Chapter LXXIII: Introduction (72)

First, then, of monarchy. Where has that power been placed? According to the theory of the English Government it has been lodged in the Sovereign, for it is there expressly said (nor has it been denied on this floor) that the King is the source of all power; and it is also expressly declared that the King of Great Britain has sovereign and exclusive right to make Treaties. That, when they are made, they cannot be impeded or annulled by any existing power in the kingdom. This is the theory of that Government. But what has been the practice? I answer, the contrary; for it ever has been that, when a Treaty was made, the same has been submitted to the Parliament for concurrence; and Parliament, if they thought proper, admitted and sometimes annulled them, as in the Treaty of Utrecht, and sundry instances that the history of that nation affords us. The English Government, therefore, is in practice what it is not in theory. By the construction of the constitution, as contended for, by giving uncontrollable power to twenty Senators and the PRESIDENT, our Government will be in practice what the English Government is in theory. If this doctrine had been believed, that this was the true construction of the constitution, previous and at the time of its adoption, would the people of the United States have adopted it? If they had been informed that, by this instrument, they were ceding more power to two-thirds of the Senators and PRESIDENT, than even could be practised by the King of England, with his lords spiritual and temporal, under that impression would they have ceded that power? Or, if they had been told that the House of Representatives, under this constitution, had less power than was exercised by the House of Commons in England; that they would be less able to secure their liberties in this country against the approaches of prerogative, would they have, under that belief, accepted of this constitution? I think, Mr. Chairman, I may venture to say they would not.

With respect to the more absolute government of France, where has this power been lodged? In this, as in the monarchy of England, it was, in theory, lodged in a prince; but the theory, even in that despotic government, never could be carried into practice. According to _Vattel_, in the Treaty made by Francis I., in the Treaty of Madrid, on account of that Treaty encroaching on the fundamentals of their government, it was set aside. How was this done? It was not done by Parliament, for they had none; but the principal people of the kingdom met together at Cogniac and annulled it. I ask again, Mr. Chairman, if the people of this country possess less power than the people of that despotic Government? Or do they possess less power to withstand the usurpations of the Executive, on the subject of Treaties, in their Representatives in Congress, than has ever been maintained in the cramped situation of the people of England by the House of Commons?

Why were these rights ever maintained and so scrupulously attended to by the people of those countries? It was because they considered them as the palladium of their remaining liberty,--they therefore, would not let them go.

Then, with respect to a Republic, the sovereign power is in the people. It therefore follows that whatever can be effected by the people in those countries can be done here--they being the source of power.

Then, with regard to the constitution, it must be construed naturally and liberally in behalf of the people. Not as giving all power that can be given, but as retaining all power and natural right that ought to be retained. It would have been extremely improper to have wantonly discarded natural privilege, or ceded more power than was essential to government; nor was any more intended to be given.

The constitution, upon the face of it, shows that this is the case--limits are prescribed to governmental power. Not so in the countries spoken of, yet the people exercise it. But it is said our constitution has not retained this privilege, and it is the law and the testimony, sacred volume, &c. The sacredness depends upon the attention to the principles that procured its adoption; when that is contravened a violence is made upon the rights of the people. If, by any construction that can be given, these rights can be preserved, it is wise to consider it as the better opinion. But it is said to be impossible that this power has been ceded, subject to no control, to the PRESIDENT and two-thirds of the Senators present; that, whatever may be the practice in other countries, it will not apply to this; that those countries have no constitution, and that we have, and must be governed by it. Unfortunate circumstance! why adopted? Was it wantonly to throw away a privilege and natural right? Certainly not, but the contrary. It was to secure natural right, and to establish a Republican form of Government.

I considered that the Executive had absolute power to make peace; as by the constitution he is declared Commander-in-chief of all the armies, his situation enabled him to be the best judge of the forces and of the force he had to contend with, and as secrecy was necessary to effecting a Treaty of Peace, that power was properly vested in him, guarded by two-thirds of the Senate. But a Treaty of Commerce presupposes an existing peace, and in those Treaties secrecy is not essential; but a competent knowledge of the produce of the respective States in all their remote situations was necessary; which would be best obtained by an association of the three branches of Government.

This is a Treaty of Commerce, and therefore has involved Legislative objects. It consequently requires Legislative sanction; a contrary construction would be a violation of the constitution and of the principles upon which it was adopted, and therefore a violation of the rights of the people.

I confess, on viewing the exception and force of the argument, that I had some doubt, that when the government became old and corrupt, that this perversion might be attempted; but had no idea that in the course of six years it would be contended for.

