Chapter VIII: Preface: TO SECOND EDITION xi (5)

c. 1561.—In war between the Kings of Calicut and Cochin (1503) two
princes of Cochin were killed. A number of these desperadoes who have
been spoken of in the quotations were killed.... "But some remained who
were not killed, and these went in shame, not to have died avenging their
lords ... these were more than 200, who all, according to their custom,
shaved off all their hair, even to the eyebrows, and embraced each other
and their friends and relations, as men about to suffer death. In this
case they are as madmen—known as AMOUCOS—and count themselves as already
among the dead. These men dispersed, seeking wherever they might find men
of Calicut, and among these they rushed fearless, killing and slaying
till they were slain. And some of them, about twenty, reckoning more
highly of their honour, desired to turn their death to better account;
and these separated, and found their way secretly to Calicut, determined
to slay the king. But as it became known that they were AMOUCOS, the city
gave the alarm, and the King sent his servants to slay them as they slew
others. But they like desperate men played the devil (_fazião diabruras_)
before they were slain, and killed many people, with women and children.
And five of them got together to a wood near the city, which they haunted
for a good while after, making robberies and doing much mischief, until
the whole of them were killed."—_Correa_, i. 364-5.

1566.—"The King of _Cochin_ ... hath a great number of gentlemen which he
calleth AMOCCHI, and some are called _Nairi_: these two sorts of men
esteem not their lives anything, so that it may be for the honour of
their King."—_M. Cæsar Frederike_ in _Purchas_, ii. 1708. [See _Logan,
Man. Malabar_, i. 138.]

1584.—"Their forces (in Cochin) consist in a kind of soldiers whom they
call AMOCCHI, who are under obligation to die at the King's pleasure, and
all soldiers who in war lose their King or their general lie under this
obligation. And of such the King makes use in urgent cases, sending them
to die fighting."—Letter of _F. Sassetti_ to _Francesco I._, Gd. D. of
Tuscany, in _De Gubernatis_, 154.

c. 1584.—"There are some also who are called AMOCCHI ... who being weary
of living, set themselves in the way with a weapon in their hands, which
they call a _Crise_, and kill as many as they meete with, till somebody
killeth them; and this they doe for the least anger they conceive, as
desperate men."—_G. Balbi_ in _Purchas_, ii. 1724.

1602.—De Couto, speaking of the Javanese: "They are chivalrous men, and
of such determination that for whatever offence may be offered them they
make themselves AMOUCOS in order to get satisfaction thereof. And were a
spear run into the stomach of such an one he would still press forward
without fear till he got at his foe."—_Dec._ IV. iii. 1.

" In another passage (_ib._ vii. 14) De Couto speaks of the AMOUCOS
of Malabar just as Della Valle does below. In _Dec._ VI. viii. 8 he
describes how, on the death of the King of Pimenta, in action with the
Portuguese, "nearly 4000 Nairs made themselves AMOUCOS with the usual
ceremonies, shaving their heads on one side, and swearing by their pagoda
to avenge the King's death."

1603.—"Este es el genero de milicia de la India, y los Reyes señalan mas
o menos AMOYOS (ò AMACOS, que todo es uno) para su guarda
ordinaria."—_San Roman, Historia_, 48.

1604.—"Auia hecho vna junta de Amocos, con sus ceremonias para venir a
morir adonde el Panical auia sedo muerto."—_Guerrero, Relacion_, 91.

1611.—"VICEROY. What is the meaning of AMOUCOS? SOLDIER. It means men who
have made up their mind to die in killing as many as they can, as is done
in the parts about Malaca by those whom they call AMOUCOS in the language
of the country."—_Couto, Dialogo do Soldado Pratico_, 2nd part, p.
9.—(Printed at Lisbon in 1790).

1615.—"Hos inter Nairos genus est et ordo quem AMOCAS vocant quibus ob
studium rei bellicae praecipua laus tribuitur, et omnium habentur
validissimi."—_Jarric, Thesaurus_, i. 65.

1624.—"Though two kings may be at war, either enemy takes great heed not
to kill the King of the opposite faction, nor yet to strike his umbrella,
wherever it may go ... for the whole kingdom of the slain or wounded king
would be bound to avenge him with the complete destruction of the enemy,
or all, if needful, to perish in the attempt. The greater the king's
dignity among these people, the longer period lasts this obligation to
furious revenge ... this period or method of revenge is termed AMOCO, and
so they say that the AMOCO of the Samori lasts one day; the AMOCO of the
king of Cochin lasts a life-time; and so of others."—_P. della Valle_,
ii. 745 [Hak. Soc., ii. 380 _seq._].

1648.—"Derrière ces palissades s'estoit caché un coquin de Bantamois qui
estoit revenu de la Mecque et jouoit à MOQUA ... il court par les rues et
tue tous ceux qu'il rencontre...."—_Tavernier, V. des Indes_, _liv._ iii.
ch. 24 [Ed. _Ball_, ii. 361 seq.].

1659.—"I saw in this month of February at Batavia the breasts torn with
red-hot tongs off a black Indian by the executioner; and after this he
was broken on the wheel from below upwards. This was because through the
evil habit of eating opium (according to the godless custom of the
Indians) he had become mad and raised the cry of _Amocle_ (misp. for
AMOCK) ... in which mad state he had slain five persons.... This was the
third AMOCK-cryer whom I saw during that visit to Batavia (a few months)
broken on the wheel for murder."

* * * * *

... "Such a murderer and AMOCK-runner has sometimes the fame of being an
invincible hero because he has so manfully repulsed all who tried to
seize him.... So the Netherlands Government is compelled when such an
AMOCK-runner is taken alive to punish him in a terrific manner."—_Walter
Schulzens Ost-Indische Reise-Beschreibung_ (German ed.), Amsterdam, 1676,
pp. 19-20 and 227.

1672.—"Every community (of the Malabar Christians), every church has its
own AMOUCHI, which ... are people who take an oath to protect with their
own lives the persons and places put under their safeguard, from all and
every harm."—_P. Vicenzo Maria_, 145.

" "If the Prince is slain the AMOUCHI, who are numerous, would
avenge him desperately. If he be injured they put on festive raiment,
take leave of their parents, and with fire and sword in hand invade the
hostile territory, burning every dwelling, and slaying man, woman, and
child, sparing none, until they themselves fall."—_Ibid._ 237-8.

1673.—"And they (the Mohammedans) are hardly restrained from running A
MUCK (which is to kill whoever they meet, till they be slain themselves),
especially if they have been at _Hodge_ [HADGEE] a Pilgrimage to
Mecca."—_Fryer_, 91.

