Chapter XLV: Introduction (44)

He insisted that the scheme of the Department of War was not a scheme of the Secretary, but a scheme of the United States from the PRESIDENT down to the members of the Legislature, and the meanest of their constituents. He took a retrospect of the great skill of the PRESIDENT after Braddock's defeat. The PRESIDENT must be the best judge of the disposition of Indians, and the best way of treating with them; he approves the scheme of the present war, and shall we imprudently attempt to change his plan, by sending out a few men to be knocked on the head by the Indians, as those _coat_ men were? so called by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. PARKER,) but instead of coat men, he, Mr. W. thought they might also have been called petty-coat men, &c. He finished his observations by again remarking, that the calculations of the gentleman (Mr. STEELE) who had introduced the motion for reducing the present war establishments were founded in error and ought not to have any weight with the House.

Mr. STEELE.--When the House have deliberated upon the merits of the gentleman's arguments, and the truth of my statements; and when they have decided the question, I will submit to their decision; but, in the mean time, I insist that my calculations are founded on the reports of the Secretary and the public printed documents on the table, of the appropriations and laws, &c. I wish the gentleman (Mr. WADSWORTH) had told us where he has found those papers, from which he attempts to controvert such authentic documents as I have quoted. I wish he had made the House understand them; for my part they appear unintelligible.

Mr. WADSWORTH said it was from the laws.

Mr. STEELE explained some things in his former statements; and in reply to some suggestions that might be thrown out with respect to his indelicate mode of attacking the Secretary of War, or the PRESIDENT, he defied any member to show that he had acted beyond the line of his duty, or that he had ever shown any disrespect towards the PRESIDENT. On the contrary, he was of opinion that that gentleman's character would for ever be secured against all the possible attacks of ingratitude or malice, &c. He also used some other very handsome expressions on this occasion. But whilst he was ready to declare these things, and to prove that he had no personal intentions of injuring the Secretary of War, yet, he would not suffer himself to be deprived of his privilege, whilst he had the honor of a seat in that House; and, in the present instance, he thought it his duty to hold up his opposition against the rapid increase of expenses in all the Departments of Government, which he said were grown to an enormous burden upon the people, and unwarranted by the constitution; that they therefore ought to be immediately checked. He hoped, for the future, gentlemen would confine their arguments to measures, and not apply them to persons. He sat down, for the present, with this proviso: that he would reserve to himself the right of answering to what might be advanced against his proposition, which he could prove to be salutary; and that the present system is fundamentally wrong.

Mr. HARTLEY was against adopting the motion under the present circumstances of the country, and he entered into a particular investigation of the merits of the question. When the last law for the more effectual protection of the frontiers passed, the subject now under consideration was very fully and ably discussed, and the gentlemen who were averse to the augmentation, had several alterations made to satisfy them.

Instead of the PRESIDENT's being obliged to raise the whole of the three regiments, he was to exercise his discretion either to make the augmentation complete, or raise a part, and he had authority to disband them after being raised.

The 12th section of that law is thus expressed: "It shall be lawful for the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES to forbear to raise, or to disband after they shall be raised, the whole or any part of the said three additional regiments, in case events shall in his judgment render his so doing consistent with the public safety."

We should therefore consider whether circumstances have so materially changed since that time as to render it proper that the Legislature should interfere, repeal the powers given to the PRESIDENT, and discharge the three regiments. This necessarily leads us first to view the situation of our finances, and the state of the frontiers at and immediately before the time of passing the law. The extent of our revenue was not as well known then as at present, and every good man deprecated the misfortune which obliged him to increase the taxes. The war was a disagreeable one, but necessary, if peace could not otherwise be obtained. The Legislature considered the expense, and were of opinion that we had means and abilities to defray the same. Many murders and ravages had been committed by the savages on the frontiers. One army had suffered in the year 1790, and nearly a whole army cut off on the 4th of November, 1791. And we had every reason to suppose that the Indians would act in great force against us. Our finances are still respectable. It is true, I should be happy if we could apply the money towards discharging the national debt already contracted, but the unfortunate situation of our frontiers prevent it. War, though an evil, may (from the present disposition of the world) be sometimes necessary, when nations are unreasonable and justice cannot be otherwise obtained. Hostilities have lately been committed on our troops commanded by Major Adair, and several of the Southern tribes show themselves inimical, and we have no absolute assurances that we shall have peace in the spring. The agreement by some tribes to a suspension of hostilities, was only convenient to them as it protected their families for the winter.