Mr. BRADBURY observed, that the most plausible reason that he had heard in support of the resolution under the consideration of the committee resulted from a principle advanced by a member from Pennsylvania, who spoke upon the subject last week. The principle was this; that where any articles of a Treaty were repugnant to prior existing acts of Congress, those acts must first be repealed by Congress before such Treaty can become the law of the land; and it was said some of the articles of the British Treaty were of this nature. He would not stay to examine the truth of the fact, for admitting it to be true, he altogether denied the principle; but yet he acknowledged that if it could be made out, it would afford the best reason yet given for calling for the papers. If their concurrence was necessary to give existence or legality to the Treaty, he saw not why they ought not to be favored with the papers as well as the Senate. But he asserted and would endeavor to prove, that the Treaty has already a legal existence; that it is now the law of the land; and that, therefore, no act of Congress is, or can be, necessary to make it so; and, therefore, that House could have no need of the papers, nor any right to call for them on that ground.

That the Treaty had already become the law of the land, and that no Legislative act of Congress was necessary to make it so, he argued wholly from the constitution itself, by which alone the question must at last be determined.

That instrument expressly declares, that all Treaties made under the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land. He laid no stress upon the word supreme, admitting for argument's sake, that the supremacy ascribed to the constitution and laws, and Treaties made under it, meant a supremacy over the constitution and laws of individual States. All he asked to be granted him, and which he thought could not be denied, was that a Treaty made under the authority of the United States was the law of the land. If so, then all that needed to be proved was, that a Treaty made by the PRESIDENT, with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senate, was a Treaty made under the authority of the United States. And to prove that, he needed only to mention another clause in the constitution, which expressly declares that the PRESIDENT, with such advice and consent, shall have power to make Treaties.

He nowhere read in the constitution that any act of Congress, in any possible case, was necessary to make a Treaty, so as that without it such Treaty could not be the law of the land. He nowhere read that prior acts of Congress repugnant to a Treaty must first be repealed before a Treaty could be a law.

But, says the gentleman from Pennsylvania, the same Treaty power is given to the King by the Constitution and laws of England, that is given to the PRESIDENT by our constitution, and yet the Parliament have the power there which he contends for in favor of Congress here; that is, they must repeal prior laws repugnant to a new Treaty, before it can be the law of the land; and why is not an act of Congress, it is asked, necessary for the same purpose, in a similar case here? He would answer, because our constitution is different from the British in this respect: it declares that a Treaty made under the authority of the United States, (and he had shown that a Treaty made by the PRESIDENT, as aforesaid, was made under such authority,) is the law of the land, and if it is a law, nothing further can be requisite to make it so. There was no such declaration in the Constitution and laws of England.

There was no arguing from the power of Parliament to the power of Congress. The Parliament must have controlled this Treaty power of the King, and stripped him of his prerogative, by use and custom. There had been in England a constant struggle between power and privilege; the prerogatives of the King were not founded in the grant of the people; they were founded on force, on the right of conquest; whatever, therefore, was gained from the King by the Commons, was considered as so much gained by the people from an adverse power.

If the PRESIDENT were an hereditary monarch, deriving his power from his predecessors by descent, a power originally founded in conquest, Congress would do well to get as much of it out of his hands as they could. It would here be, as it was there, a struggle between prerogative and privilege; it would be the people against the King. But as this was not the case, and as Congress never had in fact assumed and exercised the power of confirming, by an act of theirs, Treaties made by the PRESIDENT, this argument from analogy wholly failed.

Suppose the Parliament of Great Britain should pass a law expressly delegating the Treaty-making power to the King, with the advice and consent of two-thirds of his Privy Council, and should declare in the act, that a Treaty made under such authority should be the supreme law of the land. They claim a right to make such a law, for Judge _Blackstone_ affirms, that the denial of a power in every government, even to alter every part of its constitution, is the height of political absurdity; and in England, he expressly ascribes this power to Parliament.

What would be the effect of such an act of Parliament? Would not a Treaty made under it be clearly the law of England? and would not all acts of Parliament, prior and repugnant to it, be repealed by it? He was clearly of opinion they would; and this clause, he said, was inserted in the American Constitution, probably to guard against that very construction which is now endeavored to be put upon the Treaty power; on purpose to cut off all pretence of a power in Congress to control a Treaty, by refusing to repeal any prior laws that might stand in the way of it.

But, said the same gentleman, shall a British House of Commons have this right of controlling the Treaty-making power, and shall it be denied to the Representatives of a free people? He answered, the PRESIDENT and Senate of the United States were as much the Representatives of a free people as that House was; they were as truly, though not so immediately, chosen by the people as they were. The people distributed their powers as they pleased. The PRESIDENT, said he, represents the people as their Executive agent, and is possessed of all Executive power, and the power of making Treaties. The true question, then, was, shall one constituted representative authority usurp the power and control the acts assigned by the constitution to another representative authority of the same free people? They certainly ought not. If they should attempt it, it would be opposing one authority of the people to another. It would be dividing a free people against itself. But he hoped he had said enough to show the unsoundness of that principle, and fully to establish what he first undertook to prove, that the Treaty was already completed; that it was already the law of the land; and that it did, by its own force, repeal all prior laws, if there were any standing in the way of it; and if so, they could have no need of the papers to assist them in making it a law. It had also been laid by the King before his Parliament, and he supposed the necessary appropriations had been made to carry it into effect. He did not know that any other Parliamentary provision was necessary.