1687.—Dryden assailing Burnet:—

"Prompt to assault, and careless of defence,
Invulnerable in his impudence,
He dares the World; and eager of a name,
He thrusts about and justles into fame.
Frontless and satire-proof, he scours the streets
And runs an INDIAN MUCK at all he meets."
_The Hind and the Panther_, line 2477.

1689.—"Those that run these are called AMOUKI, and the doing of it
_Running_ A MUCK."—_Ovington_, 237.

1712.—"AMOUCO (Termo da India) val o mesmo que homem determinado e
apostado que despreza a vida e não teme a morte."—_Bluteau_, s.v.

1727.—"I answered him that I could no longer bear their Insults, and, if
I had not Permission in three Days, I would RUN A MUCK (which is a mad
Custom among the _Mallayas_ when they become desperate)."—_A. Hamilton_,
ii. 231.

1737.—

"Satire's my weapon, but I'm too discreet
To RUN A MUCK, and tilt at all I meet."
_Pope, Im. of Horace_, B. ii. Sat. i. 69.

1768-71.—"These acts of indiscriminate murder are called by us MUCKS,
because the perpetrators of them, during their frenzy, continually cry
out AMOK, AMOK, which signifies _kill, kill_...."—_Stavorinus_, i. 291.

1783.—At Bencoolen in this year (1760)—"the Count (d'Estaing) afraid of
an insurrection among the Buggesses ... invited several to the Fort, and
when these had entered the Wicket was shut upon them; in attempting to
disarm them, they _mangamoed_, that is RAN A MUCK; they drew their
cresses, killed one or two Frenchmen, wounded others, and at last
suffered themselves, for supporting this point of honour."—_Forrest's
Voyage to Mergui_, 77.

1784.—"It is not to be controverted that these desperate acts of
indiscriminate murder, called by us MUCKS, and by the natives _mongamo_,
do actually take place, and frequently too, in some parts of the east (in
Java in particular)."—_Marsden, H. of Sumatra_, 239.

1788.—"We are determined to RUN A MUCK rather than suffer ourselves to be
forced away by these Hollanders."—_Mem. of a Malayan Family_, 66.

1798.—"At Batavia, if an officer take one of these AMOKS, or MOHAWKS, as
they have been called by an easy corruption, his reward is very
considerable; but if he kill them, nothing is added to his usual
pay...."—_Translator of Stavorinus_, i. 294.

1803.—"We cannot help thinking, that one day or another, when they are
more full of opium than usual, they (the Malays) will RUN A MUCK from
Cape Comorin to the Caspian."—_Sydney Smith_, Works, 3rd ed., iii. 6.

1846.—"On the 8th July, 1846, Sunan, a respectable Malay house-builder in
Penang, RAN AMOK ... killed an old Hindu woman, a Kling, a Chinese boy,
and a Kling girl about three years old ... and wounded two Hindus, three
Klings, and two Chinese, of whom only two survived.... On the trial Sunan
declared he did not know what he was about, and persisted in this at the
place of execution.... The AMOK took place on the 8th, the trial on the
13th, and the execution on the 15th July,—all within 8 days."—_J. Ind.
Arch._, vol. iii. 460-61.

1849.—"A man sitting quietly among his friends and relatives, will
without provocation suddenly start up, weapon in hand, and slay all
within his reach.... Next day when interrogated ... the answer has
invariably been, "The Devil entered into me, my eyes were darkened, I did
not know what I was about." I have received the same reply on at least 20
different occasions; on examination of these monomaniacs, I have
generally found them labouring under some gastric disease, or troublesome
ulcer.... The Bugis, whether from revenge or disease, are by far the most
addicted to run AMOK. I should think three-fourths of all the cases I
have seen have been by persons of this nation."—_Dr T. Oxley_, in _J.
Ind. Archip._, iii. 532.

[1869.—"Macassar is the most celebrated place in the East for 'running A
MUCK.'"—Wallace, _Malay Archip._ (ed. 1890), p. 134.]

[1870.—For a full account of many cases in India, see _Chevers, Med.
Jurisprudence_, p. 781 seqq.]

1873.—"They (the English) ... crave governors who, not having bound
themselves beforehand to 'RUN AMUCK,' may give the land some chance of
repose."—_Blackwood's Magazine_, June, p. 759.

1875.—"On being struck the Malay at once stabbed Arshad with a _kriss_;
the blood of the people who had witnessed the deed was aroused, they ran
AMOK, attacked Mr Birch, who was bathing in a floating bath close to the
shore, stabbed and killed him."—_Sir W. D. Jervois_ to the E. of
Carnarvon, Nov. 16, 1875.

1876.—"Twice over, while we were wending our way up the steep hill in
Galata, it was our luck to see a Turk 'RUN A MUCK' ... nine times out of
ten this frenzy is feigned, but not always, as for instance in the case
where a priest took to running _a-muck_ on an Austrian Lloyd's boat on
the Black Sea, and after killing one or two passengers, and wounding
others, was only stopped by repeated shots from the Captain's
pistol."—_Barkley, Five Years in Bulgaria_, 240-41.

1877.—The _Times_ of February 11th mentions a fatal MUCK run by a Spanish
sailor, Manuel Alves, at the Sailors' Home, Liverpool; and the _Overland
Times of India_ (31st August) another run by a sepoy at Meerut.

1879.—"Running A-MUCK does not seem to be confined to the Malays. At
Ravenna, on Monday, when the streets were full of people celebrating the
festa of St John the Baptist, a maniac rushed out, snatched up a knife
from a butcher's stall and fell upon everyone he came across ... before
he was captured he wounded more or less seriously 11 persons, among whom
was one little child."—_Pall Mall Gazette_, July 1.

" "Captain Shaw mentioned ... that he had known as many as 40
people being injured by a single 'AMOK' runner. When the cry 'AMOK!
AMOK!' is raised, people fly to the right and left for shelter, for after
the blinded madman's _kris_ has once 'drunk blood,' his fury becomes
ungovernable, his sole desire is to kill; he strikes here and there; he
stabs fugitives in the back, his _kris_ drips blood, he rushes on yet
more wildly, blood and murder in his course; there are shrieks and
groans, his bloodshot eyes start from their sockets, his frenzy gives him
unnatural strength; then all of a sudden he drops, shot through the
heart, or from sudden exhaustion, clutching his bloody _kris_."—_Miss
Bird, Golden Chersonese_, 356.

