Chapter XXVIII: Introduction (27)

Mr. BURKE said, he wished that the whole business of the temporary and permanent residence might now be settled. He exculpated the members who are in favor of Baltimore from all design to defeat the present bill. He referred to some observations which had been made on the conduct of the members of the States south of Virginia, and said, that they had consulted the interest of the whole. One reason why he was in favor of the motion was, because he preferred Baltimore to Conococheague. He thought a populous city better than building a palace in the woods. Another reason was, that there was no political necessity existing for removing the Government from New York to Philadelphia. He said that the measure would excite the most turbulent passions in the minds of the citizens. It is unjust to the people of this city, to remove from this place till the expense they have incurred is repaid them. It is a breach of honesty and justice. It is injustice to the State--to the whole nation. He entered into a consideration of their sacrifices and services. He thought it a very extraordinary measure indeed. It is calculated, said he, to arrest the funding system, and to throw every thing into confusion. If the bill is passed in its present form, Congress will never leave Philadelphia; for the Commissioners to be appointed will incur no penalty for a neglect of doing their duty. This is a most essential defect in the bill, and there are other defects in it. He spoke in handsome terms of the State of Pennsylvania. He said he had as high an opinion of that State, as any man whatever, but he was afraid of their influence; and that State was the last in which he would ever consent the permanent seat of Government should be. He then adverted to the influence of the members from that State, who by their political management, had raised a storm in the United States. [Here Mr. BURKE was called to order.] After a short interruption, he proceeded, and said a Quaker State was a bad neighborhood for the South Carolinians. Here he adverted to the Quaker business last winter. He objected to Philadelphia, also, on account of there being no gallery in the House proposed for the accommodation of Congress--an open gallery he considered as a very important check to the Legislature.

Mr. LAWRENCE.--The gentleman from Virginia has observed, that the object of the amendment is to defeat the bill. He has also mentioned the States which are most particularly interested in the question. Mr. L. said, the State of New York might have been considered. He wished the motion might succeed, because he thought that it would conduce to the peace of the Union. He objected to the place proposed for the permanent residence; by the bill it is conceded that the place is not, at present, a suitable position. By what magic can it be made to appear it will be more proper at the end of ten years? What reason can be given why those parts of the Union should not populate which are at a distance from the Potomac, in proportion to those parts in the vicinity of that place? I presume none can be assigned. Why, then, is a period of ten years to expire, previous to going there? The reason is plain. The people would not now consent to have the Government dragged to so remote a part of the United States. He then adverted to the funding business, and other important matters which remain to be decided on, and very strongly intimated that these questions were to be determined agreeable to the fate of this bill. He showed, from a variety of particulars, that Philadelphia would become the permanent residence. He then adverted particularly to the several parts of the bill. The first was respecting the place where it is proposed to erect the public buildings. He said, they could not be erected within the time mentioned, and showed the various difficulties which would attend the whole business. He then stated the advantages of Baltimore, and said that that place would have obtained in the Senate, if the Maryland Senators would have voted for it. He concluded by observing, that, as no necessity exists for removing the temporary residence, he hoped that Congress would sit down contented where they are.

Mr. BLOODWORTH observed, that as the funding bill had been alluded to, he could wish that the objection from that quarter might be taken out of the way. He moved that the committee should rise, in order to take up the ways and means.

Mr. STONE.--All we seem to differ about is whether Baltimore or the Potomac shall be the seat of the Government; and if this was all, the Delegates of that State might fold their arms and sit down contented; but the State of Maryland has been placed in the situation of Tantalus. He then stated how the gentlemen had formerly voted, who now appear in favor of Baltimore. Had the bill come down from the Senate with Baltimore inserted, instead of Potomac, he should have had no difficulty in determining how to act; but he conceived, that if the amendment now proposed should take place, nothing would be done, and the business will be left in a very inauspicious state. From this and other considerations, he was resolved not to be drawn off from his present determination by any motion, amendment, or modification of the bill whatever. With respect to himself, he had no election between the town of Baltimore and the Potomac; yet, as a Marylander, he would, if he saw a prospect of success, vote for the town of Baltimore; but as it respects the United States, he should vote for the Potomac; and on this idea he was willing to make some sacrifices. He considered the subject as one of the most painful and disagreeable that could be agitated, and he wished to have the business finally and unalterably fixed.