The great object of the additional armament was to obtain peace: this is not yet effected. May we promise ourselves more success in negotiation by laying down our arms, or by retaining them? History is in favor of the latter. Indeed, I hold it as a maxim, that the nation which is prepared for war can most easily obtain peace. For my own part, I can discover no existing causes for altering the system established by the act to which I have before referred. The expense has been made a very serious objection. It ought to have weight; but where measures have been proper, America has not regarded it. She has freely expended her treasure to support her rights. We are bound in justice and honor to protect our fellow-citizens on the frontiers; we demand from them an excise. They require from the General Government protection. I am for making peace with all the Indians upon reasonable terms; but any country which has been fairly purchased from the Indians, they should not be permitted to repossess or hold by conquest. If an offensive war be necessary says the gentleman from North Carolina, regular troops are not the most proper to carry it on. They are more expensive, and unfit to meet the savages of the wilderness. As to the expense, I have partly answered before. But if the gentleman is to have five expeditions in one year, I believe he would find that his calculations are not correct: a misfortune to either detachments or party would bear very hard upon the district they came from; the partial loss of regulars would not be equally felt, very few of them having families.

I have a high opinion of the backwoods riflemen, but I am confident that we cannot certainly rely upon their turning out as often as they might be wanted; we could not rely on such uncertainty; and yet this is offered as a favorite project. If you cannot rely upon them, you may say that the ordinary militia can be drafted. You would find them unfit for such a service; they would in general be composed of substitutes, inexperienced and undisciplined, and it would be unfair to take them all from the frontiers, and some of the States, or at least one, have no militia laws. I am for retaining the regular troops.

The PRESIDENT has practised economy in organizing the troops voted for, and I am told they have made considerable progress in discipline; they are formed into legionary corps, composed of horse, riflemen, light-infantry, and battalion-men. The three former will be fit for active service in the field, the latter for the common duties in the camp or garrison. I will allow volunteers and militia their full credit; but I do not think the regular troops merit the disparagement attempted. Volunteer corps have not been free from misfortunes. Colonel Crawford, at the head of five hundred volunteers from Virginia and Pennsylvania, was defeated in the Western country, and he was burnt at the stake. General Braddock, it is said, was obstinate, and his European troops were undisciplined for such a service. The army under General St. Clair was lost, because the men were undisciplined and unfitted for that service. I can mention several instances where regular troops have successfully penetrated the Indian country, among warlike tribes, with success: Colonel Montgomery, into the Cherokees; Colonel Armstrong to the Kittaning; Colonel Boquet's campaign of 1763, and 1764. Three detachments of the American army, in the year 1778, (one under the command of General Broadhead, one under Lieutenant Colonel Butler, and the last commanded by your humble servant,) penetrated the country possessed by the Six Nations. Neither of the detachments was large, and the last had to contend against superior numbers. In General Sullivan's campaign, the year following, his vanguard beat an equal, if not a superior number of Indians. I might mention the Roman legions; they almost constantly were successful against those they called Barbarians, until their enemies adopted the Roman discipline. I have a high opinion of the personal bravery and prowess of an Indian, but I do deny that they can act to the best advantage in large bodies. They have not an experience of that kind; disciplined troops would have the advantage. I reprobate the idea of a standing army, which might endanger the liberty of this country; but I consider the troops contemplated in the act of Congress to be absolutely necessary, until peace shall be obtained, and therefore shall vote against a reduction. Every step has been taken, and I dare say will be taken, by the PRESIDENT, to procure a peace without bloodshed. Our messengers of peace have, in some places, been murdered, and yet he has sent messengers to others.

Mr. CLARK.--One would suppose from the style of the debate, that we were going to abandon the frontiers, the safety of the country, &c., and to disband the whole of the army: for, the arguments of those gentlemen who are opposed to the motion seem to be calculated to mislead the House in that way, and to prove that the question under consideration is for reducing the whole of the troops now existing. But this is so far from being the true state of the matter, that it is not even contemplated to disband a single man of them; it only goes to the prevention of raising any more troops, which perhaps would be the safest policy under the present circumstances and temper of the United States. There are about three thousand three hundred effective men already raised, who are sufficient to garrison the forts on the frontier, agreeably to the gentleman's statement who introduced the motion; and, indeed, it seems as if they were fully competent, if we believe the report that the whole of the Indian force, at the time of meeting General St. Clair, and when they exerted themselves to the utmost, was but one thousand two hundred warriors.

Mr. C. made some further remarks on the sentiments which had been expressed by the gentleman last up; and, in speaking of the discretionary powers vested in the PRESIDENT, he was of opinion that the situation of the Chief Magistrate in this respect was extremely delicate: for, supposing he might be inclined to stop the recruiting service, and reduce the war establishment; and supposing the frontiers to be again harassed, it might be charged to him for not having kept up the legal complement of men. Under this impression, Mr. C. wished that some way could be adopted of conveying to the PRESIDENT the sentiments of the Legislature on this subject, without the tedious form of a law.