ANACONDA, s. This word for a great python, or boa, is of very obscure origin. It is now applied in scientific zoology as the specific name of a great S. American water-snake. Cuvier has "L'ANACONDO (_Boa scytale et murina_, L.—_Boa aquatica_, Prince Max.)," (_Règne Animal_, 1829, ii. 78). Again, in the Official Report prepared by the Brazilian Government for the Philadelphia Exhibition of 1876, we find: "Of the genus Boa ... we may mention the ... _sucuriù_ or _sucuriuba_ (B. ANACONDA), whose skins are used for boots and shoes and other purposes." And as the subject was engaging our attention we read the following in the _St James' Gazette_ of April 3, 1882:—"A very unpleasant account is given by a Brazilian paper, the _Voz do Povo_ of Diamantino, of the proceedings of a huge water-snake called the _sucuruyu_, which is to be found in some of the rivers of Brazil.... A slave, with some companions, was fishing with a net in the river, when he was suddenly seized by a _sucuruyu_, who made an effort with his hinder coils to carry off at the same time another of the fishing party." We had naturally supposed the name to be S. American, and its S. American character was rather corroborated by our finding in Ramusio's version of Pietro Martire d'Angheria such S. American names as _Anacauchoa_ and _Anacaona_. Serious doubt was however thrown on the American origin of the word when we found that Mr H. W. Bates entirely disbelieved it, and when we failed to trace the name in any older books about S. America.

In fact the oldest authority that we have met with, the famous John Ray, distinctly assigns the name, and the serpent to which the name properly belonged, to Ceylon. This occurs in his _Synopsis Methodica Animalium Quadrupedum et Serpentini Generis_, Lond. 1693. In this he gives a Catalogue of Indian Serpents, which he had received from his friend Dr Tancred Robinson, and which the latter had noted _e Museo Leydensi_. No. 8 in this list runs as follows:—

"8. _Serpens Indicus Bubalinus_, ANACANDAIA Zeylonensibus, id est Bubalorum aliorumque jumentorum membra conterens," p. 332.

The following passage from St Jerome, giving an etymology, right or wrong, of the word _boa_, which our naturalists now limit to certain great serpents of America, but which is often popularly applied to the pythons of E. Asia, shows a remarkable analogy to Ray's explanation of the name _Anacandaia_:—

c. A.D. 395-400.—"Si quidem draco mirae magnitudinis, quos gentili
sermone _Boas_ vocant, _ab eo quod tam grandes sint ut_ boves _glutire
soleant_, omnem late vastabat provinciam, et non solum armenta et pecudes
sed agricolas quoque et pastores tractos ad se vi spiritus
absorbebat."—In _Vita Scti. Hilarionis Eremitae_, Opera Scti. Eus.
Hieron. Venetiis, 1767, ii. col. 35.

Ray adds that on this No. 8 should be read what D. Cleyerus has said in the _Ephem. German._ An 12. obser. 7, entitled: _De Serpente magno Indiae Orientalis Urobubalum deglutiente_. The serpent in question was 25 feet long. Ray quotes in abridgment the description of its treatment of the buffalo; how, if the resistance is great, the victim is dragged to a tree, and compressed against it; how the noise of the crashing bones is heard as far as a cannon: how the crushed carcass is covered with saliva, etc. It is added that the country people (apparently this is in Amboyna) regard this great serpent as most desirable food.

The following are extracts from Cleyer's paper, which is, more fully cited, _Miscellanea Curiosa, sive Ephimeridum Medico-Physicarum Germanicarum Academiae Naturae Curiosorum_, Dec. ii.—Annus Secundus, Anni MDCLXXXIII. Norimbergae. Anno MDCLXXXIV. pp. 18-20. It is illustrated by a formidable but inaccurate picture showing the serpent seizing an ox (not a buffalo) by the muzzle, with huge teeth. He tells how he dissected a great snake that he bought from a huntsman in which he found a whole stag of middle age, entire in skin and every part; and another which contained a wild goat with great horns, likewise quite entire; and a third which had swallowed a porcupine armed with all his "sagittiferis aculeis." In Amboyna a woman great with child had been swallowed by such a serpent....

"Quod si animal quoddam robustius renitatur, ut spiris anguinis enecari
non possit, serpens crebris cum animali convolutionibus caudâ suâ
proximam arborem in auxilium et robur corporis arripit eamque circumdat,
quo eo fortius et valentius gyris suis animal comprimere, suffocare, et
demum enecare possit...."

"Factum est hoc modo, ut (quod ex fide dignissimis habeo) in Regno Aracan
... talis vasti corporis anguis prope flumen quoddam, cum Uro-bubalo,
sive sylvestri bubalo aut uro ... immani spectaculo congredi visus
fuerit, eumque dicto modo occiderit; quo conflictu et plusquam hostili
amplexu fragor ossium in bubalo comminutorum ad distantiam tormenti
bellici majoris ... a spectatoribus sat eminus stantibus exaudiri
potuit...."

The natives said these great snakes had poisonous fangs. These Cleyer could not find, but he believes the teeth to be in some degree venomous, for a servant of his scratched his hand on one of them. It swelled, greatly inflamed, and produced fever and delirium:

"Nec prius cessabant symptomata, quam Serpentinus lapis (see SNAKE-STONE)
quam Patres Jesuitae hic componunt, vulneri adaptatus omne venenum
extraheret, et ubique symptomata convenientibus antidotis essent
profligata."

Again, in 1768, we find in the _Scots Magazine_, App. p. 673, but quoted from "London pap. Aug. 1768," and signed by _R. Edwin_, a professed eye-witness, a story with the following heading: "Description of the ANACONDA, a monstrous species of serpent. In a letter from an English gentleman, many years resident in the Island of Ceylon in the East Indies.... The Ceylonese seem to know the creature well; they call it ANACONDA, and talked of eating its flesh when they caught it." He describes its seizing and disposing of an enormous "tyger." The serpent darts on the "tyger" from a tree, attacking first with a bite, then partially crushing and dragging it to the tree ... "winding his body round both the tyger and the tree with all his violence, till the ribs and other bones began to give way ... each giving a loud crack when it burst ... the poor creature all this time was living, and at every loud crash of its bones gave a houl, not loud, yet piteous enough to pierce the cruelest heart."

Then the serpent drags away its victim, covers it with slaver, swallows it, etc. The whole thing is very cleverly told, but is evidently a romance founded on the description by "D. Cleyerus," which is quoted by Ray. There are no tigers in Ceylon. In fact, "R. Edwin" has developed the Romance of the Anaconda out of the description of D. Cleyerus, exactly as "Mynheer Försch" some years later developed the Romance of the Upas out of the older stories of the poison tree of Macassar. Indeed, when we find "Dr Andrew Cleyer" mentioned among the early relators of these latter stories, the suspicion becomes strong that both romances had the same author, and that "R. Edwin" was also the true author of the wonderful story told under the name of Foersch. (See further under UPAS.)