Mr. SENEY also considered this as an unhappy question to come before the House at this time. The State of Maryland is as much divided on the subject as the United States appeared to be; a great rivalship subsists between the Potomac and Susquehanna rivers, and he doubted not but that when the question was ultimately decided, it would be either on the one or the other of those rivers. He agreed with Mr. LEE, that Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, were the only States who could make any reasonable pretensions for the seat of Government; but a majority of voices from these States had been against the Potomac. Pennsylvania and Maryland, he observed, had given the preference to the Susquehanna. Mr. S. then noticed some transactions of the Legislature of Maryland, which he said clearly evinced their determination to support the pretensions of the Susquehanna. Maryland certainly had an equal right with Pennsylvania and Virginia to have her interests consulted. The interests of Maryland, it appeared, were now to be sacrificed to those two adjoining States. And however flattering it may seem to Maryland to fix the seat of Government on her side of the Potomac, the real advantages were in a great measure nugatory, as it would be but a very small portion of that State that could reap any benefit therefrom. The real advantages would undoubtedly result to Pennsylvania and Virginia. It appeared somewhat extraordinary to him, that gentlemen should be willing to confine the residence to a particular spot, previous to their removing to a permanent residence. Why is it necessary to fix upon Philadelphia for ten years? Surely this is putting the Government in a very ineligible situation, for it is by no means improbable that many serious and important occurrences might render a removal highly expedient, perhaps unavoidable. Besides, after the Government shall have remained ten years in Philadelphia, the probability of quitting it for the Potomac appeared to be very slight indeed. For though it was understood by the bill that the offices were to be removed to the Potomac, yet if a majority in either House were opposed to going there, Congress would remain at Philadelphia, and they would be obliged to repeal the bill from necessity.

Mr. SCOTT said, he should not notice many things which had been offered on the subject. He would only observe, that from the town of Baltimore there is no water conveyance to the interior country; but from the proposed site on the Potomac, there are two hundred miles navigation directly into the heart of the country. Nor is Baltimore more northerly than the position contemplated. A connection with the Western country is of the utmost consequence to the peace and union of the United States, let the gentlemen from the sea-coast say what they will.

Mr. MADISON.--In order to decide this question rightly, we ought to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the two places as they relate to the good of the United States. Now, I will defy any gentleman, however sanguine he may be with respect to Baltimore, to point out any substantial advantage that is not common to the Potomac; and I defy them to disprove that there are not several important advantages belonging to the Potomac, which do not appertain to Baltimore. The committee have had ample information with respect to the Northern and Southern positions of the two places. In point of salubrity of air, without disparaging the pretensions of Baltimore, the Potomac is at least equally favored in that respect. In regard to centrality of situation, the Potomac has undoubtedly the advantage. In respect to security from invasion, I aver the Potomac has the advantage also. With relation to the Western country, there is not a shadow of comparison. If we should go as far South as Baltimore, why not an equal distance south-west to the Potomac? Those who are acquainted with the country on the Potomac, and that in the neighborhood of Baltimore, do not hesitate to give the preference to the Potomac. It is true, that Baltimore has respectable resources; her rapid growth is a clear proof of it; but look at the resources of the Potomac; the great range of rich country that borders on it, and see if these are not advantages that must, in a short time, produce a commercial town. Sir, a period might be named, not exceeding ten years, within which the town of Baltimore obtained the greater part of its increase and consequence; a period of ten years will produce the same effects on the Potomac, because the same causes exist; and when, superadded to this, the residence of Government shall be there, there can be no doubt but that there will be every accommodation that can be desired.

It is said, that before the ten years expire, a repeal of the act may take place, and thus Congress be kept at Philadelphia. But what more can we do than pass a law for the purpose? It is not in our power to guard against a repeal. Our acts are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. A repeal is a thing against which no provision can be made. If that is an objection, it holds good against any law that can be passed. If those States that may have a superiority in Congress at a future day will pay no respect to the acts of their predecessors, or to the public good, there is no power to compel them.

But I flatter myself that some respect will be paid to the public interest, and to the plighted faith of the Government. As to centrality, the best evidence we have at this time in favor of the Potomac is the different travelling of the members; and this, sir, proves incontestably that the proposed place on the Potomac is near the centre. If any arguments could be brought against it, it is its being too far to the northward. For the mileage south of the Potomac is twelve thousand seven hundred and eighty-two miles, to the north of it twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-two miles. If to this Rhode Island be added, it will not be more than equal. If the bill once passes, I am not under any apprehensions of a repeal; but if danger of repeal does exist, it is of that kind against which we cannot guard. Sir, we should calculate on accepting the bill as it now stands; we ought not to risk it by making any amendment. We have it now in our power to procure a Southern position. The opportunity may not again speedily present itself. We know the various and jealous interests that exist on this subject. We should hazard nothing. If the Potomac is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore? May no other place be proposed? Instead of Baltimore, is it not probable we may have Susquehanna inserted, perhaps the Delaware? Make any amendment, sir, and the bill will go back to the Senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our possession again? By amending, we give up a certainty for an uncertainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely, if we accept the bill as it now stands, and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen not to consent to any alteration, lest it be wholly defeated and the prospect of obtaining a Southern position vanish for ever.

