Chapter XCVI: Act III: of 1873. Under that system the highest rank of native Judge was (15)

[178] _Deotī_, a torch-bearer. Thus Baber: "If the emperor or chief
nobility (in India) at any time have occasion for a light by night,
these filthy _Deuties_ bring in their lamps, which they carry up to
their master, and stand holding it close by his side."—_Baber_, 333.

[179] One of them is generally identified with the seeds of _Moringa
pterygosperma_—see HORSE RADISH TREE—the Ben-nuts of old writers, and
affording _Oil of Ben_, used as a basis in perfumery.

[180] This article we have been unable to find. Dr. Hunter in _As. Res._
(xi. 182) quotes from a Persian work of Mahommed Husain Shirāzi,
communicated to him by Mr. Colebrooke, the names of 6 varieties of
_Halīla_ (or Myrobalan) as afforded in different stages of maturity
by the _Terminalia Chebula_:—1. _H. Zīra_, when just set (from
_Zīra_, cummin-seed). 2. _H. Jawī_ (from _Jau_, barley). 3. _Zangī_
or _Hindī_ (The Black M.). 4. _H. Chīnī._ 5. _H. 'Asfar_, or Yellow.
6. _H. Kābulī_, the mature fruit. [See Dr. Murray's article in _Watt,
Econ. Dict._ vi. pt. iv. 33 _seqq._]

[181] "_Confettiamo_," "make comfits of"; "preserve," but the latter word
is too vague.

[182] This is surely not what we now call _Cassia Fistula_, the long
cylindrical pod of a leguminous tree, affording a mild laxative? But
Hanbury and Flückiger (pp. 195, 475) show that some _Cassia bark_ (of
the cinnamon kind) was known in the early centuries of our era as
κασία συριγγώδης and _cassia fistularis_; whilst the drug now called
_Cassia Fistula_, L., is first noticed by a medical writer of
Constantinople towards A.D. 1300. Pegolotti, at p. 366, gives a few
lines of instruction for judging of _cassia fistula_: "It ought to be
black, and thick, and unbroken (_salda_), and heavy, and the thicker
it is, and the blacker the outside rind is, the riper and better it
is; and it retains its virtue well for 2 years." This is not very
decisive, but on the whole we should suppose Pegolotti's _cassia
fistula_ to be either a spice-bark, or solid twigs of a like plant
(H. & F. 476).

[183] This is probably _Balanitis aegyptiaca_, Delile, the _zak_ of the
Arabs, which is not unlike myrobalan fruit and yields an oil much
used medicinally. The negroes of the Niger make an intoxicating
spirit of it.

[184] Dozy says (2nd ed. 323) that the plural form has been adopted by
mistake. Wilson says 'honorifically.' Possibly in this and other like
cases it came from popular misunderstanding of the Arabic plurals. So
we have omra, _i.e._ _umarā_, pl. of _amīr_ used singularly and
forming a plural _umrāyān_. (See also OMLAH and MEHAUL.)

[185] The word is so misprinted throughout this part of the English
version.

[186] Qu. _boroughs_? The writer does injustice to his country when he
speaks of _burghs_ being bought and sold. The representation of
Scotch _burghs_ before 1832 was bad, but it never was purchasable.
There are no _burghs_ in England.

[187] [The late Mr. E. J. W. Gibb pointed out that _Chocarda_ is Turkish
_Chokadār_, a name given to a great man's lackey or footman. "High
functionaries have many _Chokadārs_ attached to their establishments.
In this case, probably the Pasha of the province through which Ives
was travelling, or perhaps some functionary at Constantinople,
appointed one of his _Chokadārs_ to look after the traveller. The
word literally means 'cloth-keeper,' and it is probable that the name
was originally given to a servant who had charge of his master's
wardrobe. But it has long been applied to a lackey who walks beside
his master's horse when his master is out riding."]

[188] The word _Nágá_ is spelt with a nasal _n_, "_Náñgá_" (p. 76).

[189] The "Hugly" River was then considered (in ascending) to begin at
Hooghly Point, and the confluence of the Rupnarain R., often called
the _Gunga_ (see under GODAVERY).

[190] Other terms applied have been _Numeralia_, Quantitative Auxiliaries,
Numeral Auxiliaries, Segregatives, &c.