In Percival's _Ceylon_ (1803) we read: "Before I arrived in the island I had heard many stories of a monstrous snake, so vast in size as to devour tigers and buffaloes, and so daring as even to attack the elephant" (p. 303). Also, in Pridham's _Ceylon and its Dependencies_ (1849, ii. 750-51): "Pimbera or ANACONDA is of the genus Python, Cuvier, and is known in English as the rock-snake." Emerson Tennent (_Ceylon_, 4th ed., 1860, i. 196) says: "The great python (the 'boa' as it is commonly designated by Europeans, the 'ANACONDA' of Eastern story) which is supposed to crush the bones of an elephant, and to swallow a tiger".... It may be suspected that the letter of "R. Edwin" was the foundation of all or most of the stories alluded to in these passages. Still we have the authority of Ray's friend that Anaconda, or rather _Anacondaia_, was at Leyden applied as a Ceylonese name to a specimen of this python. The only interpretation of this that we can offer is Tamil _ānai-kondra_ [_āṇaik-kónḍa_], "which killed an elephant"; an appellative, but not a name. We have no authority for the application of this appellative to a snake, though the passages quoted from Percival, Pridham, and Tennent are all suggestive of such stories, and the interpretation of the name _anacondaia_ given to Ray: "_Bubalorum_ ... membra conterens," is at least quite analogous as an appellative. It may be added that in Malay ANAKANDA signifies "one that is well-born," which does not help us.... [Mr Skeat is unable to trace the word in Malay, and rejects the derivation from _anakanda_ given above. A more plausible explanation is that given by Mr D. Ferguson (8 Ser. _N. & Q._ xii. 123), who derives _anacandaia_ from Singhalese _Henakandayâ_ (_hena_, 'lightning'; _kanda_, 'stem, trunk,') which is a name for the whip-snake (_Passerita mycterizans_), the name of the smaller reptile being by a blunder transferred to the greater. It is at least a curious coincidence that Ogilvy (1670) in his "_Description of the African Isles_" (p. 690), gives: "_Anakandef_, a sort of small snakes," which is the Malagasy _Anakandîfy_, 'a snake.']

1859.—"The skins of ANACONDAS offered at Bangkok come from the northern
provinces."—_D. O. King_, in _J. R. G. Soc._, xxx. 184.

ANANAS, s. The Pine-apple (_Ananassa sativa_, Lindl.; _Bromelia Ananas_, L.), a native of the hot regions of Mexico and Panama. It abounded, as a cultivated plant, in Hispaniola and all the islands according to Oviedo. The Brazilian _Nana_, or perhaps _Nanas_, gave the Portuguese _Ananas_ or _Ananaz_. This name has, we believe, accompanied the fruit whithersoever, except to England, it has travelled from its home in America. A pine was brought home to Charles V., as related by J. D'Acosta below. The plant is stated to have been first, in Europe, cultivated at Leyden about 1650 (?). In England it first fruited at Richmond, in Sir M. Decker's garden, in 1712.[28] But its diffusion in the East was early and rapid. To one who has seen the hundreds of acres covered with pine-apples on the islands adjoining Singapore, or their profusion in a seemingly wild state in the valleys of the Kasia country on the eastern borders of Bengal, it is hard to conceive of this fruit as introduced in modern times from another hemisphere. But, as in the case of tobacco, the name bewrayeth its true origin, whilst the large natural family of plants to which it belongs is exclusively American. The names given by Oviedo, probably those of Hispaniola, are _Iaiama_ as a general name, and _Boniana_ and _Aiagua_ for two species. Pine-apples used to cost a PARDAO (a coin difficult to determine the value of in those days) when first introduced in Malabar, says Linschoten, but "now there are so many grown in the country, that they are good cheape" (91); [Hak. Soc. ii. 19]. Athanasius Kircher, in the middle of the 17th century, speaks of the _ananas_ as produced in great abundance in the Chinese provinces of Canton, Kiangsu and Fuhkien. In Ibn Muhammad Wali's _H. of the Conquest of Assam_, written in 1662, the pine-apples of that region are commended for size and flavour. In the last years of the preceding century Carletti (1599) already commends the excellent _ananas_ of Malacca. But even some 20 or 30 years earlier the fruit was grown profusely in W. India, as we learn from Chr. d'Acosta (1578). And we know from the _Āīn_ that (about 1590) the _ananas_ was habitually served at the table of Akbar, the price of one being reckoned at only 4 _dams_, or 1/10 of a rupee; whilst Akbar's son Jahāngīr states that the fruit came from the sea-ports in the possession of the Portuguese.—(See _Āīn_, i. 66-68.)

In Africa too, this royal fruit has spread, carrying the American name along with it. "The Mānānāzi[29] or pine-apple," says Burton, "grows luxuriantly as far as 3 marches from the coast (of Zanzibar). It is never cultivated, nor have its qualities as a fibrous plant been discovered." (_J.R.G.S._ xxix. 35). On the Ile Ste Marie, of Madagascar, it grew in the first half of the 17th century as _manasse_ (_Flacourt_, 29).

Abul Faẓl, in the _Āīn_, mentions that the fruit was also called _kaṭhal-i-safarī_, or 'travel jack-fruit,' "because young plants put into a vessel may be taken on travels and will yield fruits." This seems a nonsensical pretext for the name, especially as another American fruit, the Guava, is sometimes known in Bengal as the _Safarī-ām_, or 'travel mango.' It has been suggested by one of the present writers that these cases may present an uncommon use of the word _safarī_ in the sense of 'foreign' or 'outlandish,' just as Clusius says of the pine-apple in India, "_peregrinus_ est hic fructus," and as we begin this article by speaking of the _ananas_ as having 'travelled' from its home in S. America. In the _Tesoro_ of Cobarruvias (1611) we find "_Çafari_, cosa de Africa o Argel, como grenada" ('a thing from Africa or Algiers, such as a pomegranate'). And on turning to _Dozy and Eng._ we find that in Saracenic Spain a renowned kind of pomegranate was called _rommān safarī_: though this was said to have its name from a certain _Safar ibn-Obaid al Kilāi_, who grew it first. One doubts here, and suspects some connection with the Indian terms, though the link is obscure. The lamented Prof. Blochmann, however, in a note on this suggestion, would not admit the possibility of the use of _safarī_ for 'foreign.' He called attention to the possible analogy of the Ar. _safarjal_ for 'quince.' [Another suggestion may be hazarded. There is an Ar. word, _āsāfīriy_, which the dicts. define as 'a kind of olive.' Burton (_Ar. Nights_, iii. 79) translates this as 'sparrow-olives,' and says that they are so called because they attract sparrows (_āsāfīr_). It is perhaps possible that this name for a variety of olive may have been transferred to the pine-apple, and on reaching India, have been connected by a folk etymology with _safarī_ applied to a 'travelled' fruit.] In Macassar, according to Crawfurd, the _ananas_ is called _Pandang_, from its strong external resemblance, as regards fruit and leaves, to the _Pandanus_. Conversely we have called the latter _screw-pine_, from its resemblance to the _ananas_, or perhaps to the pine-cone, the original owner of the name. Acosta again (1578) describes the _Pandanus odoratissima_ as the 'wild _ananas_,' and in Malayālam the pine-apple is called by a name meaning 'pandanus-jack-fruit.'

