, when
General Linares, Minister of War, without consulting his
colleagues of the cabinet—if report be true—appointed General
Weyler to be Captain-General of Madrid. Several members of the
cabinet resigned in protest, and the Premier, Señor Silvela,
found it necessary to place the resignation of the Ministry as
a whole in the hands of the Queen-Regent (October 21). A new
cabinet was formed, with General Azcarraga for its chief,
General Linares retaining the portfolio of the War Office, and
Weyler holding the military command in Madrid. The military
party appears to be fully in power, and a token of the spirit
it has carried into the government was given within ten days
after the formation of the new Ministry, by the promulgation
of a decree suspending the guarantees of the constitution and
establishing martial law throughout the kingdom. Some
movements of Carlist agitation and insurrection furnished a
pretext for this measure, but they appear to have had no
serious character.

It is probable that the military reaction at Madrid will
stimulate a revival of the old independent aspirations of the
Catalonians, which have been showing of late many signs of new
life. The desire for separation from Spain has never died out in
Catalonia, and a resolute new effort to accomplish it may
easily appear among the incidents of the near future.

SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (November).
Spanish-American Congress.

At the instance of the "Sociedad Union Ibero-Americana," an
unofficial organization which has been in existence for more
than 15 years, a congress was held in Madrid in November,
1900, with the object of strengthening the relations between
Spain and those American peoples who are of Spanish origin.
The proposal of the "Union Ibero-Americana" met with the
approval of the Spanish Government, and on April 16 a Royal
decree was issued appointing Señor Silvela, the Prime
Minister, to be president of a congress to be held in Madrid.
The Government of Spain then issued invitations to the
Spanish-American Republics, asking them to send
representatives, which invitations were accepted by the
governments of Mexico, the Argentine Republic, Chile, Uruguay,
Peru, and other States. The list of subjects for discussion
included proposals of treaties of commerce, international
arbitration, the harmonizing of the civil, penal, and
administrative legal codes of the various countries
represented, emigration, the international validity of
professional diplomas, the establishment of Ibero-American
banks, and others. The most important result of the Congress
was the voting of a plan of compulsory arbitration by the
South American republics. The motion was introduced by Peru,
which has the most to gain by arbitration. Chile's was the
sole dissenting voice. "This," remarks "The Nation," of New
York, "recalls the fact that Chile consented to take part in
the Pan-American Congress at the City of Mexico, only on
condition that any arbitration there provided for should not
concern her own disputed boundaries."

SPAIN: A. D. 1901.
Anti-clerical agitation, directed
especially against the Jesuits.
Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias.

A case arising in Madrid in February produced excitements of
feeling against the Jesuits which spread to all parts of the
country, and were the cause of serious political
demonstrations and rioting in many cities. A wealthy young
lady, Señorita Ubao, had been persuaded by her confessor, a
priest of the Jesuit order, to enter a convent, against the
wish of her family. The family applied to the High Court for a
mandate to secure her release. The prominence of the parties
drew universal attention to the case, and it was discussed
with passion throughout Spain, stirring up, as appears to be
evident, a latent anti-clerical feeling which only waited to
be moved.
{521}
It seems, moreover, to have served as an occasion for
demonstrations of the republicanism that continues to be
strong in Spain. Students of the universities were active
promoters of the excitement, and set examples of disorder
which were followed by rougher mobs. In Madrid, Zaragoza,
Valencia, Valladolid, Santandar, Granada, Malaga, Barcelona,
and other towns the excitement ran high, and was not quieted
by a decision of the High Court on the 19th of February,
restoring Señorita Ubao to her friends. At Barcelona, on the
last day of March, a meeting of 9,000 citizens, held in the
bull-ring, is reported to have passed resolutions in favor of
the separation of Church and State, advocating the prohibition
of religious orders, and expressing a desire that their
property should be taken possession of by the State. The
meeting voted messages congratulating France and Portugal on
their Anti-Clerical attitude. The meeting was followed by a
riotous attack on the Jesuit convent, and by a conflict of the
mob with the civil guard, in which blood was shed. From
various parts of the country, demands for the expulsion of the
religious orders were reported, in April, to be reaching the
government.

A royal wedding which occurred in the early days of this
anti-clerical agitation added something to the disturbance of
the public mind. Dona Maria de las Mercedes, eldest of the
children of the late King Alphonso XII. and his second wife,
was married on the 14th of February to Prince Charles, of the
Neapolitan Bourbon family, son of the Count of Caserta. The
Princess was Queen of Spain, in her infancy, for a few months
after her father's death, until the posthumous birth of her
brother, in 1886, and presumptively she may again inherit the
crown. In itself, the marriage does not seem to have been
unpopular; but, for some reason, the Count of Caserta was
odious to the public of Madrid, and became the object of
unpleasant attentions from the mob, while the bride and
bridegroom, and other members of the family of the latter,
were treated with respect.