[191] See Sir H. Yule's _Introductory Essay_ to Capt. Gill's _River of
Golden Sand_, ed. 1883, pp. [127], [128].

[192] Some details on the subject of these determinatives, in reference to
languages on the eastern border of India, will be found in Prof. Max
Müller's letter to Bunsen in the latter's _Outlines of the Phil. of
Universal History_, i. 396 _seqq._; as well as in W. von Humboldt,
quoted above. Prof. Max Müller refers to Humboldt's _Complete Works_,
vi. 402; but this I have not been able to find, nor, in either
writer, any suggested _rationale_ of the idiom.

[193] There seems to have been great oscillation of traffic in this matter.
About 1873, one of the present writers, then resident at Palermo,
sent, in compliance with a request from Lahore, a collection of
plants of many (about forty) varieties of _citrus_ cultivated in
Sicily, for introduction into the Punjab. This despatch was much
aided by the kindness of Prof. Todaro, in charge of the Royal Botanic
Garden at Palermo.

[194] In Reiske's version "poma stupendae molis et
excellentissima."—_Büsching's Magazin_, iv. 230.

[195] Prinsep's _Useful Tables_, by E. Thomas, p. 19.

[196] Giles, _Glossary of Reference_, s.v.

[197] "The prayer that they say daily consists of these words: '_Pacauta!
Pacauta! Pacauta!_' And this they repeat 104 times."—(Bk. iii. ch.
17.) The word is printed in Ramusio _pacauca_; but no one familiar
with the constant confusion of _c_ and _t_ in medieval manuscript
will reject this correction of M. Pauthier. Bishop Caldwell observes
that the word was probably _Bagavā_, or _Pagavā_, the Tamil form of
_Bhagavata_, "Lord"; a word reiterated in their sacred formulæ by
Hindus of all sorts, especially Vaishnava devotees. The words given
by Marco Polo, if written "_Pagoda! Pagoda! Pagoda!_" would be almost
undistinguishable in sound from _Pacauta_.

[198] Or our symbol (Et ligand), now modified into (&), which is in fact
Latin _et_, but is read 'and."

[199] "The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi here alluded to long made the
character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars,
and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich,
in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language, already cited"
(_West_, p. xii.).

[200] In _Canticles_, iii. 9, the "ferculum _quod fecit sibi rex Salomon de
lignis Libani_" is in the Hebrew _appiryōn_, which has by some been
supposed to be Greek φορεῖον; highly improbable, as the litter came
to Greece from the East. Is it possible that the word can be in some
way taken from _paryañka_? The R.V. has _palanquin_. [See the
discussion in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 2804 _seq._].

[201] "_Pagos do aljube._" We are not sure of the meaning.

[202] The writer is here led away by Wilford's nonsense.

[203] Query (i.) _rámún_ (Hind.) or _rama_ (Ladakhi) _chhelli_ = the _rama_
(special variety of goat) -goat; (ii.) or is Salbank mixing
_rama-shál_ (goat-shawl), the product, with the name of the animal
producing the raw material?

[204] This is the true reading, see note at the place, and _J. R. As. Soc._
N.S.

[205] See _Journ. As._, Ser. II., tom. viii. 352.

[206] See also _De Candolle, Plantes Cultivées_, p. 234.

[207] "_E foy dar no golfam_ do estreito de Magalhães." I cannot explain
the use of this name. It must be applied here to the Sea between
Banda and Timor.

[208] Antonio Nunez, "Comtador da Casa del Rey noso Senhor," who in 1554
compiled the _Livro dos Pesos da Ymdia e asy Medidas e Mohedas_, says
of Diu in particular:

"The moneys here exhibit such variations and such differences, that
it is impossible to write any thing certain about them; for every
month, every 8 days indeed, they rise and fall in value, according to
the money that enters the place" (p. 28).

[209] I invert the similar table given by Dr. Badger in his notes to
Varthema.

[210] The issues of FANAMS, q.v., have been infinite; but they have not
varied much in weight, though very greatly in alloy, and therefore in
the number reckoned to a pagoda.