But it may be said, that it is fit and proper that they should call for the papers mentioned in the resolution, even if the Treaty were law, because appropriations by act of Congress would be necessary to carry it into effect, and they ought to have the papers to judge whether it be fit for them to make those appropriations.

He answered, whether that be fit or not, in his opinion, must depend wholly upon the Treaty or law itself, and upon nothing out of it. It was like all other laws requiring appropriations, in making which they must be governed by a sound and legal discretion, and that discretion must be governed by the instrument itself.

Even if a question should arise and be proper for the discussion of that House, on the constitutionality of the Treaty, yet that question must be decided by the Treaty itself, and by nothing else; and there could be no need of any papers for that purpose. If general information were the object, to allay the public sensibility, he should think the better way would be to request the PRESIDENT to publish the papers in all the newspapers throughout the United States. But he believed he must be considered as the best judge in that matter. He would only add, that the correspondence between their Envoy and the British Minister was, in its nature, secret and confidential. It was communicated to the Senate because they were a part of the Treaty-making power, which the House was not; but even to them it was communicated in confidence. A request to the PRESIDENT, said he, to communicate these papers, amounts to a requirement; but there can be no right to require where there is no obligation to obey.

Mr. PAGE spoke as follows: I confess, sir, that I had wished that this House, instead of asking the PRESIDENT for information respecting the negotiation and ratification of the Treaty, at this late day of its session, had given him, as soon as possible after its meeting, fully their opinions, and that of their constituents, respecting the Treaty itself. But, as time has been afforded for deliberation, and the House has waited most patiently and respectfully till the PRESIDENT could "place the subject before them," according to his promise in his Address to Congress, I think they have shown a spirit of moderation which deserves credit. The friends of the Treaty cannot complain that it has been hastily and rudely attacked, and should not object to the request which is proposed to be made to the PRESIDENT, to furnish a statement of facts which, from what has been said elsewhere, may be supposed sufficient to silence the most clamorous opposers of the Treaty.

I think that the Treaty is constitutional, as far as relates to the powers of the contracting parties to make Treaties; and is constitutional and valid, also, as far as relates to that part of it which gives it the name of a Treaty of Amity, and which might be in a separate and distinct Treaty by itself; for the PRESIDENT, by and with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senators present, has an undoubted authority, under the express words in the first article of the constitution, to make Treaties. And I have no doubt that the Treaties which were in the view of the framers of that article, must have been principally Treaties of Peace, of Amity, of Neutrality, or of Alliance. This is the more probable, as the first and principal Treaties in which nations were concerned, were Treaties of Peace, or Treaties to secure the blessings of peace; and it is certain that the Treaty of Peace with Great Britain was the very Treaty which gave rise to the declaration of the constitution, that all Treaties made and to be made by the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land: for the Treaty of Peace with Great Britain was said to be in a state of inexecution on account of an obstruction thrown in the way by the laws of certain States. This article, therefore, was intended to remove all obstacles, which had arisen or might arise from State Legislatures, and might, I will here remark, as easily have been extended to remove all obstructions from the General Legislature by adding to the words "any Constitution or law of the States," these words, "or the Constitution or laws of the United States notwithstanding." The power to make Treaties of Commerce and Navigation, I humbly conceive, could scarcely be within the view and design of the Convention, at least not as a primary object, when they formed the article respecting Treaties; because they knew, that the extent, situation, population, and productions of the United States, were such as would command them a sufficient share of the commerce of the world, without the aid of Commercial Treaties. They knew that almost all Europe stood in need of their productions, and that Great Britain and her islands could scarcely exist without them; they knew more, they knew this, sir, that the almost universal belief of their constituents, that giving a power to Congress to regulate commerce, which would answer every purpose of Commercial Treaties, gave existence to the very powers under which they were acting at the moment they framed that article. This mode of regulating commerce was favored by the opinion of the people, who celebrated the adoption of the constitution with so much exultation and expensive parade in the great commercial cities of the United States. They had no doubt that the new Congress would use the power with which it was invested, so as to oblige Great Britain to open her ports to them in the West Indies, and to put their trade with them upon a more equitable and stable footing. Indeed, sir, the people thought, as associations not to import certain articles from Great Britain, entered into by them when they were poor helpless Colonists, with halters about their necks, repealed the Stamp act, that acts of Congress regulating commerce, so as to retaliate on Great Britain, would at least prevent the enacting of the law by which the British King was authorized to regulate the commerce of the United States with Great Britain and her Islands.