The term _ananas_ has been Arabized, among the Indian pharmacists at least, as _'aīn-un-nās_ 'the eye of man'; in Burmese _nan-na-si_, and in Singhalese and Tamil as _annāsi_ (see _Moodeen Sheriff_).

We should recall attention to the fact that pine-apple was good English long before the discovery of America, its proper meaning being what we have now been driven (for the avoiding of confusion) to call a _pine-cone_. This is the only meaning of the term 'pine-apple' in Minsheu's _Guide into Tongues_ (2nd ed. 1627). And the _ananas_ got this name from its strong resemblance to a pine-cone. This is most striking as regards the large cones of the Stone-Pine of S. Europe. In the following three first quotations 'pine-apple' is used in the old sense:

1563.—"To all such as die so, the people erecteth a chappell, and to each
of them a pillar and pole made of _Pine-apple_ for a perpetuall
monument."—_Reports of Japan_, in _Hakl._ ii. 567.

" "The greater part of the quadrangle set with savage trees, as
Okes, Chesnuts, Cypresses, _Pine-apples_, Cedars."—_Reports of China_,
tr. by _R. Willes_, in _Hakl._ ii. 559.

1577.—"In these islandes they found no trees knowen vnto them, but
_Pine-apple_ trees, and Date trees, and those of marueylous heyght, and
exceedyng hardé."—_Peter Martyr_, in Eden's _H. of Trauayle_, fol. 11.

Oviedo, in _H. of the_ (Western) _Indies_, fills 2½ folio pages with an enthusiastic description of the _pine-apple_ as first found in Hispaniola, and of the reason why it got this name (_pina_ in Spanish, _pigna_ in Ramusio's Italian, from which we quote). We extract a few fragments.

1535.—"There are in this iland of Spagnuolo certain thistles, each of
which bears a _Pigna_, and this is one of the most beautiful fruits that
I have seen.... It has all these qualities in combination, viz. beauty of
aspect, fragrance of colour, and exquisite flavour. The Christians gave
it the name it bears (_Pigna_) because it is, in a manner, like that. But
the _pine-apples_ of the Indies of which we are speaking are much more
beautiful than the _pigne_ [_i.e._ pine-cones] of Europe, and have
nothing of that hardness which is seen in those of Castile, which are in
fact nothing but wood," &c.—_Ramusio_, iii. f. 135 v.

1564.—"Their pines be of the bigness of two fists, the outside whereof is
of the making of a _pine-apple_ [_i.e._ pine-cone], but it is softe like
the rinde of a cucomber, and the inside eateth like an apple, but it is
more delicious than any sweet apple sugared."—_Master John Hawkins_, in
_Hakl._ iii. 602.

1575.—"Aussi la plus part des Sauuages s'en nourrissent vne bonne partie
de l'année, comme aussi ils font d'vne autre espece de fruit, nom̃é NANA,
qui est gros com̃e vne moyenne citrouille, et fait autour comme vne pomme
de pin...."—_A. Thevet, Cosmographie Vniverselle_, liv. xxii. ff. 935
_v._, 936 (with a pretty good cut).

1590.—"The Pines, or Pine-apples, are of the same fashion and forme
outwardly to those of Castille, but within they wholly differ.... One
presented one of these Pine-apples to the Emperour Charles the fift,
which must have cost much paine and care to bring it so farre, with the
plant from the Indies, yet would he not trie the taste."—_Jos. de
Acosta_, E. T. of 1604 (Hak. Soc.), 236-7.

1595.—"... with diuers sortes of excellent fruits and rootes, and great
abundance of _Pinas_, the princesse of fruits that grow vnder the
Sun."—_Ralegh, Disc. of Guiana_ (Hak. Soc.), 73.

c. 1610.—"ANANATS, et plusieurs autres fruicts."—_P. de Laval_, i. 236
[Hak. Soc. i. 328].

1616.—"The ANANAS or Pine, which seems to the taste to be a pleasing
compound, made of strawberries, claret-wine, rose-water, and sugar, well
tempered together."—_Terry_, in _Purchas_, ii. 1469.

1623.—"The ANANAS is esteemed, and with reason, for it is of excellent
flavour, though very peculiar, and rather acid than otherwise, but having
an indescribable dash of sweetness that renders it agreeable. And as even
these books (Clusius, &c.) don't mention it, if I remember rightly, I
will say in brief that when you regard the entire fruit externally, it
looks just like one of our pine-cones (_pigna_), with just such scales,
and of that very colour."—_P. della Valle_, ii. 582 [Hak. Soc., i. 135].

1631.—Bontius thus writes of the fruit:—

"Qui legitis Cynaras, atque Indica dulcia fraga,
Ne nimis haec comedas, fugito hinc, latet anguis in herbâ."
Lib. vi. cap. 50, p. 145.

1661.—"I first saw the famous _Queen Pine_ brought from Barbados and
presented to his Majestie; but the first that were ever seen in England
were those sent to Cromwell House foure years since."—_Evelyn's Diary_,
July 19.

[c. 1665.—"Among other fruits, they preserve large citrons, such as we
have in Europe, a certain delicate root about the length of sarsaparilla,
that common fruit of the Indies called _amba_, another called
ANANAS...."—_Bernier_ (ed. _Constable_), 438.]

1667.—"Ie peux à très-juste titre appeller l'ANANAS le Roy des fruits,
parcequ'il est le plus beau, et le meilleur de tous ceux qui sont sur la
terre. C'est sans doute pour cette raison le Roy des Roys luy a mis une
couronne sur la teste, qui est comme une marque essentielle de sa
Royaute, puis qu'à la cheute du pere, il produit un ieune Roy qui luy
succede en toutes ses admirables qualitez."—_P. Du Tertre, Hist. Gén. des
Antilles Habitées par les François_, ii. 127.

1668.—"Standing by his Majesty at dinner in the Presence, there was of
that rare fruit call'd the _King-pine_, grown in the Barbadoes and the
West indies, the first of them I have ever seene. His Majesty having cut
it up was pleas'd to give me a piece off his owne plate to taste of, but
in my opinion it falls short of those ravishing varieties of
deliciousness describ'd in Capt. Ligon's history and others."—_Evelyn_,
July 19.