"2 gunjās = 1 dugala
2 dugalas = 1 chavula (= the panam or fanam),
2 chavalas = 1 hoṇa (= the PRATAPA, máda, or _half pagoda_),
2 hoṇṇas = 1 Varāha (the hūn or pagoda)".

"The ganjā or unit (= ¼ fanam) is the rati, or Sanskrit raktika, the
seed of the _abrus_."—_Op. cit._ p. 224, _note_. See also Sir W.
Elliot's _Coins of S. India_, p. 56.

[212] 360 _reis_ is the equivalent in the authorities, so far as I know.

[213] Even the pound sterling, since it represented a pound of silver
sterlings, has come down to one-third of that value; but if the value
of silver goes on dwindling as it has done lately, our pound might
yet justify its name again!

I have remarked elsewhere:

"Everybody seems to be tickled at the notion that the Scotch Pound or
_Livre_ was only 20 pence. Nobody finds it funny that the French or
Italian _Livre_ or Pound is only 20 halfpence or less!" I have not
been able to trace how high the _rei_ began, but the _maravedi_
entered life as a gold piece, equivalent to the Saracen _mithḳāl_,
and ended—?

[214] I calculate all gold values in this paper at those of the present
English coinage.

Besides the gradual depreciation of the Portugal _rei_, so
prominently noticed in this paper, there was introduced in Goa a
reduction of the _rei_ locally below the _rei_ of Portugal in the
ratio of 15 to 8. I do not know the history or understand the object
of such a change, nor do I see that it affects the calculations in
this article. In a table of values of coins current in Portuguese
India, given in the _Annaes Maritimos_ of 1844, each coin is valued
both in _Reis of Goa_ and in _Reis of Portugal_, bearing the above
ratio. My kind correspondent, Dr. J. N. Fonseca, author of the
capital _History of Goa_, tells me that this was introduced in the
beginning of the 17th century, but that he has yet found no document
throwing light upon it. It is a matter quite apart from the secular
depreciation of the _rei_.

[215] Thus Alboquerque, returning to Europe in 1504, gives a "Moorish"
pilot, who carried him by a new course straight from Cannanore to
Mozambique, a BUCKSHISH of 50 _cruzados_; this is explained as £5—a
mild munificence for such a feat. In truth it was nearly £24, the
_cruzado_ being about the same as the sequin (see i. p. 17).

The mint at Goa was farmed out by the same great man, after the
conquest, for 600,000 _reis_, amounting, we are told, to £125. It was
really £670 (iii. 41).

Alboquerque demands as ransom to spare Muscat "10,000 xerafins of
gold." And we are told by the translator that this ransom of a
wealthy trading city like Muscat amounted to £625. The coin in
question is the _ashrafi_, or gold dīnār, as much as, or more than
the sequin in value, and the sum more than £5000 (i. p. 82).

In the note to the first of these cases it is said that the _cruzado_
is "a silver coin (formerly gold), now equivalent to 480 _reis_, or
about 2_s._ English money, but probably worth much more relatively in
the time of Dalboquerque." "Much more relatively" means of course
that the 2_s._ had much more purchasing power.

This is a very common way of speaking, but it is often very
fallaciously applied. The change in purchasing power _in India_
generally till the beginning of last century was probably not very
great. There is a curious note by Gen. Briggs in his translation of
Firishta, comparing the amount stated by Firishta to have been paid
by the Bāhmanī King, about A.D. 1470, as the annual cost of a body of
500 horse, with the cost of a British corps of Irregular horse of the
same strength in Briggs's own time (say about 1815). The Bāhmanī
charge was 350,000 Rs.; the British charge 219,000 Rs. A corps of the
same strength would now cost the British Government, as near as I can
calculate, 287,300 Rs.

The price of an Arab horse imported into India (then a great traffic)
was in Marco Polo's time about three times what it was in our own, up
to 1850.

The salary of the Governor at Goa, c. 1550, was 8000 _cruzados_, or
nearly £4000 a year; and the salaries of the commandants of the
fortresses of Goa, of Malacca, of Dio, and of Bassain, 600,000
_reis_, or about £670.

The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1000
silver _tankas_ or _dinārs_ as he calls them (practically 1000
rupees) a month, which was in addition to an assignment of villages
bringing in 5000 _tankas_ a year. And yet he got into debt in a very
few years to the tune of 55,000 _tankas_—say £5,500!