Mr. PARKER.--The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. HARTLEY) has been reading a section of the law, to inform us of the discretionary powers vested in the PRESIDENT, which we have heard from other members before he rose, and which we all knew as well as himself. I am sorry to hear gentlemen, when they have no other resource of argument left, so often resorting to the name of the PRESIDENT, to carry their measures; and yet, in the present instance, I much doubt whether those sentiments are avowed by the PRESIDENT, which have been laid to his charge in the course of this debate: however, if they were really so, this is not a sufficient reason to silence me, or to prevent me from delivering my own sentiments, and those of my constituents who sent me here to do so. He vindicated the character of the militia, in opposition to the disgraceful picture which Mr. WADSWORTH had painted of this respectable class of citizens, whom he (Mr. P.) insisted were always more spirited soldiery, and fitter for fighting the Indians than the regulars, although they did not always move at the sound of a trumpet or beat of a drum, which were necessary to rouse the attention of heart-broken, mercenary troops, who seldom act but from force, or fear of the whipping-post. Militia were not so well acquainted with military show, or the display of columns; neither did the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, when acting Major of a regiment little better than militia, find that the doctrine of tactics was of any great service to him.

Mr. P. further mentioned, that the forerunners of General Burgoyne's army were taken by General Stark's militia near Bennington; and the capture of the whole of Burgoyne's army was chiefly brought about by militia, as General Lincoln had very few regular troops at the time of his surrender. In short, the militia bore a conspicuous share of almost every engagement during the war. At Trenton, the men who took the Hessians were little other than militia, as they had been raised but a short time before. Mr. P. could vouch for them, as he was a witness of their activity and bravery. Another instance offered of their success at Charleston, after it was taken by the British and the regulars drove off; the militia kept possession of the country and supported themselves. He also remembered having been called away from the regular army in the North to take the command of some militia in Virginia, who supported themselves for twelve months without either pay or provisions from the United States; and yet they were never once defeated or disgraced, neither did they leave the country unprotected and exposed; and all they received for their services was certificates which necessity obliged them to alienate at three shillings in the pound to persons who are now in possession of them drawing an annual interest of nearly as much, and who never perhaps had a good wish toward the Revolution. He next quoted the militia under Colonel Mercer, at Yorktown, who were successful in a skirmish with the enemy under Tarleton. These and several other arguments in favor of the militia, whom he still maintained to be the best security of a country, were used by Mr. P. He would not advocate the raising them from all parts of the United States, but only in such places as the safety of the frontiers required it most: they were not, to be sure, accustomed to the display of the column, &c., but they knew how to take the Indians in a proper way through the woods.

It gave him pain to hear the character of the militia so much traduced, and it also was a painful reflection to think of the two disgraceful defeats of our armies under Generals Harmar and St. Clair; indeed, it would have a strange appearance to the world, to think that this country is inhabited by the same men who lived in 1776. He repeated what he had before asserted, that most of the present regulars were collected from the stews and brothels of the cities, and had none of the spirit or principles of the honest yeomanry, who composed the militia during former wars, when every man turned out impressed with a good cause.

It was not, he said, his desire to criminate any individual in office, although he would maintain his right of expressing his opinion on that floor, so long as he held a seat in the House. But with regard to myself, said he, I am not disposed to pour incense into any man's cup; I respect the PRESIDENT as much as any man, and think him incapable of doing wrong, at least on those principles that foreign despots are supposed to do no wrong, because the people are their subjects, and dare not to say their sovereigns do wrong, and dare not contradict this tyrannic maxim. If the House, or if the PRESIDENT, have committed an error, they ought to correct it; for my part, I conceived the whole of the plan wrong from the beginning. From the present appearances, he was convinced we should get no peace with the Indians, unless it were dictated by the British agents in Canada; for it was clear, as long as they can do us the injustice to withhold territory from us, we can have little reason to expect their aid or friendship in bringing about a peace which is so desirable. He hoped to live to see the day that America will be able to show herself superior to her enemies, and chastise them: at present, it would be improper to engage in any war, if it could be avoided.

In addition to the foregoing reasons offered by Mr. P. for being opposed to a war establishment, he also remarked, that it was from a desire to see the public debt redeemed without resorting to new _taxes_; for if _they_ once should get fixed _there_, (pointing up to the Senate Chamber,) we should never be able to withdraw them, whether they were necessary or not. He concluded by a hearty wish that the motion made by his friend from North Carolina might succeed.

Mr. BOUDINOT was against the motion, as he thought any immediate alteration of the present system would be attended with dangerous consequences, under the present circumstances of the United States. He did not think it would be justifiable to alter it. It would show an instability in our public measures, especially at this moment, when we have done every thing to bring about a peace with the hostile Indians: and, when it is just advancing to the season for effecting it--when it is at the eve of completion--shall we rashly counteract the whole? and after having brought the enemy, who were so much elated on account of their recent success, to a proper sense of our power and force to impose an honorable peace, would it not be extremely imprudent to lessen our own consequence before we have accomplished the object? The Indians would, in this case, most indubitably raise their demands in proportion to what they supposed to be our weakness. Mr. B. added several other observations.