I acknowledge, sir, that whenever a Treaty is to be made, the PRESIDENT and Senate are the proper agents to make it. I think it an excellence in our constitution that the PRESIDENT and Senate, though not allowed to declare war, have authority to put a stop to its horrors. This is a wise provision against the injury which the pride and ambition of the larger States might do to the smaller, by continuing a war. But I cannot conceive that when Congress is authorized to make all laws necessary and proper to carry into effect all the powers granted by the constitution, the Treaty-making power as well as others, and are to provide for the general welfare, which is not confided to the PRESIDENT and Senate, nor can be intrusted to them alone by the people upon any principle which has ever had weight in the formation of a Republican Government,--I cannot conceive, I say, that as this is the case, and the House of Representatives is composed of members proportioned to a certain ratio of the number of persons to be represented, and has the sole right to originate money bills, how it can possibly be supposed that the PRESIDENT and Senate, without their concurrence, can make regulations of commerce, which may be injurious to the general welfare, ruinous to the commerce of certain, and even the largest, States; and by a Treaty, too, which may, moreover, deprive that House, which, by the supposition of those who have defended the Treaty is at least a Committee of Ways and Means, (and, indeed, nothing more,) of the resources of revenue to which, by the constitution, they might have recourse.

But we are told, sir, that the power given to Congress by the constitution to regulate commerce cannot extend to that regulation which depends upon the will of a foreign nation or government, and which can only be regulated by compact, or by the Treaty-making or pactitious powers. Granting that this assertion be true, which, however, may be denied, as the general belief which I have alluded to, and on which the existence of the present Government was founded, seemed to contradict it; for it was almost universally believed that an act of Congress regulating the commerce of the United States with Great Britain, as had been proposed to the former Congress, or Congress under the Confederation, or as proposed to this House on the 3d of January, 1794, and well known by the name of MADISON's propositions, or as proposed by Mr. CLARK, 7th April, 1794, would have brought about a more advantageous commercial intercourse with Great Britain than any direct negotiation with the British Minister. It was thought highly probable that the Parliament of Great Britain would (if any of these propositions had been adopted by Congress) have refused to have renewed their act, by which the trade with these United States (as if they were more degraded than Colonies) was regulated by the King's Proclamation. I say, granting, however, that assertion to be true, how does it prove, or what other assertion can prove, that Congress has not a right, under the express words of the constitution, which declares that it shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, to be a party to that compact, or to have some share, either previously or subsequently, in the Treaty-making business, when it regulates the commerce of the United States with foreign powers?

I may agree that a Treaty is necessary to establish a commercial intercourse between two nations, to their mutual advantage and satisfaction, but I must affirm, that as that Treaty would be a commercial regulation, and as Congress is expressly empowered by the constitution to regulate commerce, whenever such Treaty shall be made between the United States and any other nation, Congress must either direct that the negotiation be commenced upon conditions approved, or sanction the ratification of such Treaty by some act showing that the regulation of commerce, by the Treaty, was made by the authority of Congress, in conformity to the constitution.

Besides, sir, if the PRESIDENT and Senate can regulate the commerce of the United States with one nation, they can with all nations, and if they can with all, what nation can there be with whom Congress can regulate commerce? This argument, therefore, must fall to the ground. We are told, however, that the Treaty-making power, from its nature, is competent to all the objects at least of the Treaty under consideration, and is not to be controlled or checked by this House. Let me examine this assertion. If this be true, sir, we find that although the British King, from whose tyranny we revolted, cannot force upon his subjects, against the will of their Representatives, a Treaty, which it is acknowledged, too, he has a right to make, the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES can, by his Proclamation, force upon the people who are his constituents a Treaty which their direct Representatives wish to suspend, alter, or annul. Can this possibly be a true construction of the Treaty-making power? Surely it cannot. If it be true, then, can the PRESIDENT repeal, as he has by the Treaty, the laws of Congress, although by the constitution he cannot negative them? He can oblige Congress to levy taxes; can withdraw impost and tonnage from their reach; prohibit the exportation of sundry articles, the produce of the United States, although the constitution forbids, the Senate and Representatives concurring, to lay the smallest duty on the exportation of any article; he can create offices and annex salaries thereto; destroy the rights of this House; provoke war; in short, he can do any thing; but this we are sworn to deny. The absurdity of that construction, then, must be evident, and the recollection of our oaths to support the constitution, of which we have been reminded, must force us to revolt at the thoughts of adopting such a monstrous construction of the constitution. We are reminded also of the PRESIDENT's Proclamation. I will attend to it. I look upon it as a proper notification of the ratification of the Treaty of Amity with Great Britain, but it can have no effect on the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, till sanctioned by the votes of Congress. The evacuation of the posts on our frontiers held by the British, if intended in consequence of the Treaty of Amity, ought to take place, or if in conformity to the Treaty of Peace; but, if intended as a compliance with conditions annexed to the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, good faith requires that they ought not to be evacuated until the final adjustment of the differences which may arise in the course of the discussion of the merits of that Treaty, and this with me is one reason why I wish for information from the PRESIDENT respecting the Treaty. I confess too, sir, that I wish for a full and free conference with the Senate on the important subject of the Treaty.