Mr. GERRY said, he rose with greater reluctance on this than he ever did on any former occasion; and it is because it appears pretty evident the advocates of the bill are sure of a majority, and are determined not to change their minds let what arguments will be offered on the subject. The business of establishing the permanent residence is contrary to the sentiments of a majority of the members of this House, and of the Senate, as they have both negatived a bill for this purpose the present session. It is to be regretted that it has ever been brought forward, for it is very evident that it has had a very pernicious influence on the great business of funding the public debt. He then mentioned the former removals of Congress, which had never been complained of, as the public business was never neglected. He said, that if the present bill is carried into execution, a very great uneasiness will ensue; for the measures of Congress, and not their residence, are the objects of concern to the people. Those States who think that they shall be injured, it cannot be expected will then acquiesce. He then gave an account of the process of this measure the last session. The travelling has been mentioned. This, he said, could not be considered as an argument in favor of the bill, for the expense is not paid by particular States, it comes out of the common treasury. He asserted that the accessibility to New York is better than to the Potomac. He contended that the risk by land is greater than by water. He stated the advantages that the Southern members derived from coming to the northward, while, on the other hand, is there, asked he, any thing to balance the risk and difficulties which the Northern members must encounter in such a Southern situation? He said it was highly unreasonable to fix the seat of Government in such a position as to have nine States out of thirteen to the northward of the place. He adverted to the sacrifices which the Northern States are ready to make in being willing to go so far south as Baltimore. He contended that the explicit consent of the Eastern States ought to be obtained, before they are dragged still further south. He ridiculed the idea of fixing the Government at Conococheague. He did not think there was any serious intention of ever going to this Indian place. He considered the whole business as a mere manoeuvre. Baltimore holds out the only prospect of a permanent seat of Government. He recapitulated the account which before had been given. From this he adverted to the general expectation of the public with respect to the Government's tarrying here till the permanent seat was established. He particularized the expenses that had been incurred by the citizens, and for which they merited great honor. He said, it had been promised to New York that this place should be the temporary residence of Congress, and on this engagement they came into an unconditional adoption of the constitution. Should this bill pass, what can it be denominated but a delusion, a deception, sanctioned by Congress itself? He remarked on the several observations offered by Messrs. MADISON, LEE, STONE, and SCOTT.

Mr. VINING.--When I find arguments made use of to inflame the minds of gentlemen against the members of this House, I think it my duty to notice such observations. Attempts are made to hold up, in an odious point of light, the members of Pennsylvania. Sir, it is a fact, which your Journals will justify, that the members from Pennsylvania voted the last session against Philadelphia. I trust that none of those observations will have the least influence on the mind of one single individual. We are sent here to do the public business, and I trust that our constituents have not sent men that are to be deterred from doing their duty by such insidious insinuations, such ill-founded suggestions of deceiving and deluding the citizens of this place. Mr. V. added some more strictures on Mr. GERRY's observations, and then entered largely into the merits of the question. He supported the bill on general principles, and noticed the several objections that had been made by different members. He imputed the embarrassments of the public business to the assumption, and not to the subject of residence.

Mr. CLYMER made a few remarks on the observations of Mr. BURKE, which were not distinctly heard.

The committee rose, and reported progress

WEDNESDAY, July 7.

_Seat of Government._

The House again resolved itself into a committee on the bill for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of Government, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.

Mr. BURKE made some remarks on the observations of Mr. VINING, in which he exculpated himself from all design to excite mobs and tumults among the citizens of New York, as had been insinuated by that gentleman. He declared that he believed the citizens incapable of behaving so much out of character. For himself, he disclaimed any such idea. He further observed, that the delegates from Pennsylvania were fully competent to advocate the interests of their particular State; they had given abundant evidence of their abilities; they therefore did not need the assistance of the gentleman from Delaware.

Mr. HARTLEY observed, that it was the fault of the New York Senators last year that they did not vote for a four years' residence in their own city, and the permanent one at Germantown, which they could then have carried. He defended himself and his colleagues from any charge of want of generosity, and also defended the character of the Quakers. The gentleman (Mr. BURKE) is not acquainted with the people called Quakers or their history, or he would entertain different sentiments concerning them. Under the famous William Penn, they settled the former Province of Pennsylvania, between the years 1680 and 1690, near the close of the last century; and such was their justice, wisdom, moderation and good policy, that they gained reputation abroad. Men emigrated from the European world to this land of freedom. They preserved peace at home; for it was not until the year 1753, in a war, fomented on the borders of another Province, that an inhabitant of Pennsylvania was killed by the hands of an Indian. The Quakers had always been remarkable for their moral laws, for the plainness of their manners, and their benevolence. Nay, should the gentleman go to Philadelphia, he will find that these people will treat him as well as any other society. They merit not the abuse which has been so frequently thrown upon them.

Mr. BLOODWORTH thought that if the New York Senators had acted wrong, yet the people should not be blamed for it. The proposition of Mr. BURKE was so reasonable and just, that he said he could not avoid approving of it.

Mr. LAWRENCE defended the New York Senators, and explained the reasons of their former conduct, which, when it was known, he believed, would rather merit the approbation of the people. He then proceeded to remark upon the conduct of New York during the war and since. Her revenue had been thrown into the Treasury of the United States, and every succor that could possibly be expected was received from her. Upon the whole, he wished the dispute of residence could be left to the decision of the three Northern and three Southern States; and he appealed to the House, as politicians and men, for the justice of the case.