Mr. WILLIS had always been strongly impressed with a dislike for standing armies; but when he considered the situation of the frontiers, and particularly of the State of Georgia, he must give his vote against the motion. Neither did he think two regiments by any means a sufficient force, even to garrison the posts.

On motion, the committee rose and reported progress.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of State, enclosing a list of the several persons employed in his office, with the salary allowed to each, pursuant to the resolution of this House of the thirty-first ultimo; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the bill making compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce, and, after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported progress.

THURSDAY, January 3.

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, from the committee appointed, presented a bill to regulate the claims to Invalid Pensions: which was received, and read twice, and committed.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill to make compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce; and, after some time spent therein, the Chairman reported that the committee had again had the said bill under consideration, and made several amendments thereto.

_Ordered_, That the said bill, with the amendments, do lie on the table.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, enclosing a list of the persons employed in the several offices of his Department, with the salary allowed to each, pursuant to the resolution of this House, of the 31st ultimo; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

_Military Establishment._

The order of the day being called for, the House went into Committee of the Whole, (Mr. _White_ in the chair,) on Mr. STEELE's motion for reducing part of the present military establishment of the United States.

In reply to the speech made yesterday by Mr. WADSWORTH, and which had been expressed in such strong language, Mr. STEELE thought it necessary to make a few observations, as a preliminary, before the House went further into the debate.

The gentleman from Connecticut had disputed the calculations which he, Mr. S., had produced. Perhaps the gentleman's calculations may be right, and perhaps both of our statements may be so; but with respect to those which I produced, if the acts of Congress are false, if the reports and estimates of the Heads of Departments on your table, Mr. SPEAKER, are false, then my statements are wrong, or "untrue" as the gentleman expressed it, and for which, I hope, on more cool reflection, he will not adhere to. Mr. S. then read the acts of Congress of the 29th of September, 1789, 26th of March, 1790, and 12th of August, same year; the 11th of February, 1791, and 23d December, 1792, &c., from which he clearly proved that every item of his calculations was exactly quoted. He knew of no surplusage unexpended at the War Department, but $140,000 as reported by the Secretary of the Treasury; if any gentlemen in the House knew of any other, he hoped they would mention them. For his part, he thought the estimate for 1793 showed very little savings any where from the grants of the preceding year, but it contained demands for new grants much larger than for any former year. This, however, was a subject he did not at present mean to say much on, until he should hear the sentiments of other members. He therefore sat down with a reservation, that he would take the liberty of replying to such arguments as might be adduced against his proposition.

Mr. WADSWORTH disavowed any intention of being indelicate in his expressions yesterday, toward the gentleman from North Carolina; and if he had, in the warmth of debate, said any thing to which that gentleman could take offence, it was not meant so, and he was ready to retract it. He could not, however, avoid taking notice, that the gentleman's arguments appeared to him to convey a strong censure on the Executive, and to spread abroad improper impressions. The principal error which he dwelt on, was that of quoting the difference between the appropriations of 1789 and 1790, to be so great as appeared from that gentleman's statement. But the fact is, that the gentleman had overlooked the laws, and instead of quoting the amount of the _two_ appropriations made in 1789, he had only mentioned the amount of _one_, consequently this was giving an improper impression of the real comparative appropriations of those two years; for, when they are taken in the whole, the difference is not so great, nor the increase so much as Mr. STEELE exhibited it, by $27,080. In like manner, the comparative increases of the other years, 1791, 1792, and 1793, have been misstated, and the truth is, that the total increases are not less, but _more_ than the gentleman represented them by the sum of $567,530.72.

Mr. CLARK hoped the gentleman last up did not suppose that the House was going to war with the Secretary of War. He sincerely wished that some means should be adopted of conveying the sense of the House to the PRESIDENT, who would thereby be considerably relieved from the delicate situation in which he now stands with regard to the discretionary powers vested in him. Before Mr. C. sat down, he suggested the idea of filling up the blank in Mr. STEELE's motion with the word three, so as to limit the military to three regiments.