1673.—"The fruit the English call _Pine-Apple_ (the Moors ANANAS) because
of the Resemblance."—_Fryer_, 182.

1716.—"I had more reason to wonder that night at the King's table" (at
Hanover) "to see a present from a gentleman of this country ... what I
thought, worth all the rest, two ripe ANANASSES, which to my taste are a
fruit perfectly delicious. You know they are naturally the growth of the
Brazil, and I could not imagine how they came here but by
enchantment."—_Lady M. W. Montagu_, Letter XIX.

1727.—

"Oft in humble station dwells
Unboastful worth, above fastidious pomp;
Witness, thou best ANANA, thou the pride
Of vegetable life, beyond whate'er
The poets imaged in the golden age."
_Thomson, Summer._

The poet here gives the word an unusual form and accent.

c. 1730.—"They (the Portuguese) cultivate the skirts of the hills, and
grow the best products, such as sugar-cane, _pine-apples_, and
rice."—_Khāfī Khān_, in _Elliot_, vii. 345.

A curious question has been raised regarding the _ananas_, similar to that discussed under CUSTARD-APPLE, as in the existence of the pine-apple to the Old World, before the days of Columbus.

In Prof. Rawlinson's _Ancient Monarchies_ (i. 578), it is stated in reference to ancient Assyria: "Fruits ... were highly prized; amongst those of most repute were pomegranates, grapes, citrons, and apparently pine-apples." A foot-note adds: "The representation is so exact that I can hardly doubt the pine-apple being intended. Mr Layard expresses himself on this point with some hesitation (_Nineveh and Babylon_, p. 338)." The cut given is something like the conventional figure of a pine-apple, though it seems to us by no means very exact as such. Again, in Winter Jones's tr. of Conti (c. 1430) in _India in the 15th Century_, the traveller, speaking of a place called _Panconia_ (read _Pauconia_ apparently Pegu) is made to say: "they have _pine-apples_, oranges, chestnuts, melons, but small and green, white sandal-wood and camphor."

We cannot believe that in either place the object intended was the _Ananas_, which has carried that American name with it round the world. Whatever the Assyrian representation was intended for, Conti seems to have stated, in the words _pinus habent_ (as it runs in Poggio's Latin) merely that they had pine-trees. We do not understand on what ground the translator introduced _pine-apples_. If indeed any fruit was meant, it might have been that of the screw-pine, which though not eaten might perhaps have been seen in the bazars of Pegu, as it is used for some economical purposes. But _pinus_ does not mean a fruit at all. 'Pine-cones' even would have been expressed by _pineas_ or the like. [A reference to Mr L. W. King was thus answered: "The identity of the tree with the date-palm is, I believe, acknowledged by all naturalists who have studied the trees on the Assyrian monuments, and the 'cones' held by the winged figures have obviously some connection with the trees. I think it was Prof. Tylor of Oxford (see _Academy_, June 8, 1886, p. 283) who first identified the ceremony with the fertilization of the palm, and there is much to be said for his suggestion. The date-palm was of very great use to the Babylonians and Assyrians, for it furnished them with food, drink, and building materials, and this fact would explain the frequent repetition on the Assyrian monuments of the ceremony of fertilisation. On the other hand, there is no evidence, so far as I know, that the pine-apple was extensively grown in Assyria." Also see _Maspero, Dawn of Civ._ 556 _seq._; on the use of the pine-cone in Greece, _Fraser, Pausanias_, iii. 65.]

ANCHEDIVA, ANJEDIVA, n.p. A small island off the W. coast of India, a little S. of Carwar, which is the subject of frequent and interesting mention in the early narratives. The name is interpreted by Malayālim as _añju-dīvu_, 'Five Islands,' and if this is correct belongs to the whole group. This may, however, be only an endeavour to interpret an old name, which is perhaps traceable in Αἰγιδίων Νῆσος of Ptolemy. It is a remarkable example of the slovenliness of English professional map-making that Keith Johnston's _Royal Atlas_ map of India contains no indication of this famous island. [The _Times Atlas_ and Constable's _Hand Atlas_ also ignore it.] It has, between land surveys and sea-charts, been omitted altogether by the compilers. But it is plain enough in the Admiralty charts; and the way Mr Birch speaks of it in his translation of Alboquerque as an "Indian seaport, no longer marked on the maps," is odd (ii. 168).

c. 1345.—Ibn Batuta gives no name, but Anjediva is certainly the island
of which he thus speaks: "We left behind us the island (of Sindābūr or
Goa), passing close to it, and cast anchor by a small island near the
mainland, where there was a temple, with a grove and a reservoir of
water. When we had landed on this little island we found there a _Jogi_
leaning against the wall of a _Budkhānah_ or house of idols."—_Ibn
Batuta_, iv. 63.

The like may be said of the _Roteiro_ of V. da Gama's voyage, which likewise gives no name, but describes in wonderful correspondence with Ibn Batuta; as does Correa, even to the _Jogi_, still there after 150 years!

1498.—"So the Captain-Major ordered Nicolas Coello to go in an armed
boat, and see where the water was; and he found in the same island a
building, a church of great ashlar-work, which had been destroyed by the
Moors, as the country people said, only the chapel had been covered with
straw, and they used to make their prayers to three black stones in the
midst of the body of the chapel. Moreover they found, just beyond the
church, a _tanque_ of wrought ashlar, in which we took as much water as
we wanted; and at the top of the whole island stood a great _tanque_ of
the depth of 4 fathoms, and moreover we found in front of the church a
beach where we careened the ship."—_Roteiro_, 95.

1510.—"I quitted this place, and went to another island which is called
ANZEDIVA.... There is an excellent port between the island and the
mainland, and very good water is found in the said island."—_Varthema_,
120.

c. 1552.—"Dom Francesco de Almeida arriving at the Island of ANCHEDIVA,
the first thing he did was to send João Homem with letters to the factors
of Cananor, Cochin, and Coulão...."—_Barros_, I. viii. 9.

c. 1561.—"They went and put in at ANGEDIVA, where they enjoyed themselves
much; there were good water springs, and there was in the upper part of
the island a tank built with stone, with very good water, and much wood;
... there were no inhabitants, only a beggar man whom they called
_Joguedes_...."—_Correa_, Hak. Soc. 239.

1727.—"In January, 1664, my Lord (Marlborough) went back to England ...
and left Sir Abraham with the rest, to pass the westerly Monsoons, in
some Port on the Coast, but being unacquainted, chose a desolate Island
called ANJADWA, to winter at.... Here they stayed from April to October,
in which time they buried above 200 of their Men."—_A. Hamilton_, i. 182.
At p. 274 the name is printed more correctly ANJEDIVA.