Mr. WADSWORTH rose next. He was proceeding when he was called to order. After some altercation on the question of order,

Mr. PAGE spoke to the merits of the question, in which he introduced several conciliatory observations, and then added, as to the place for the permanent residence of Congress, any unprejudiced disinterested man in the world, looking over the map of the United States, would put his finger on the district pointed out in the bill, and say, "This is your place, sir." As to going to Philadelphia, it is not my wish to go and stay there as proposed in the bill; but I say, with my colleague, (Mr. MADISON,) that I consent to go there to get into a more central position, and to be fairly on our way to the permanent residence on the Potomac. As to our present situation, the citizens of New York themselves acknowledge, nay, even the member himself who has called me to order, acknowledges that it has no pretensions to be the permanent residence; and it must be confessed that in proportion as it is improper for the permanent residence, it must be improper for the temporary residence. The continuance of Congress here has been acquiesced in by the Southern States, merely on the supposition that a removal to the permanent residence would take place sooner if Congress sat here than at some other place more central. The wise and virtuous citizens of New York know this, and cannot resist the removal.

Sir, I was not apprehensive that the observations made by gentlemen yesterday could excite an improper resentment in their minds. There is not a city in the world in which I would sooner trust myself and Congress than in New York; for it is superior to any place I know for the orderly and decent behavior of its inhabitants; but, sir, when the member behind me, (Mr. BURKE,) who alluded to me when he was last up, said that they were injured and robbed by Congress, I told him, as a friend, that had I been in the chair, I should have called him to order.

I confess I was shocked to hear that gentleman's declarations repeated by a member on the other side of the House, who is remarkable for his coolness and his peculiar attention to every sentiment offered in debate (Mr. GERRY.) I took the liberty, when the House adjourned, to tell that gentleman, perhaps too freely, what I thought respecting those declarations; if I gave him, or the member behind me any offence, I ask their pardon; but I still think I should have done my duty had I taken notice of the impropriety of their declarations in my place in the House, as a friend to order and freedom of debate.

Mr. LIVERMORE said, that the motion for striking out the Potomac and inserting Baltimore is so reasonable in itself, that I cannot conceive there should be one person opposed to it. He observed, that Baltimore is as far south as the Potomac; the members will then have as far to go to one as the other. There is a river, it is said, which runs two hundred miles into the country as far as the Allegany mountains; what advantage can this be to Congress? I can conceive none, except that it may be to send the acts of Congress by water to the foot of the Allegany mountains. He thought that the centre of population was the only true centre. It is not pretended that the Potomac is at present this centre; but it is said that it will in time become the centre of population. What reason is there for any such supposition? The place in which this favorite spot is has been as long settled as any other part of the Continent, but the population has not kept pace with many other parts of the United States; it is therefore entirely chimerical and problematical whether it ever will become the centre of population. He then enlarged on the superior advantages of a populous city for the seat of Government, and concluded by repeating that the amendment is so reasonable in itself that he hoped every member of the committee would vote for it.

Mr. GERRY.--In discussing this subject yesterday, I made use of such arguments as appeared to me pertinent to the occasion. But, sir, those arguments have had the most extraordinary construction put on them by the gentleman from Delaware; they have been represented as tending to excite mobs, and to raise insurrections in this city. Sir, I insist that the observations I made had a direct contrary tendency. I said that the bill contained those malignant principles which had a direct tendency to agitate and inflame the minds of the citizens of America. Those principles I was endeavoring to expose, and to show what must be their obvious effects. Is this exciting mobs? Directly the reverse, in my opinion. I never had any such idea; and as to the citizens of New York, I have too just a sense of their wisdom and good judgment to harbor such a sentiment. He then adverted to the constitution, to show that there could be no danger of an insurrection or rebellion against the Government. Congress is vested with a sufficient power to protect themselves from every insult whatever; they have a right to call forth the whole militia of the Union for their protection. [Here Mr. G. was called to order, and some altercation ensuing, Mr. G. said he would say nothing farther on this particular topic.] He then proceeded to state his arguments against the Potomac, in the course of which he noticed some observations which had fallen from Messrs. VINING and CLYMER. One of the gentlemen had said that "Pennsylvania had a right to the seat of the General Government." This he denied; he said no State in the Union could pretend to such a right; Congress alone has a right to determine where the seat of Government shall be. He entered into a lengthy discussion on the merits of the Potomac, and among other observations asserted that taking so southern a situation would amount to a disqualification of many of the Northern members, who would forego their election rather than attend the National Legislature on that river.

Mr. VINING read a report of a committee of the late Congress, respecting two seats of Government, in which report Georgetown was mentioned. Mr. GERRY, being one of this committee, rose to explain.

Mr. SEDGWICK, in a speech of considerable length, stated his objections to so southern a situation as either Baltimore or the Potomac, and said that he should have the unhappiness, he feared, of dividing on the question from his colleagues.

Mr. SHERMAN offered some calculations respecting distances, and made Baltimore to be the nearest to the centre of any other place that had been mentioned.