Mr. MILLEDGE liked the spirit of the motion, in regard to the prevention of standing armies; but he was against its being put in practice at the present time. He differed from the gentleman from New Jersey, and as his motion had not a second he would proceed. He wished the question under consideration to go to a Committee of the Whole, that a fair and open discussion of every point of the important subject might be brought into view. The situation of the State he had the honor to represent, had been mentioned in the course of debate; he therefore felt himself called on to deliver his sentiments; that he was persuaded there was not a member in the House who more ardently wished for peace than himself, or who would go further to promote so desirable an object, as putting an end to a savage war, and an enormous public expense; but he was of opinion that the reduction of the military establishment would not answer either of those purposes; that it well became members to take into consideration such parts of the Union as lay exposed, and then judge the propriety of the intended measure; that it was well known that Georgia was a frontier State, bordered on one side by a nation with whom a just understanding and intercourse still remains to be settled by treaty, and on the other by a warlike tribe of Indians, the most numerous of any on the continent, ten thousand warriors, besides the Cherokee nation of three thousand and five hundred--a State, in proportion to its wealth, and in proportion to what it contributes to the General Government, of the fewest inhabitants, an extent of frontier from the river St. Mary to the northernmost line, full three hundred miles--a country hardly at any period enjoying perfect safety, since the commencement of the Revolution. My constituents said he, adopted the Federal system, from a hope that we should be protected: some of them at this moment, have never been able to return to their habitations, which they left at the commencement of the war; and I am warranted in saying that a part of my constituents are now throughout the State under arms. Let members for a moment place their constituents in the situation of mine, and let me ask them if they would not demand the protecting arm of Government? As yet we have experienced little more than the enforcing a treaty, that has not been complied with on the part of the British, which has reduced some of our first citizens to a state of dependence on those who not long ago were their avowed and open enemies, and a deprivation of our territorial right, for the yielding of which a permanent peace and permanent line were to be established. Of the peace we have experienced no great share, and as for the permanent line, it still remains to be run, and, from well-grounded information, the half-way conduct of the Creeks the other day with Mr. Seagrove, gives very little reason to expect it. Such was the situation of his State. But to the point: he was of opinion that we set out wrong in warring with the Indians at any rate. Unfortunately for us, the event has not answered the design, and we are now reduced to that state that hardly any change can mend. The unaccountable success of the Indians has so elated them with their prowess,--and which likewise has presented views to the English and Spanish they never dreamed of; and the federated situation of the different tribes occasioned him not to hesitate in pronouncing that the several frontier States would be more or less exposed to the cruel ravages of a savage warfare. If the customs of savage tribes did not direct them towards us, they were incessantly excited by the British and Spaniards to amuse us with false pretences of peace, while they were engrossing the advantages of their trade. The aged Indians kept to their hunting, and the young men were gratified in the military exploits with the blood of our fellow-citizens. In this situation the frontier of the United States, a distance of not less than fifteen hundred miles, must be garrisoned. He left it to gentlemen to calculate what force would be required for that purpose, if troops should be employed in no other way. Militia, he said, were for sudden invasion; they were scattered when they returned, and must be protected while at home. The jealousy of the English, and their augmenting their force, surely ought not to occasion the reduction of any part of ours; if any thing, it ought to have a contrary effect. He likewise said that it would be necessary to view the early history of our country, and find what had been the conduct of Spaniards and Indians about the commencement of the present century. The Spaniards, at the same spot where they now are, by their treachery, when they were at peace with the English, at a time when the Carolinians little suspected, when they imagined they were in perfect alliance with the Indians, the Yamasses, Creeks, and Cherokees, those Indians, by their instigation, massacred one hundred and thirty of their inhabitants, and drove the rest into Charleston. The inhabitants of the capital of Georgia are as much exposed as the Carolinians then were; a distance of twenty miles from Savannah, places them in an open, uninhabited country, to the Creek nation, and within that twenty miles, thinly inhabited on account of the nature of their cultivation. What had happened, he said, might happen again: the Spaniards had not changed their policy. If, therefore, we are forewarned, ought we not to be forearmed? That, from their dangerous situation, even on a peace establishment, there ought to be at least five hundred troops on that frontier.

If public officers have misapplied the public money, the constitution pointed out a mode to punish them. The Government belongs to the people, the officers are their servants, we are their Representatives, and we ought to do them justice. He conceived it was praiseworthy in any member to afford any aid or information in his power to bring these things to light; that he felt it his duty to make strict inquiry into the expenditure of public money; that he was sent by his constituents to protect their property, and in doing that should vote against the present proposition.

Mr. FINDLAY observed that a difference of opinion existed in respect to the motion for reducing the army. The mover was for filling up the blank with _two_ regiments; but Mr. CLARK had proposed _three_, and was against discharging any of those already enlisted. The principle of the motion was what he wished to speak to. Passing by the comparative view, so much alluded to in the course of the debate, of militia and regulars, he struck at once into the heart of the question. The redemption of the public debt, from the savings to be made by the reduction of the army, seemed to be a principal object with some members, but in his opinion, it was no more than a secondary one: the defence of the frontier is of superior concern.