Mr. BOURNE said he would have given a silent vote on this question, had it not have been for some strange doctrines which had been asserted, for he did not consider the question in itself as necessarily involving any constitutional question. The doctrine, that the formal assent of the House of Representatives was essential to the legal existence of a Treaty, struck him as a perfect novelty. That the PRESIDENT and Senate had power under the constitution to make Treaties, and that these Treaties were the laws of the land, he had never heard denied until this debate. It was true he had heard it said, that the House might control the PRESIDENT and Senate in the exercise of this power, by refusing to carry Treaties into effect by withholding appropriations of money; but he did not expect to hear the assertion, that the ratification of the House was necessary to a Treaty, before it became the law of the land.

As a Representative of a small State, he felt himself much interested in opposing the doctrine contended for. Under the former Confederation Rhode Island had an equal vote with any State in the making of Treaties. This right was thought to have been fully preserved under the present constitution. But, if the sentiments he was combating prevailed, the small States would be deprived of one of their most essential rights; for the power of making Treaties, as one of the principal rights of sovereignty, was vested in all the States separately when they became independent, was afterwards, and in the old Confederation, vested in Congress, each State having an equal vote. It was now, in his opinion, exclusively vested in the PRESIDENT and Senate, in which body the great and small States had the same equality of suffrage. The opinion which he advanced was not merely the opinion of Rhode Island when the constitution was adopted. A gentleman from Massachusetts had already shown from the debates of the Virginia Convention, that that Assembly entertained the same opinion. He was sure the opinion prevailed in the Convention of Massachusetts--he had attended their debates when this part of the constitution was the subject of discussion. Objections were raised against it, from the indefiniteness of the power vested in the PRESIDENT and Senate of making Treaties. No one suggested that the House of Representatives had any control over, much less a participation in this power. It was urged, from the nature of the power, that it ought to be placed where it was--in the PRESIDENT and Senate. The Senate represented the sovereignty of the States; besides, from their small numbers, they were better adapted to the exercise of this power in respect to secrecy and despatch, necessary in negotiations. Objections were raised on the ground of the possible abuses to which the power of making Treaties, unlimited and undefined as it was, might be carried. No one said the PRESIDENT and Senate did not possess the power, nor was it pretended that Congress had any power to control it.

He then called the attention of the committee to the debates of the Convention of North Carolina. He had been a little surprised to hear a member from that State yesterday say he was a member of the Convention, and that it was understood that Congress could control the PRESIDENT and Senate in making Treaties, so far as respected commerce; the power of legislating on commercial regulations being given to Congress. What created his surprise was, that he had read the debates of the first Convention, and found no such sentiment. The gentleman had explained himself by saying, there was a second Convention called in that State, of which he was a member, and there the doctrine alluded to had been advanced. The debates of this Convention Mr. B. had not seen.

Mr. BRENT said he should not in the present debate touch on the merits of the Treaty, which he conceived foreign to this question. On a motion to ask for papers with respect to the Treaty, he did not conceive with what propriety the fitness of the instrument could be brought into view.

The turn which the debate had taken had given rise, he said, to an important constitutional question; he did not believe its decision of consequence to the decision on the present motion; but as the debate had taken that turn, he should pursue the same road in answer to the arguments of gentlemen. He laid this down as a sound inference from the provisions of the constitution on the subject of the Treaty power: that the PRESIDENT and Senate possess the right of forming Treaties, and of carrying on the necessary negotiations with foreign countries; but when these contain stipulations bearing a relation to the specific power vested in the Legislature, the House had a right to take cognizance of it, and such a Treaty could not become the supreme law of the land until sanctioned by the Legislature. To show the justness of this position, he should examine this subject, he said, in a threefold light. He should examine it by a recurrence to the words of the constitution; then to the opinions which prevailed as to its meaning at the time it was framed and adopted; and, lastly, he should examine what construction was best calculated to preserve the liberties of this country.