Mr. WHITE said, he had no idea of altering the sentiments of a single member of the committee; he did not expect the gentleman from New Hampshire would agree with him. The gentleman from Massachusetts had said something about the Government going into the wilderness; he said it was true that there was not at present every accommodation which gentlemen might wish; but there is every probability that there will be. He said that such improvements were making in the navigation of the Potomac as will render it a place affording every accommodation whether Congress go there or not. He instanced several places on the Potomac which were at this day sufficiently populous to accommodate Congress. He then adverted to situations, and observed that a line from the Atlantic, east and west, to the extreme point mentioned in the bill, will intersect the State of New Jersey, include the whole of Delaware and Maryland, and will throw thirty-one members of the representation in the southern division of the United States. He then observed, that after the present ferment is subsided, this position will be considered as a permanent bond of union; and the Eastern States will find their most essential interests promoted by the measure. He adverted to the trade of Massachusetts, which he said was greater to Virginia than to the whole Union besides; the Southern States will be cordial in promoting their shipping and advancing their interests, when they observe that the principles of justice influence them on this great national question.

He then remarked on the observation of Mr. SHERMAN respecting the repealing of the law, and reprobated the principles on which such observations are founded; he remarked on the attraction of populous cities, and trusted that other ideas would prevail in this country than what influenced in fixing the seats of Government in Europe.

Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina) said, he was in favor of the motion, as the only one which held out a probability of ever fixing on a southern residence. He enlarged on the difficulty and improbability of ever removing from Philadelphia. He said that it was evident, from the present representation, and what is most likely it will be ten years hence, that Congress could not be removed from that place. He then stated the number of the members to the southward and northward of Philadelphia, and observed that the Congress that would exist at the expiration of ten years may think entirely different from the present, and will not think themselves bound by the law; but if they should, what can the measure be denominated but legislating for the next century? A system proposed the last session, which combined a much greater interest than the present, failed; and what reason have we to suppose that this bill will ever be carried into execution? He said no gentleman pretends that the place proposed is now ready for the reception of the Government; and even if the buildings were now erected, is there any gentleman who would give his vote for going there? He would agree to a place in the neighborhood of Baltimore, and this he supposed was the furthest southern position the gentlemen from the eastward will ever consent to. From all the views he could take of the measure, he was fully convinced that the Potomac was tacked to the bill merely to carry Philadelphia; he wished gentlemen seriously to consider the consequences of passing a law which would so intimately and inauspiciously affect the interests of so many people.

Mr. MADISON objected to the motion for inserting Baltimore, as it would be risking the bill with a place which has already been repeatedly rejected by the Senate; he religiously believed, he said, that if Baltimore was inserted the bill would never pass the Senate; and the fate of the bill which the gentleman mentions ought to be a serious warning to us never to risk this with an amendment; the instance, therefore, produced by the gentleman, is very much against his own argument.

The question being put for striking out the word "Potomac," and inserting "Baltimore," it was negatived--37 to 23.

THURSDAY, July 8.

_General Post Office._

The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill to establish the Post Office and post roads within the United States.

The first amendment was to strike out the first and second sections, which specified and established the several roads, and to insert a clause empowering the Postmaster General, under the direction of the President of the United States, to establish them.

A concurrence in this amendment was opposed by Messrs. BLOODWORTH, WHITE, STEELE, LIVERMORE, HARTLEY, and GERRY.

It was said, that it was delegating the power of legislation to the Supreme Executive in one of the most important points that could be mentioned. The revenue also will centre in the hands of the Executive; and in process of time this revenue may be converted into an engine destructive to the liberties of the United States; for as it is a perpetual law, and as the time may, and probably will come, when the Executive may be corrupt, as the revenue increases, the officers of the department will be increased, and we do not know to what extent the consequences may be carried. It is unconstitutional, as that expressly reserves the power of establishing Post Offices and post roads to the Legislature. It was further observed, it would be throwing a burden upon the President which he cannot execute with any convenience to himself, and, from his situation, with satisfaction to the people. The representatives of the people, who come from all parts of the United States, must be supposed to have a more competent knowledge of the proper places for establishing post roads than the Postmaster General.

A concurrence was advocated by Mr. PARTRIDGE, and Mr. SEDGWICK.

It was said, that upon an accurate calculation it was found that the roads proposed by the bill as it passed the House, are so numerous, that so far from affording a revenue, they will prove a great burden to the United States. The circumstances of the country are continually changing; the seats of Government in the several States are removed from their ancient situations to one hundred miles' distance; to accommodate the people in such cases, old routes must be discontinued and new roads opened, which will be a perpetual source of legislation and unnecessary expense. This business was left to the Postmaster General by the late Congress, and very few complaints were heard; the Postmaster General, by his office, must be the most competent judge, as the business will be a principal object of his attention, and actual surveys of the roads will be made by his assistants in all parts of the United States; but if the responsibility of this officer is divided into sixty-five parts, every one of which has its own particular convenience in view, it must appear evident that all responsibility is entirely dissipated. As to the unconstitutionality, it was said that the bill proposes no more in the present instance than is provided for in the other Executive Departments; the principles of conducting the business are established by the House; the mode of carrying those principles into execution is left with the Executive, and this of necessity is done in almost every case whatever. The House adjourned without coming to a vote.

FRIDAY, July 9.