The origin of the war goes much farther back than that of the present Government; it arose out of the war with Britain; and it has been ever since changing for the worse, until it has at length assumed a very alarming complexion; for it has united a greater number of tribes than has ever been known, and it has exposed a much greater extent of our frontier. With regard to the mismanagement or abuses, if any there were, it was no place to discuss such subjects by desultory debating in this House, whilst there were other modes open. He did not, however, believe that any material abuses had taken place indeed. This war is not one of the faults chargeable to the Executive, for it might with more justice, perhaps, be said to have had its origin in the ineffectual measures of the Legislature. The first Congress assembled under the present Government found the Union in a state of war; and although one regiment was stationed at Pittsburg, yet the militia were not relieved from actual service. But the lately raised troops may perhaps be found more effectual, as it is said there is an excellent system of discipline established amongst them.

With regard to the argument that the Union cannot support so heavy an expense by new taxes, he was of opinion that every consideration ought to give way to the safety and protection of the country.

A particular plan is set into operation for accomplishing a peace, and it ought not to be arrested without a trial being made. The ill-defined law authorizing the PRESIDENT to call out the militia, and the levies under General Harmar, did not answer the end intended, for the time of their enlistment had nearly expired ere they had reached their destination; but if General Harmar had carried out two regiments of permanent troops, he could, without the assistance of the militia, have destroyed all the Indian towns and villages that stood in his way, and he would have completed the object of erecting a line of posts which would secure a lasting peace; but from the weakness of the force and the inefficacy of the law, the purpose was arrested at a critical moment, and the vengeance of the Indians roused to the utmost pitch; instead of their fears being alarmed, the next step of raising another regiment was of a piece with the former weak policy; for the encouragement was insufficient, and the miserable two-dollar men who were raised for a six months' service--their fate is too well known, and will be long remembered. They arrived at the wilderness with clothing that lasted only to the time they reached the scene of action, and those who were not cut off by the enemy were left to starve with cold in the most inclement season.

The fatal catastrophe of this campaign has only served to elate the Indians, and render them insolent, as appears from their treatment of our messengers under flags of truce. The parsimony on those occasions has been the cause of a double expense.

In opposition to this it may be said that those parsimonious plans were recommended by the Executive, and only enacted into laws by the Legislature. This, however, if it were the fact, is no apology for the Legislature, for they have no right to cast their Legislative responsibility upon the Executive Department; nor can they do it without a breach of trust towards their constituents. The members knew that the encouragement of pay and time of enlistments would never answer any good purpose; the want of resources could have been no reason for that parsimony toward the defence of the frontiers, because it is known that we found revenue enough not only to pay the interest of the public debt, and to support the Government, but even to pay the debts of the individual States. The conviction of these mistakes induced Congress at last to make adequate provision, and now an attempt is made to withdraw the means before the end is accomplished. The other branch of the Legislature has prevented us from giving higher wages to encourage the recruiting service; but notwithstanding all this, it appears to go on with considerable success.

Here he mentioned something of the confidential communications which he was not now at liberty to explain. The gentleman who says that two regiments are sufficient to garrison the forts, ought to consider that garrisoning those is not the only object in contemplation. If we expect to exist as a nation we must protect the whole frontier, and make it the interest of the Indians to be at peace with us.

But do gentlemen consider the consequences of throwing all internal defence and distant expeditions upon the militia? Is it not enough that they already stand as a picket guard to their brethren who live at ease; that they eat their bread in the fear of their lives, and are frequently embittered with the view of mournful incidents; but that we must lay a deliberate plan for increasing the number of their fatherless children and childless parents?

To say that those States who have frontiers, ought to be left to protect themselves, is a very anti-Federal sentiment, which he was sorry to hear advanced in that House. Neither is it generous to say we will pay the expense, and let them fight for us. Do gentlemen contemplate to what issue these principles would lead? Do they not observe that the fate of the Government is deeply involved in the decision? Perhaps I may be asked, Did not the States depend chiefly upon their own exertion for the defence of the frontiers under the old Congress? Yes, they did, and were better protected than since that period. But let it be recollected that at the time the States had the command of their own resources, and the laying and executing their own plans, that the Indians were not so formidably combined. But that since the States had not the power of retaliating, nor the means of gratifying with presents; since the Indians have been solemnly told to look away from the little fires of the States, to the great fire of the Union, they have looked upon us as a more formidable and dangerous foe, and made their arrangements accordingly; and European nations, and emissaries among them, have improved upon the circumstance, and excited and aided them in their union and exertions.

He made some further remarks on the impolicy of oppressing the militia at Marietta, &c., and asked if it were possible that those unfortunate few could be able to protect the whole frontier against the united force of the Indians?

He agreed with those who said that the sense of the people of America was in favor of peace; but the question is come to this. It is not to begin a war that we have raised this army, but to procure a peace, and so soon as this end is attained, the army will be discharged. It is raised to protect, not to oppress, or to aid in governing our citizens. I know, said he, that standing armies have always been sources of oppression and aids of tyranny. Our people may long be governed without such aids; their situation will not admit of abuses from standing armies, nor would the citizens submit to them.