The constitution contains two clauses in reference to the Treaty-making power. The first declares that the PRESIDENT, with two-thirds of the Senate, shall have power to make Treaties. He proceeded to inquire whether this clause gives them the right to make Treaties the supreme law of the land? To determine this it was necessary to examine the import of the word in those countries where the Treaty power had been frequently exercised, and to consult the opinions of the best civilians. The general power of making Treaties is under the control of the constitution. In despotic countries, where all power, Legislative, judicial, and Executive, is in the hands of one person, there the Treaty-making power is without control, and a Treaty as soon as made becomes, _ipso facto_, the supreme law of the land; but in all limited governments, the Treaty power is subject to the limitations in the constitution. The practice of this principle may be found even in the British Government. There, though the King originates Treaties, as the PRESIDENT and Senate do here, they do not become the supreme law of the land, respecting Legislative subjects, until the co-operation of Parliament is obtained. Thus the power of making Treaties does not imply the power of making those Treaties in all cases the supreme law of the land. If the Executive make a Treaty involving none but Executive powers strictly, then it becomes immediately the supreme law; but if they contain provisions, which involve the Legislative authority, the Executive can make them but conditionally, and they do not become supreme until the Legislature choose to make them so. The British Government furnishes an example where this doctrine has been practised, and it is by a reference to the practice of despotic Governments, that the mistaken idea is taken up that all Treaties, as soon as made, become the supreme law of the land. The clause in our constitution, he concluded, does not give authority to the PRESIDENT and Senate to make a supreme law of the land.

When this clause of the constitution is compared with the other parts of it, it will be found, he said, that the above interpretation is just; for the Treaty-making power is delegated as a general power, while to Congress specific powers are granted. The rational and admitted rule of construction in these cases is, that specific power restrains general powers; and here, then, the general Treaty power must be restrained by the specific powers of Congress. He admitted that the Executive had full power, under the general authority vested in them by the constitution, to originate Treaties and to carry on negotiations with foreign powers; but that if the provisions of a Treaty so negotiated clashed with specific powers granted, the authority exercising those specific powers must give it their sanction before it becomes the supreme law of the land.

He next turned to the second clause of the constitution respecting Treaties, which had been noticed in the debate. It says, that the constitution, laws, and Treaties, shall be the supreme law of the land; and gentlemen contend, he remarked, that though the first clause does not make the Treaties entered into by the Executive the supreme law of the land, yet that this does; but its obvious and only meaning, when the whole of it is taken into view, is, that the Constitution, laws, and Treaties of the United States, are only meant to be declared supreme to constitutions and laws of the individual States. It is admitted, as a sound rule of construction, that to discover the true meaning of any instrument, it is fair to have recourse to the existing circumstances that produced it. When the constitution was formed, it was under a strong impression of the inconveniences experienced under the Confederation, when great obstruction was thrown in the way of the Treaty power, by the States refusing to carry into execution those agreed to by the constitutional authority. This was the evil the framers of the constitution had in view when they inserted this clause, and it has no relation to the powers of the General Government, which stand precisely in the same situation with or without it. It does not declare that Treaties shall abrogate laws, but that the States shall not have it in their power to throw impediments in the way of their execution. The words of the constitution cannot be understood otherwise than that the constitution, laws, and Treaties, shall exist together; it does not say that a Treaty shall repeal a law, or a law repeal a treaty. Then the constitution certainly contemplated that they never should be in opposition, for contradictory and opposing laws cannot exist at the same time; if they exist at the same time, they cannot be in opposition to each other. If it can be supposed that the PRESIDENT and Senate can make a Treaty in opposition to a law of the Legislature, and yet both the Treaty and the law be at the same time the supreme law of the land, an absurdity is supposed. But if it be admitted that the House shall have a participation in the business of Treaties, in cases which involve the Legislative authority, then the words of the constitution become intelligible, and both Treaties and laws may be at the same time the supreme law of the land.

Gentlemen say, that Treaties, _ipso facto_, repeal anterior laws clashing with their provisions: they say, that the constitution, laws, and Treaties, stand upon the same footing in the constitution, being all declared the supreme law of the land. If Treaties can repeal laws, then laws can repeal the constitution, for the second (laws) are to the first (constitution) what the third (Treaties) are to the second (laws); then, also, by parity of reasoning, Treaties may repeal the constitution. If all stand on the same footing, and the precedence is according to the point of time, the last always prevailing, then Treaties may change the fundamental principles of our Government; then the PRESIDENT and Senate, by entering into stipulations with a foreign government, may give us a monarchy, may convert our PRESIDENT into a king, and our Senate into a nobility; for, say the gentlemen, Treaties are the law of the land as well as the constitution, and a subsequent law repeals those which are anterior. But these positions are false in all their parts; a law or a Treaty cannot repeal the constitution, nor can a Treaty repeal a law. If the manner in which the three words are placed in the constitution is to have any force, it would not favor the construction of the gentlemen; they contend for the supremacy of Treaties, whereas Treaties are last named, and the true construction from this source would be the reverse, when there was clashing. He next adverted to the lengths to which the mode of interpretation contended for by the gentlemen would carry them. It was never intended, he asserted, by the people, when they instituted this Government, that the Treaty power should possess this omnipotence. It was never intended that the PRESIDENT and Senate should have it in their power to effect a radical change in our Government, and stipulate with a foreign nation for a guarantee of the change. Laws contrary to the constitution are nugatory, and Treaties contrary to existing laws, the same; because, when in that stage, they are not concluded under the authority of the United States, but are only so (and then there is no longer any clashing) when once they have received the sanction of the Legislature. From the above, he concluded that the PRESIDENT and Senate originate Treaties, and that the Legislature to a certain extent should exercise a check upon this power. And upon these principles the British Treaty is not the supreme law of the land until a decision on it was had in the Legislature.