SPANISH-AMERICAN CONGRESS, The.

See (in this volume)
SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPANISH SOLDIERS: Letter to American soldiers.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

SPION KOP, The storming of.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

SPITZBERGEN: Claimed by Russia.

See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898.

SPITZBERGEN: Recent Exploration of.

See (in this volume)
POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900, 1900-.

SPOILS SYSTEM, The:
As maintained in the service of the
United States House of Representatives.

See (in this volume)
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

SPOONER AMENDMENT, The.

See (in this volume)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

STAMBOULOFF, M. Stephen, assassination of.

See (in this volume)
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: BULGARIA.

STANDARD OIL COMPANY.

See (in this volume)
TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STATEN ISLAND: Incorporation in Greater New York.

See (in this volume)
NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

STATISTICS: Of the British-Boer war.

See (in this volume)
ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER);
and SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR:
A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY), and (APRIL).

STATISTICS: Of Christian Missions.

See (in this volume)
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

STATISTICS: Of finances and exports of the United States.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1900 (JUNE), and (DECEMBER).

STATISTICS: Of the navies of the Sea Powers.

See (in this volume)
NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

STATISTICS: Of the shipping of the world.

See (in this volume)
SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

STATISTICS: Of the Spanish-American war.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899, STATISTICS;
and 1900 (JUNE);
also, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY), and (OCTOBER).

STATISTICS: Of war-making expenditure by the leading Powers.

See (in this volume)
WAR BUDGETS.

STEAM TURBINES, The invention of.

See (in this volume)
SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

STEEL: The Age of.

See (in this volume)
NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF STEEL.

STEEL PRODUCTION, Combinations in.

See (in this volume)
TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

STEVENSON, Adlai E.:
Bi-metallic mission to Europe.

See (in this volume)
MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

STOCKHOLM, Exposition at.

A Scandinavian industrial exposition, which proved exceedingly
attractive, was held with much success at Stockholm, the
Swedish capital, in the summer and autumn of 1897.

STONEHENGE:
Fall of two stones.

"The last night of the nineteenth century was marked, as a
correspondent pointed out in our issue of yesterday, by a
serious injury to what remains of the majestic monument of
Stonehenge. One of the great uprights of the outer circle of
stones, as well as the cross-piece mortised to it on the top,
fell to the ground, thus destroying still further the most
striking effect of this gigantic temple or sepulchre. The fall
was probably caused by the torrents of rain and the violent winds
that closed the troubled record of the year 1900. One of the
uprights was brought to the ground, where it lies like so many
other of the stones that formed this vast megalithic structure,
and the capstone has been broken in pieces. The continuous
exterior circle of which these formed a part was originally
about one hundred feet in diameter, and though the masses were
less imposing individually than those of the great tritithons
around the centre, the effect of the mighty round of uprights,
sixteen feet high, with huge capstones resting on them, must
have been wonderful in its noble simplicity …

{522}

"The solicitude of the present age has placed Stonehenge, like
other great national monuments, under the permissive
protection of the law, but the law itself cannot prevent the
ravages of weather and the gradual subsidence of the
foundations on which these masses stand. Little, we fear, can
be done to keep the remaining uprights standing. They will
fall when their time comes and will lie where they fall like
those that have already succumbed to their fate. It is better,
perhaps, for the dignity of this venerable monument that it is in
no serious danger of that restoration which is at work on so
many later structures, more splendid as triumphs of art, but
less stubborn in their strength."

_London Times,
January 4, 1901._

STORMBERG, Battle of.

See (in this volume)
SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

STRATHCONA'S HORSE.

See (in this volume)
CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

STRIKES.

See (in this volume)
INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1885-1898.
Abandonment to the Dervishes.
Death of the Mahdi.
Reign of the Khalifa.
Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest.

See (in this volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1899.
Anglo-Egyptian condominium established.

See (in this volume)
EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1895.
Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

See (in this volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1897.
Definition of Tongoland boundary.

See (in this volume)
AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGOLAND).

SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1898-1899.
Agreement with Great Britain as to the limits.

See (in this volume)
NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

SUDANESE TROOPS: Mutiny in Uganda.

See (in this volume)
UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

SUFFRAGE:
Qualifications in the several States of the American Union.

See (in this volume)
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY);
also, DELAWARE; LOUISIANA;
MARYLAND; MISSISSIPPI; NORTH CAROLINA; and SOUTH CAROLINA.

SUFFRAGE, Woman.

See (in this volume)
WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

SUGAR BOUNTIES.

An extremely complicated and irrational state of things,
connected with the production and consumption of sugar
throughout the world, has been experienced for many years, as
a consequence of the system of bounties on exportation, by
which a number of European countries have stimulated the
production of beet-sugar, in competition with the sugar
produced from cane. The system was carried to its extreme
development in 1896-1897, in consequence of action taken in
Germany.

See (in this volume)
GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).