He was confident that the army would be discharged by the next Legislature, as soon as a prospect of our affairs will admit it. The present prospects were not of a very flattering nature, and therefore it was good policy to keep up the force at the present crisis; and it would be dangerous to repeal the law under the circumstances.

The present Indian war is essentially different from any former one. When Britain and France divided North America betwixt them, if the emissaries of both excited the Indians to war, the power of both afforded protection. When Britain became possessed of the Western posts, and many tribes of Indians commenced a war, the British Government conducted the war, carried it into the Indian country, and by the dread of their arms procured peace; but the Indians were not then supported by other powers. In the present war, the Indians, who at that time knew nothing of us, have combined to make it a common cause; and no superior powers interest themselves in our favor. No: they conceive our interest to be inimical to theirs. But if they did not receive encouragement, protection, and supplies from our superior neighbors, a peace would soon be procured. The gentlemen who support this resolution know well how that matter stands, and they know explanations here are not convenient. He concluded by declaring that he could not vote for the motion.

The committee now rose, and had leave to sit again.

FRIDAY, January 4.

SAMUEL STERRETT, from Maryland, appeared, and took his seat in the House.

The House proceeded to consider the amendments reported yesterday by the Committee of the whole House to the bill to make compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce; and the same being read, some were agreed to and others disagreed to. And then the said bill, being further amended at the Clerk's table, was, together with the amendments, ordered to be engrossed and read the third time to-morrow.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, enclosing lists of the persons employed in the several offices of his Department, with the salary allowed to each; also, a letter accompanying certain statements relative to foreign loans, which have been made by the United States, under the authority of the President, pursuant to the resolutions of this House of the 24th and 27th ultimo; which were read and ordered to lie on the table.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the bill to regulate the claims to Invalid Pensions; and, after some time spent therein, the committee rose and reported progress.

SATURDAY, January 5.

A petition of the inhabitants of the city of Hudson, in the State of New York, was presented to the House and read, stating the inconveniences under which they labor, from being obliged to register, enter, and clear their vessels at the port of New York, and praying that the said city of Hudson may be made a port of entry. Referred to the Secretary of the Treasury, with instruction to examine the same, and report his opinion thereupon to the House.

An engrossed bill to make compensation to the widows and orphans of certain persons who were killed by Indians, under the sanction of flags of truce, was read the third time and passed.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War, accompanying the copy of a message of Cornplanter and New Arrow to Major General Wayne, dated the 8th of December last, relative to the measures which they have taken to conclude a peace, on behalf of the United States, with certain tribes of hostile Indians; which were read and ordered to lie on the table.

_Military Establishment._

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the motion of the 28th ultimo, for reducing the military establishment of the United States.

Mr. MOORE said, that there was not sufficient information before the House respecting the prospect of a peace, to warrant a sudden reduction of the army. He referred to the abuses which had been hinted at in some of the branches dependent on the War Establishment, but he did not believe there had been any worth much notice. He also mentioned the abstruseness of attempting an investigation into the origin of the war--whether the frontier settlers, or the Indians, were in fault, was a difficult thing to determine; but from many circumstances, it appeared to him, the white people were often guilty of committing depredations. This was, in his opinion, a good reason why the protection of those frontiers should not be intrusted to the militia that would be raised there. Shall we intrust the conduct of that matter to the very persons who it has been alleged are often the aggressors? Can the President, at the distance he is situated from the Western territory, check all the irregular proceedings that might happen amongst such a militia? There were two obvious reasons for passing the law of the 5th of March, 1792, for the protection of the frontiers by regular forces. First, it could not be expected that militia would always prove successful against the Indians, because the latter are gaining more experience every day in the mode of warfare, and there can be no dependence on a treaty between those militia and the Indians. The second reason was, that the President was strongly impressed with the necessity of establishing the greatest degree of harmony between the United States and the Indians, by encouraging and protecting a trade with them, and that this could be easiest and best effected by establishing a line of forts along the frontiers, to be garrisoned by regular troops. Mr. M. next mentioned something of the manners and customs of the Indians, whose practice it is to spend most of their time on their hunting grounds, leaving their old men, women, and children, in their towns. They have no regular plan of government, and can only be attached by influencing some of their chiefs. The system of harassing them by burning and destroying their towns at the time they are employed in hunting, has come recommended to us by experience, and regular troops are the best to be employed in this service. Their present inexperience will soon be done away by a proper mode of discipline, and why may not these troops be soon instructed? Are they not as capable of receiving instructions as militia, and may we not expect more subordination amongst them, than could possibly be established over militia? He concluded by declaring himself against the motion.