_Seat of Government._

The House proceeded to consider the bill sent from the Senate for the establishing the temporary and permanent seat of Government of the United States.

Mr. BOUDINOT, after expressing his disapprobation of the bill generally, moved that the Potomac should be struck out and the Delaware inserted, and called for the yeas and nays; after some debate, this motion was negatived, as follows:

YEAS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Floyd, Foster,
Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Huntington, Hathorn, Leonard,
Lawrence, Livermore, Partridge, Rensselaer, Trumbull,
Schureman, Sherman, Sylvester, Sturges, Sedgwick,
Wadsworth--22.

NAYS.--Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Burke,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons,
Gilman, Heister, Hartley, Jackson, Gale, Griffin, P.
Muhlenberg, Madison, Mathews, Moore, Page, Parker, Lee,
Steele, Scott, Sinnickson, Stone, Sevier, Seney, Smith, (of
Maryland,) Smith, (of South Carolina,) Sumter, Thatcher,
Tucker, Vining, White, Williamson, Wynkoop--39.

Mr. AMES moved to strike out Potomac and insert Germantown, as the permanent residence. Yeas 22, nays 39.

Variation--Mr. GILMAN, yea; Mr. TRUMBULL, nay.

Mr. SMITH (of Maryland) moved to strike out Potomac and insert between the Potomac and Susquehanna. Yeas 25, nays 36.

Variation--Messrs. SMITH, (of Maryland,) SMITH, (of South Carolina,) TRUMBULL, and THATCHER, yea; Mr. SHERMAN, nay.

Mr. LAWRENCE moved to strike out Potomac and insert Baltimore.

YEAS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Floyd, Foster,
Gerry, Goodhue, Grout, Hathorn, Huntington, Lawrence,
Leonard, Livermore, Rensselaer, Partridge, Schureman,
Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Smith, (of Maryland,) Smith, (of
South Carolina,) Sylvester, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull,
Wadsworth--26.

NAYS.--Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons,
Gilman, Gale, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee,
Madison, Mathews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott,
Sevier, Sumter, Sinnickson, Steele, Stone, Tucker, Vining,
White, Williamson, Wynkoop--34.

A motion was made to adjourn; which was also negatived.

The bill was then read the third time; and on the question, Shall the bill pass? the yeas and nays were as follows:

YEAS.--Messrs. Ashe, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown,
Cadwalader, Carroll, Clymer, Coles, Contee, Fitzsimons,
Gale, Griffin, Hartley, Heister, Jackson, Lee, Madison,
Mathews, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Scott, Sevier,
Sinnickson, Steele, Stone, Sumter, Vining, White,
Williamson, Wynkoop--32.

NAYS.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Burke, Floyd,
Foster, Gerry, Goodhue, Gilman, Grout, Hathorn, Huntington,
Lawrence, Leonard, Livermore, Partridge, Rensselaer,
Schureman, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sylvester, Smith, (of
Maryland,) Smith, (of South Carolina,) Sturges, Thatcher,
Trumbull, Tucker, Wadsworth--29.[37]

THURSDAY, August 12.

Agreeably to the concurrent vote of the two Houses, an adjournment took place this day--to meet in the city of Philadelphia on the first Monday in December next.

Previous to the adjournment, a unanimous vote passed both Houses, returning thanks to the Corporation of this City for the elegant and convenient accommodations furnished the Congress of the United States.

Adjourned, _sine die_.

FIRST CONGRESS.--THIRD SESSION.

HELD AT THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 6, 1790

PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.

MONDAY, December 6, 1790.

The Senate assembled: present,

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

From New Hampshire, JOHN LANGDON and PAINE WINGATE.

From Massachusetts, TRISTRAM DALTON.

From Connecticut, OLIVER ELLSWORTH.

From New York, RUFUS KING.

From Pennsylvania, WILLIAM MACLAY and ROBERT MORRIS.

From Delaware, RICHARD BASSETT.

From North Carolina, SAMUEL JOHNSTON and BENJAMIN HAWKINS.

From South Carolina, PIERCE BUTLER and RALPH IZARD.

From Georgia, WILLIAM FEW.

PHILEMON DICKINSON, from the State of New Jersey, produced his credentials and took his seat in the Senate, in the place of Governor PATERSON.

JAMES MONROE, appointed by the Legislature of the State of Virginia, in the place of JOHN WALKER, who was appointed by the Executive of the said State in the room of WILLIAM GRAYSON, deceased, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the Senate.

The VICE PRESIDENT administered the oath required by law to Mr. DICKINSON and Mr. MONROE, respectively.

A letter was read from WILLIAM PATERSON, Governor of the State of New Jersey, communicating the resignation of his appointment to be a Senator of the United States.

_Ordered_, That the Secretary inform the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.

TUESDAY, December 7.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that a quorum of that body is assembled and ready to proceed to business.

Messrs. LANGDON and MORRIS were appointed a committee, on the part of the Senate, to inform the President of the United States that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and will be ready, in the Senate Chamber, at such time as he may appoint, to receive any communication which he may be pleased to make.

Mr. LANGDON, in the course of the day, reported that the President would meet the two Houses, as proposed, to-morrow, at 12 o'clock.