ANDAMAN, n.p. The name of a group of islands in the Bay of Bengal, inhabited by tribes of a negrito race, and now partially occupied as a convict settlement under the Government of India. The name (though perhaps obscurely indicated by Ptolemy—see H. Y. in _P.R.G.S._ 1881, p. 665) first appears distinctly in the Ar. narratives of the 9th century. [The Ar. dual form is said to be from _Agamitae_, the Malay name of the aborigines.] The persistent charge of cannibalism seems to have been unfounded. [See E. H. Man, _On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands_, Intro. xiii. 45.]

A.D. 851.—"Beyond are two islands divided by a sea called ANDĀMĀN. The
natives of these isles devour men alive; their hue is black, their hair
woolly; their countenance and eyes have something frightful in them ...
they go naked, and have no boats...."—_Relation des Voyages_, &c. par
_Reinaud_, i. 8.

c. 1050.—These islands are mentioned in the great Tanjore
temple-inscription (11th cent.) as _Tīmaittīvu_, 'Islands of Impurity,'
inhabited by cannibals.

c. 1292.—"ANGAMANAIN is a very large Island. The people are without a
King and are idolators, and are no better than wild beasts ... they are a
most cruel generation, and eat everybody that they can catch if not of
their own race."—_Marco Polo_, Bk. iii. c. 13.

c. 1430.—"... leaving on his right hand an island called ANDEMANIA, which
means the island of Gold, the circumference of which is 800 miles. The
inhabitants are cannibals. No travellers touch here unless driven to do
so by bad weather, for when taken they are torn to pieces and devoured by
these cruel savages."—_Conti_, in _India in XV. Cent._, 8.

c. 1566.—"Da Nicubar sinò a Pegu é vna catena d'Isole infinite, delle
quali molte sono habitate da gente seluaggia, e chiamansi ISOLE D'ANDEMAN
... e se per disgratia si perde in queste Isole qualche naue, come già se
n'ha perso, non ne scampa alcuno, che tutti gli amazzano, e
mangiano."—_Cesare de' Federici_, in _Ramusio_, iii. 391.

1727.—"The Islands opposite the Coast of _Tanacerin_ are the ANDEMANS.
They lie about 80 leagues off, and are surrounded by many dangerous Banks
and Rocks; they are all inhabited with _Canibals_, who are so fearless
that they will swim off to a Boat if she approach near the shore, and
attack her with their wooden Weapons...."—_A. Hamilton_, ii. 65.

ANDOR, s. Port. 'a litter,' and used in the old Port. writers for a palankin. It was evidently a kind of MUNCHEEL or DANDY, _i.e._ a slung hammock rather than a palankin. But still, as so often is the case, comes in another word to create perplexity. For _andas_ is, in Port., a bier or a _litter_, appearing in Bluteau as a genuine Port. word, and the use of which by the writer of the Roteiro quoted below shows that it is so indeed. And in defining ANDOR the same lexicographer says: "A portable vehicle in India, in those regions where they do not use beasts, as in Malabar and elsewhere. It is a kind of contrivance like an uncovered _Andas_, which men bear on their shoulders, &c.... Among us ANDOR is a machine with four arms in which images or reliques of the saints are borne in processions." This last term is not, as we had imagined an old Port. word. It is Indian, in fact Sanskrit, _hindola_, 'a swing, a swinging cradle or hammock,' whence also Mahr. _hinḍolā_, and H. _hinḍolā_ or _hanḍolā_. It occurs, as will be seen, in the old Ar. work about Indian wonders, published by MM. Van der Lith and Marcel Devic. [To this Mr Skeat adds that in Malay ANDOR means 'a buffalo-sledge for carting rice,' &c. It would appear to be the same as the Port. word, though it is hard to say which is the original.]

1013.—"Le même m'a conté qu'à Sérendîb, les rois et ceux qui se
comportent à la façon des rois, se font porter dans le HANDOUL (handūl)
qui est semblable à une litière, soutenu sur les épaules de quelques
piétons."—_Kitāb 'Ajāīb-al Hind_, p. 118.

1498.—"After two days had passed he (the Catual [COTWAL]) came to the
factory in an ANDOR which men carried on their shoulders, and these
(_andors_) consist of great canes which are bent overhead and arched, and
from these are hung certain cloths of a half fathom wide, and a fathom
and a half long, and at the ends are pieces of wood to bear the cloth
which hangs from the cane; and laid over the cloth there is a great
mattrass of the same size, and this all made of silk-stuff wrought with
gold-thread, and with many decorations and fringes and tassels; whilst
the ends of the cane are mounted with silver, all very gorgeous, and
rich, like the lords who travel so."—_Correa_, i. 102.

1498.—"Alii trouveram ao capitam mor humas ANDAS d'omeens em que os
onrrados, custumam em a quella terra d'andar, e alguns mercadores se as
querem ter pagam por ello a elrey certa cousa."—_Roteiro_, pp. 54-55.
_I.e._ "There they brought for the Captain-Major certain ANDAS, borne by
men, in which the persons of distinction in that country are accustomed
to travel, and if any merchants desire to have the same they pay to the
King for this a certain amount."

1505.—"Il Re se fa portare in vna Barra quale chiamono ANDORA portata da
homini."—_Italian version of Dom Manuel's Letter_ to the K. of Castille.
(Burnell's Reprint) p. 12.

1552.—"The Moors all were on foot, and their Captain was a valiant Turk,
who as being their Captain, for the honour of the thing was carried in an
ANDOR on the shoulders of 4 men, from which he gave his orders as if he
were on horseback."—_Barros_, II. vi. viii.

[1574.—See quotation under PUNDIT.]

1623.—Della Valle describes three kinds of shoulder-borne vehicles in use
at Goa: (1) _reti_ or nets, which were evidently the simple hammock,
MUNCHEEL or DANDY; (2) the ANDOR; and (3) the palankin. "And these two,
the palankins and the ANDORS, also differ from one another, for in the
ANDOR the cane which sustains it is, as it is in the _reti_, straight;
whereas in the palankin, for the greater convenience of the inmate, and
to give more room for raising his head, the cane is arched upward like
this, Ω. For this purpose the canes are bent when they are small and
tender. And those vehicles are the most commodious and honourable that
have the curved canes, for such canes, of good quality and strength to
bear the weight, are not numerous; so they sell for 100 or 120 PARDAOS
each, or about 60 of our _scudi_."—_P. della Valle_, ii. 610.

c. 1760.—"Of the same nature as palankeens, but of a different name, are
what they call ANDOLAS ... these are much cheaper, and less
esteemed."—_Grose_, i. 155.