[Here the SPEAKER informed the Chair that lie had received a confidential message from the PRESIDENT. The committee then rose, and the galleries were closed for some time.]

The House having gone into Committee, the debate was renewed by Mr. WILLIAMSON, Mr. MADISON, and Mr. STEELE.

Mr. STEELE rose after Mr. MADISON, and said he was perfectly in sentiment with that gentleman, in regard to the propriety of inserting an amendment to the motion, which might secure a sufficient appropriation to carry on offensive operations against the hostile Indians, by the militia of the frontiers; and if an alteration was proposed to that effect, he would second it. The attention of the House to this question speaks its importance; it is probable one more important will not occur during the present session. On its decision are suspended the hopes and fears of the people of this country, their hopes of a speedy and honorable peace, and their fears of a standing army, with its usual retinue of political evils.

The present is regarded as an interesting epoch in the affairs of the United States; and it has been perceived, with serious regret, that while our national character is forming, (he hoped it was not yet formed,) it seems to partake, in some respects, more of the unnatural spirit of monarchy, than of the mild and conciliatory temper of a republic. The principle of keeping up standing armies, though highly obnoxious to the great body of the people, has not been equally so to the Government; they have been maintained and increased without affording protection, or even defence to the frontiers. The supplies necessary to support the establishment begin to discover an alarming derangement of the public finances, and it is now incumbent on the House of Representatives to check this growing mischief.

Mr. S. then adverted to the effects of standing armies on the morals and political sentiments of the people, wherever they had been employed; of the expensiveness of all such establishments, and of the wicked purposes to which they had been, and might be subservient. He said he had prepared himself to have spoken largely to this point, and to have quoted the pernicious effects of such a policy in other nations; but the debate having been already lengthy, and the committee probably fatigued, it would be sufficient for his present purpose, for the members to make their own reflections, and to mark the rapid progress of the army from 1789 to 1792, both in numbers and expenses. Instances from foreign history are superfluous, when our own affords such ample testimony. The establishment began with one regiment: it is now five. The House was called on in 1789 to appropriate a little more than $100,000 for that Department; in the present year, above $1,000,000 is demanded. The reason of this extraordinary additional expenditure, this unexpected increase of the army, if not enveloped in darkness, has been founded on policy hitherto not satisfactorily explained. He said, however lightly he was disposed to touch this part of the subject, he could not avoid reminding the committee of the memorable sentiments of 1776, in regard to standing armies; of the universal abhorrence of the Americans to them at that time; and, to illustrate it more clearly, he read the expressions of some of the States in their Bills of Right. These were the sentiments of the Whigs of 1776, and to such Whigs he wished to appeal on this occasion. He also reminded the committee of the recent debates of 1788, of the amendments proposed in several of the State Conventions; of the unanimity which prevailed among all ranks of people on this particular point; and it is now to be lamented, said he, that while the ink which recorded these objections to the constitution is yet drying, the evil then predicted has taken place.

If there is a subject on which much deliberation is unnecessary, in order to form a right opinion, it would be in regard to military establishments. The feelings of a free people revolt at their continuance, and every man who reads or thinks, can point out their dangers. He said he felt more anxiety for the fate of this motion, than commonly marks his conduct, because this is the last session that will ever afford him an opportunity to trouble the House with his sentiments on this or any other subject. The motion was brought forward to discharge a duty which he owed to his constituents, to satisfy his own conscience, and to afford that protection to the frontiers which they deserved, and to save the public money. If an uncommon degree of zeal was discovered in supporting the motion, it ought to be attributed to these, and no other motives.

The question will now soon be taken; if adopted, I shall be among those who rejoice; if rejected, among those who have always submitted with a proper degree of decency to the decision of the majority. But in any event, the public will know that we have asserted the sense of the people against standing armies; that we are anxious to defend the frontiers against their enemies; that we have recommended a system of economy and efficiency, instead of profusion and delay; that we have recommended a system calculated to produce victory and peace, instead of disgrace and war; and that we wish to rescue the Government from the intoxication of the times, and all the apery of military establishments.

He said he had been attentive to the arguments of the opposition, and they led principally to four points. If neither of these positions be found tenable, the motion will certainly succeed; and that they are not tenable, is believed and will be shown.

1st. It has been boldly asserted that the PRESIDENT is the author of the existing system.

2dly. They call in question the sincerity of our declarations in wishing to afford effectual protection to the frontiers.

3dly. They deny the competency of the militia.

4thly. The impolicy of reducing the establishment, when a treaty is expected.

In regard to the first, we deny that the PRESIDENT is the author of this plan of prosecuting the war. Not having avowed explicitly himself that he is so, no document appearing to confirm that opinion, we are justified in attributing a system which appears to us ineffectual to his Secretary, and not to him.