WEDNESDAY, December 8.

JONATHAN ELMER, from New Jersey; CALEB STRONG, from Massachusetts; and GEORGE READ, from the State of Delaware; attended.

A letter from the Commissioners of the city and county of Philadelphia was received, offering to Congress the county court-house for their accommodation during their residence in Philadelphia.

The members of the House of Representatives having taken their seats, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES entered the Senate Chamber, and addressed both Houses as follows:

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives:_

In meeting you again, I feel much satisfaction in being
able to repeat my congratulations on the favorable
prospects which continue to distinguish our public affairs.
The abundant fruits of another year have blessed our
country with plenty, and with the means of a flourishing
commerce. The progress of public credit is witnessed by a
considerable rise of American stock abroad as well as at
home; and the revenues allotted for this and other national
purposes have been productive beyond the calculations by
which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is the
more pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility
of our resources, but as it assures us of a further
increase of the national respectability and credit; and,
let me add, as it bears an honorable testimony to the
patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part
of our citizens. The punctuality of the former in
discharging their engagements has been exemplary.

In conforming to the powers vested in me by acts of the
last session, a loan of three millions of florins, towards
which some provisional measures had previously taken place,
has been completed in Holland. As well the celerity with
which it has been filled, as the nature of the terms,
(considering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing,
created by the situation of Europe,) give a reasonable hope
that the further execution of those powers may proceed
with advantage and success. The Secretary of the Treasury
has my directions to communicate such further particulars
as may be requisite for more precise information.

Since your last sessions I have received communications by
which it appears that the district of Kentucky, at present
a part of Virginia, has concurred in certain propositions
contained in a law of that State; in consequence of which
the district is to become a distinct member of the Union,
in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added. For
this sanction application is now made. I shall cause the
papers on this very important transaction to be laid before
you. The liberality and harmony with which it has been
conducted will be found to do great honor to both the
parties; and, the sentiments of warm attachment to the
Union and its present Government, expressed by our
fellow-citizens of Kentucky, cannot fail to add an
affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the
great national impressions under which you will decide on
the case submitted to you.

It has been heretofore known to Congress, that frequent
incursions have been made on our frontier settlements by
certain banditti of Indians from the north-west side of the
Ohio. These, with some of the tribes dwelling on and near
the Wabash, have of late been particularly active in their
depredations; and, being emboldened by the impunity of
their crimes, and aided by such parts of the neighboring
tribes as could be seduced to join in their hostilities, or
afford them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they
have, instead of listening to the humane invitations and
overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed
their violences with fresh alacrity, and greater effect.
The lives of a number of valuable citizens have thus been
sacrificed, and some of them under circumstances peculiarly
shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable
captivity.

These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the
safety of the Western settlements, that the aggressors
should be made sensible that the Government of the Union is
not less capable of punishing their crimes, than it is
disposed to respect their rights and reward their
attachments. As this object could not be effected by
defensive measures, it became necessary to put in force the
act which empowers the President to call out the militia
for the protection of the frontiers; and I have,
accordingly, authorized an expedition, in which the regular
troops in that quarter are combined with such drafts of
militia as were deemed sufficient: the event of the measure
is yet unknown to me. The Secretary of War is directed to
lay before you a statement of the information on which it
is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with
which it will be attended.

The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the
critical posture of the great maritime Powers, whilst it
ought to make us the more thankful for the general peace
and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us, at
the same time, of the circumspection with which it becomes
us to preserve these blessings. It requires, also, that we
should not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of
preparations for a war, among the nations most concerned in
active commerce with this country, to abridge the means,
and thereby at least to enhance the price of transporting
its valuable productions to their proper markets. I
recommend it to your serious reflection how far, and in
what mode, it may be expedient to guard against
embarrassments from these contingencies, by such
encouragements to our own navigation as will render our
commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms,
which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to
both of these great objects. Our fisheries, and the
transportation of our own produce, offer us abundant means
for guarding ourselves against this evil.

Your attention seems to be not less due to that particular
branch of our trade which belongs to the Mediterranean. So
many circumstances unite in rendering the present state of
it distressful to us, that you will not think any
deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and
protection.

The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a
Judiciary system have opened the doors of justice to all
description of persons. You will consider, in your wisdom,
whether improvements in that system may yet be made; and,
particularly, whether a uniform process of execution, on
sentences issuing from the Federal courts, be not desirable
through all the States.

The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants, and
seamen, has called for the appointment of Consuls in
foreign countries. It seems expedient, to regulate by law,
the exercise of that jurisdiction, and those functions
which are permitted them, either by express convention, or
by a friendly indulgence, in the places of their residence.
The Consular Convention, too, with His Most Christian
Majesty, has stipulated, in certain cases, the aid of the
national authority to his Consuls established here. Some
legislative provision is requisite to carry these
stipulations into full effect.