Mr. FINDLAY.--It seems to be agreed by both parties that the express words of the constitution will not support either position without a liberty of construction. The difference of opinion is now confined to what construction is most agreeable to the general principles of the constitution.

That the construction which gives the fullest scope to all the powers vested in the different departments of the Government, and which, by combining their operation, is the best calculated for the preservation of the Government itself, offers fairest to be the true one, cannot reasonably be doubted.

The Legislative powers, to regulate commerce with foreign nations, to levy taxes, appropriate money, &c., are specifically vested in Congress, and as deposited in the Legislature, are secured by numerous negative checks, declaring what things Congress shall not do, and guards regulating the manner in which it shall exercise its powers on the proper subjects.

The Treaty-making power is not vested in Congress; the negotiating part of making Treaties is partly of an Executive nature, and can be most conveniently exercised by that department, and is, therefore, vested in the PRESIDENT and Senate. The PRESIDENT shall have the power to make Treaties, two-thirds of the Senate agreeing therewith.

Even the power of negotiating, which includes the timing of Treaties, the appointment of Envoys, and instructing them, and approving of Treaties, so far as to present them for ratification, are powers of great importance, and may put the Government in such circumstances as to render it expedient to ratify a Treaty, which, if it had not been agreed to by the negotiating agents, it would have rejected--are powers of great importance of themselves; but it is acknowledged that more than this is vested by the constitution in the Treaty-making powers.

The power of making treaties is admitted to be so extensive as to embrace all subjects arising under the law of nations, for securing amity and friendship betwixt nations, and for the mutual protection of the citizens in their correspondence with each other. Authority for this purpose is not vested in Congress among the enumerated powers, but expressly given to the PRESIDENT and Senate; therefore, Treaties to this extent, ratified under their authority, are the laws of the land, according to the constitution.

The powers specifically vested in Congress are so explicitly checked and guarded as to form an unequivocal limitation to the Treaty-making power, when it extends to powers specifically vested in the Legislature, consisting of the Senate and House of Representatives, with the approbation of the PRESIDENT.

The Legislature cannot transfer its essential powers, nor evade them; the exercise of its privileges it may dispense with, but if it may dispense with or transfer any one Legislative power, it may, on the same principle, dispense with or transfer every power with which it is vested, and for the exercise of which the Legislature only are responsible.

The Executive cannot assume or exercise any power expressly vested in the Legislature. If the Executive may, by an extension of the Treaty-making power, regulate commerce, make laws to raise and appropriate money, &c., or, which is the same thing, command laws to be made for carrying Treaties, which interfere with the Legislative powers, into effect; or if, as is contended, the Legislature has no moral power of discretion, no power to refuse to make laws to carry Treaties into effect, or even to form an opinion on the goodness or badness of Treaties, when they relate to powers explicitly intrusted to its deliberation: on the same principle all Legislative discretion may be exercised by the Treaty-making power without regard to the constitutional guards provided to prevent the abuses of those powers. For there is no Legislative power vested in Congress but what may be either directly or indirectly exercised by the Treaty-making power.

If the Treaty-making power is admitted to the extent pleaded for, and the specific powers vested in Congress are admitted in the extent in which they are unequivocally expressed, we are reduced to a dilemma, and the constitution is necessarily admitted to have instituted two interfering Legislative authorities, acting in direct competition with each other on the same subjects, and both making supreme laws of the land; which though they may be nominally distinct, have the same effect on the citizens, with this difference only, that we may be relieved from the oppression of laws by a repeal of them, but cannot be relieved from the hardships resulting from a Treaty, without the consent of another nation.

In advocating the resolution before the committee, we admit a reasonable latitude to both the Legislative and Treaty-making powers. Where the Treaty-making power extends itself to express Legislative objects, and where Legislative aid is absolutely necessary to carry the Treaty into effect, we contend that the Legislature in making such laws, exercise that moral power that is necessary for legislating in all other cases, and are not reduced to the situation of an executive officer, or mere treasurers of the United States. In this case, we say, that the powers are not intended to make war with each other; that the departments ought to concur in the exercise of them. This method preserves the exercise of both powers in their proper places; the other destroys the Legislative authority which is, by the constitution, the most explicitly vested, and precisely guarded.