ANDRUM, s. Malayāl. _āndram_. The form of hydrocele common in S. India. It was first described by Kaempfer, in his _Decas_, Leyden, 1694.—(See also his _Amoenitates Exoticae_, Fascic. iii. pp. 557 _seqq._)

ANGELY-WOOD, s. Tam. _anjilī-_, or _anjalī-maram_; _artocarpus hirsuta_ Lam. [in Malabar also known as _Iynee_ (_áyini_) (_Logan_, i. 39)]. A wood of great value on the W. Coast, for shipbuilding, house-building, &c.

c. 1550.—"In the most eminent parts of it (Siam) are thick Forests of
ANGELIN wood, whereof thousands of ships might be made."—_Pinto_, in
_Cogan_, p. 285; see also p. 64.

1598.—"There are in India other wonderfull and thicke trees, whereof
Shippes are made: there are trees by Cochiin, that are called ANGELINA,
whereof certaine scutes or skiffes called Tones [DONEY] are made ... it
is so strong and hard a woode that Iron in tract of time would bee
consumed thereby by reason of the hardness of the woode."—_Linschoten_,
ch. 58 [Hak. Soc. ii. 56].

1644.—"Another thing which this province of Mallavar produces, in
abundance and of excellent quality, is timber, particularly that called
ANGELIM, which is most durable, lasting many years, insomuch that even if
you desire to build a great number of ships, or vessels of any kind ...
you may make them all in a year."—_Bocarro_, MS. f. 315.

ANGENGO, n.p. A place on the Travancore coast, the site of an old English Factory; properly said to be _Añju-tengu_, _Añchutennu_, Malayāl.; the trivial meaning of which would be "five cocoa-nuts." This name gives rise to the marvellous rhapsody of the once famous Abbé Raynal, regarding "Sterne's Eliza," of which we quote below a few sentences from the 3½ pages of close print which it fills.

1711.—"... ANJENGO is a small Fort belonging to the _English East India
Company_. There are about 40 Soldiers to defend it ... most of whom are
_Topazes_, or mungrel Portuguese."—_Lockyer_, 199.

1782.—"Territoire d'ANJINGA; tu n'es rien; mais tu as donné naissance à
Eliza. Un jour, ces entrepôts ... ne subsisteront plus ... mais si mes
écrits ont quelque durée, le nom d'ANJINGA restera dans le mémoire des
hommes ... ANJINGA, c'est à l'influence de ton heureux climat qu'elle
devoit, sans doute, cet accord presqu'incompatible de volupté et de
décence qui accompagnoit toute sa personne, et qui se mêloit à tous ses
mouvements, &c., &c."—_Hist. Philosophique des Deux Indes_, ii. 72-73.

ANICUT, s. Used in the irrigation of the Madras Presidency for the dam constructed across a river to fill and regulate the supply of the channels drawn off from it; the cardinal work in fact of the great irrigation systems. The word, which has of late years become familiar all over India, is the Tam. comp. _aṉai-kaṭṭu_, 'Dam-building.'

1776.—"Sir—We have received your letter of the 24th. If the Rajah pleases
to go to the ANACUT, to see the repair of the bank, we can have no
objection, but it will not be convenient that you should leave the
garrison at present."—_Letter from Council at Madras_ to Lt.-Col. Harper,
Comm. at Tanjore, in _E. I. Papers_, 1777, 4to, i. 836.

1784.—"As the cultivation of the Tanjore country appears, by all the
surveys and reports of our engineers employed in that service, to depend
altogether on a supply of water by the Cauvery, which can only be secured
by keeping the ANICUT and banks in repair, we think it necessary to
repeat to you our orders of the 4th July, 1777, on the subject of these
repairs."—_Desp. of Court of Directors_, Oct. 27th, as amended by Bd. of
Control, in _Burke_, iv. 104.

1793.—"The ANNICUT is no doubt a _judicious building_, whether the work
of _Solar Rajah_ or anybody else."—_Correspondence between A. Ross, Esq.,
and G. A. Ram, Esq., at Tanjore_, on the subject of furnishing water to
the N. Circars. In _Dalrymple, O. R._, ii. 459.

1862.—"The upper Coleroon ANICUT or weir is constructed at the west end
of the Island of Seringham."—_Markham, Peru & India_, 426.

[1883.—"Just where it enters the town is a large stone dam called
Fischer's ANAIKAT."—_Lefanu, Man. of Salem_, ii. 32.]

ANILE, NEEL, s. An old name for indigo, borrowed from the Port. _anil_. They got it from the Ar. _al-nīl_, pron. _an-nīl_; _nīl_ again being the common name of indigo in India, from the Skt. _nīla_, 'blue.' The vernacular (in this instance Bengali) word appears in the title of a native satirical drama _Nīl-Darpan_, 'The Mirror of Indigo (planting),' famous in Calcutta in 1861, in connection with a _cause célèbre_, and with a sentence which discredited the now extinct Supreme Court of Calcutta in a manner unknown since the days of Impey.

"_Neel-walla_" is a phrase for an Indigo-planter [and his Factory is "_Neel-kothee_"].

1501.—Amerigo Vespucci, in his letter from the Id. of Cape Verde to
Lorenzo di Piero Francesco de' Medici, reporting his meeting with the
Portuguese Fleet from India, mentions among other things brought "ANIB
and tuzia," the former a manifest transcriber's error for _anil_.—In
_Baldelli Boni_, '_Il Milione_,' p. lvii.

1516.—In Barbosa's price list of Malabar we have:

"ANIL nadador (i.e. floating; see _Garcia_ below) very good,
per _farazola_ ... _fanams_ 30.
ANIL loaded, with much sand,
per _farazola_ ... _fanams_ 18 to 20."
In _Lisbon Collection_, ii. 393.

1525.—"A load of ANYLL in cakes which weighs 3½ maunds, 353
tangas."—_Lembrança_, 52.

1563.—"ANIL is not a medicinal substance but an article of trade, so we
have no need to speak thereof.... The best is pure and clear of earth,
and the surest test is to burn it in a candle ... others put it in water,
and if it floats then they reckon it good."—_Garcia_, f. 25 v.

1583.—"NEEL, the churle 70 duckats, and a churle is 27 rottles and a half
of Aleppo."—_Mr Iohn Newton_, in _Hakl._ ii. 378.

1583.—"They vse to pricke the skinne, and to put on it a kind of ANILE,
or blacking which doth continue alwayes."—_Fitch_, in _Hakl._ ii. 395.

c. 1610.—"... l'ANIL ou Indique, qui est vne teinture bleüe violette,
dont il ne s'en trouue qu'à Cambaye et Suratte."—_Pyrard de Laval_, ii.
158; [Hak. Soc. ii. 246].