The establishment of the Militia, of a Mint, of Standards
of Weights and Measures, of the Post Office and post roads,
are subjects which (I presume) you will resume of course,
and which are abundantly urged by their own importance.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:_

The sufficiency of the revenues you have established for
the objects to which they are appropriated, leaves no doubt
that the residuary provisions will be commensurate to the
other objects for which the public faith stands now
pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it will be a
favorite policy with you not merely to secure a payment of
the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing
resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of
the principle itself. The appropriation you have made of
the Western lands explains your dispositions on this
subject, and I am persuaded the sooner that valuable fund
can be made to contribute, along with other means, to the
actual reduction of the public debt, the more salutary will
the measure be to every public interest, as well as the
more satisfactory to our constituents.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:_

In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present
session, I indulge the fullest persuasion that your
consultations will be equally marked with wisdom, and
animated by the love of your country. In whatever belongs
to my duty, you shall have all the co-operation which an
undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be
happy for us both, and our best reward, if, by a successful
administration of our respective trusts, we can make the
established Government more and more instrumental in
promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and
more the object of their attachment and confidence.

GEO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December_ 8, 1790.

The President of the United States having retired, and the two Houses being separated, Messrs. ELLSWORTH, KING, and IZARD, were appointed a committee to prepare and report the draft of an Address to the PRESIDENT, in answer to his Speech to both Houses.

THURSDAY, December 9.

_To the President, and the Honorable the Congress of the
United States of America._

The memorial of the Representatives of the people of
Kentucky, in Convention assembled, pursuant to an act of
the Legislature of Virginia, passed the 18th December,
1789, entitled "An act concerning the erection of the
District of Kentucky into an independent State," humbly
showeth:

That the inhabitants of this country are warmly devoted to
the American Union, and as firmly attached to the present
happy establishment of the Federal Government, as any of
the citizens of the United States.

That, migrating from hence, they have, with great hazard
and difficulty, effected their present settlements. The
hope of increasing numbers could alone have supported the
early adventurers under those arduous exertions. They have
the satisfaction to find that hope verified. At this day,
the population and strength of this country render it fully
able, in the opinion of your memorialists, to form and
support an efficient domestic Government.

The inconveniences resulting from its local situation, as a
part of Virginia, at first but little felt, have for some
time been objects of their most serious attention; which
occasioned application to the Legislature of Virginia for
redress.

Here your memorialists would acknowledge, with peculiar
pleasure, the benevolence of Virginia in permitting them to
remove the evils arising from that source, by assuming upon
themselves a state of independence.

This they have thought expedient to do, on the terms and
conditions stipulated in the above recited act; and fixed
on the first day of June, 1792, as the period when the said
independence shall commence.

It now remains with the President and the Congress of the
United States to sanction these proceedings, by an act of
their honorable Legislature, prior to the first day of
November, 1791, for the purpose of receiving into the
Federal Union the people of Kentucky, by the name of the
State of Kentucky.

Should this determination of your memorialists meet the
approbation of the General Government, they have to call a
Convention, to form a Constitution, subsequent to the act
of Congress, and prior to the day fixed for the
independence of this country.

When your memorialists reflect upon the present
comprehensive system of Federal Government, and when they
also recollect the determination of a former Congress on
this subject, they are left without a doubt that the object
of their wishes will be accomplished.

And your memorialists, as in duty bound, shall for ever
pray.

GEORGE MUTER, _President_.
Attest, THOMAS TODD, _Clerk of the Con._

A letter from the Secretary of War was communicated to the VICE PRESIDENT, enclosing sundry papers referred to in the President's Speech to both Houses of Congress, on the 8th instant, which, being read, were ordered to lie for consideration.

FRIDAY, _December_ 10.

A letter from Monsieur Beniere, President of the Commonalty of Paris, addressed to the PRESIDENT and members of Congress of the United States, with twenty-six copies of a Civic Eulogy on BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, pronounced the 21st day of July, 1790, in the name of the Commonalty of Paris, by Monsieur L'Abbé Fauchet, was delivered to the Senate, by Mr. Lear, Secretary to the President of the United States.

Read, and

_Ordered_, That the letter and copies of the Eulogy be sent to the House of Representatives.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate, that they have, on their part, appointed the Rev. Dr. BLAIR one of the Chaplains of the present Congress.

Mr. ELLSWORTH, from the committee appointed to prepare and report the draft of an Address to the President of the United States, reported accordingly; and, the report being amended, was adopted, as followeth:

_To the President of the United States of America._

We receive, sir, with particular satisfaction, the
communications contained in your speech, which confirm to
us the progressive state of the public credit, and afford,
at the same time, a new proof of the solidity of the
foundation on which it rests; and we cheerfully join in the
acknowledgment which is due to the probity and patriotism
of the mercantile and marine part of our fellow-citizens,
whose enlightened attachment to the principles of good
government is not less conspicuous in this than it has been
in other important respects.

In confidence that every constitutional preliminary has
been observed, we assure you of our disposition to concur,
in giving the requisite sanction to the admission of
Kentucky as a distinct member of the Union; in doing which,
we shall anticipate the happy effects to be expected from
the sentiments of attachment towards the Union, and its
present Government, which have been expressed by the
patriotic inhabitants of that district.