Mr. SMITH, of New Hampshire, said, he had not intended to have delivered his sentiments on the question before the committee, but as he did not fully agree in opinion with any gentleman who had spoken, it became necessary for him to express the grounds of his opinion. This he would do as briefly as possible.

As this question involved the constitutional powers of the House, he viewed it as important; it was a delicate question. We were called upon to decide as to our own powers. For these reasons he thought that the discussion should be conducted with moderation, coolness, and candor; that such a temper was most favorable to truth. However gentlemen might differ, he observed, on other subjects, in this we are all agreed, that, in forming our judgments on all such questions, the constitution must be our sole guide. It was this instrument, he said, which defines the powers given to the General Government, and which distributes these powers among the several departments. If the constitution had not assigned to each its peculiar portion of power, these departments, like the original elements, would be engaged in a perpetual war for power. All would be confusion, disorder, and anarchy. He proposed, in the first place, to give what he conceived to be the true exposition of the constitution, on the subject of Treaties in general. He should then, he said, state as correctly as possible the exposition or construction of the constitution contended for by the gentleman opposed to him. He lamented that he could not do this with greater accuracy. The gentlemen had not agreed among themselves. He could only state what seemed to be the general current of opinion. The construction which he advocated was, that, by the Constitution of the United States, the power of making Treaties is exclusively vested in the PRESIDENT and two-thirds of the Senate. That this power extends to all kinds of Treaties--of Peace, of Alliance, of Amity, of Commerce and Navigation, and embraces all those subjects, and comprehends all those objects, which can with propriety be the subject of convention or compact between nations; that is, every thing in which they have a mutual or common interest. That a compact so made which does not change the constitution, and which does not palpably and manifestly betray or sacrifice the private interests of the State, (which is invalid on natural principles,) is binding on the nation without any sanction on the part of the House of Representatives. That such a Treaty is by the constitution paramount to the constitution and laws of the several States; that the Judges in the several States are bound to obey it. That it is by the reason and nature of the thing paramount to a law of the United States, and abrogates and annuls all pre-existing laws contrary to it, and, as long as it remains in force, limits and restricts the power of the Legislature of the United States to pass any laws in contravention of it. That, when such a Treaty requires money to be provided, or rather Legislative acts to be performed, it is the duty of the Legislature to provide and appropriate the money in the same manner as it is their duty to provide and appropriate money for the payment of our debts. That the nation must judge whether it be constitutionally formed or not; whether the stipulations contained in it be such as in good faith they are bound to execute, and whether any circumstances have happened which would justify a non-observance of it. That on these subjects they must exercise a sound discretion. That neither the nation, nor any departments of the Government, are at liberty to reject a Treaty merely because it is a hard bargain.

The doctrine on the other side is--

That the power to make Treaties is limited to such objects as are not comprehended and included in the specified powers given to Congress by the constitution; or, that a Treaty which comprehends or embraces any such object is not valid; that is, not the supreme law of the land, until the House of Representatives have added their sanction to it; or, if this be not admitted, that the House of Representatives, by the theory of our constitution, have check on the Treaty-making power, in providing and appropriating money necessary to carry a Treaty into effect; which power, it is admitted on all hands, they possess; and thus in this way control the doings of the PRESIDENT and Senate, and can reject a Treaty, or at least certain parts of it. That they can and ought to do this if they believe the Treaty to be a bad one, though not injurious in an extreme, such as manifestly betraying or sacrificing the private interest of the State, (which by the Law of Nations nullifies such a compact,) and which on all hands would readily be admitted as a sufficient cause for refusing to carry it into execution.

Mr. WILLIAM LYMAN began with remarking, that the gentlemen opposed to the resolution had at first contended, that the House had not a constitutional right to require papers of the Executive, relative to any subject whatever; and that if a requisition was made, it would be discretionary with the Executive, whether it should be complied with or not.

To this he replied, that the House possessed the power of impeachment solely, and that this authority certainly implied the right to inspect every paper and transaction in any department, otherwise the power of impeachment could never be exercised with any effect. But not to rely solely on this, he recollected one case, he said, perfectly in point, which was in the correspondence of the former Secretary of State (Mr. JEFFERSON) with the British Minister, communicated to the House. From dates and references, there appeared in that correspondence a chasm. The House, therefore, passed a resolution requesting the Executive to lay before them what had been omitted; and further, the resolution in that case was offered by the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. SMITH,) who was now so vehemently opposed to the present. The right of calling for papers was sanctioned, he said, by the uniform and undeniable practice of the House ever since the organization of the Government; they had called for papers and information whenever it was judged expedient; and he asserted, that the House had the fullest right to the possession of any papers in the Executive department; they were constituted the especial guardians of the people for that purpose; and he would undertake to say, that this was the first time it had ever been controverted.