[216] Dr. D'Acunha has set this English traveller down to 1684, and
introduces a quotation from him in illustration of the coinage of the
latter period, in his quasi-chronological notes, a new element in the
confusion of his readers.

[217] "3 _plaghe_" in Balbi.

[218] "_Serafinno di argento_" (_ibid._).

[219] "_Quando si parla di pardai d'oro s'intendono, tanghe 6, di buona
moneta_" (Balbi). This does not mean the old _pardao d'ouro_ or
golden pagoda, a sense which apparently had now become obsolete, but
that in dealing in jewels, &c., it was usual to settle the price in
pardaos of 6 good tangas instead of 5 (as we give doctors guineas
instead of pounds). The actual _pagodas of gold_ are also mentioned
by Balbi, but these were worth, new ones 7½ and old ones 8 tangas of
good money.

[220] No doubt, however, foreign coins were used to make up sums, and
reduce the bulk of small change.

[221] Sir W. Elliot refers to the Aśoka inscription (Edict II.) as bearing
_Palaya_ or _Paraya_, named with Choḍa (or Chola), Kerala, &c., as a
country or people "in the very centre of the Dravidian group ... a
reading which, if it holds good, supplies a satisfactory explanation
of the origin of the Paria name and nation" (in _J. Ethnol. Soc._
N.S., 1869, p. 103). But apparently the reading has not held good,
for M. Senart reads the name _Pām̃dya_ (see _Ind. Ant._ ix. 287).
[Mr. V. A. Smith writes: "The Girnar text is very defective in this
important passage, which is not in the Dhauli text; that text gives
only 11 out of the 14 edicts. The capital of the _Pām̃diyan_ Kingdom
was Madura. The history of the kingdom is very imperfectly known. For
a discussion of it see _Sewell, Lists of Antiquities_, Madras, vol.
ii. Of course it has nothing to do with PARIAS."]

[222] "... great diversion is found ... in firing balls at birds,
particularly the _albitross_, a large species of the swan, commonly
seen within two or three hundred miles round the Cape of Good Hope,
and which the French call _Montons_ (Moutons) du _Cap_."—_Munro's
Narrative_, 13. The confusion of genera here equals that mentioned in
our article above.

[223] It is an easy assumption that this export trade from India was killed
by the development of machinery in England. We can hardly doubt that
this cause would have killed it in time. But it was not left to any
such lingering and natural death. Much time would be required to
trace the whole of this episode of "ancient history." But it is
certain that this Indian trade was not killed by natural causes: _it
was killed by prohibitory duties_. These duties were so high in 1783
that they were declared to operate as a premium on smuggling, and
they were _reduced_ to 18 per cent. _ad valorem_. In the year 1796-97
the value of piece-goods from India imported into England was
£2,776,682, or one-third of the whole value of the imports from
India, which was £8,252,309. And in the sixteen years between 1793-4
and 1809-10 (inclusive) the imports of Indian piece-goods amounted in
value to £26,171,125.

In 1799 the duties were raised. I need not give details, but will
come down to 1814, just before the close of the war, when they were,
I believe, at a maximum. The duties then, on "plain white calicoes,"
were:—

£ _s._ _d._
Warehouse duty 4 0 0 per cent.
War enhancement 1 0 0 "
Customs duty 50 0 0 "
War enhancement 12 10 0 "
----------
Total 67 10 0 per cent. on value.

There was an Excise duty upon British manufactured and printed goods
of 3½_d._ per square yard, and of twice that amount on foreign
(Indian) calico and muslin printed in Great Britain, and the whole of
both duty and excise upon such goods was recoverable as drawback upon
re-exportation. But on the exportation of Indian white goods there
was no drawback recoverable; and stuffs printed in India were at this
time, so far as we can discern, _not admitted through the English
Custom-house at all_ until 1826, when they were admitted on a duty of
3½_d._ per square yard. (See in the _Statutes_, 43 Geo. III. _capp._
68, 69, 70; 54 Geo. III. _cap._ 36; 6 Geo. IV. _cap._ 3; also
_Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, iv. 426).

In Sir A. Arbuthnot's publication of _Sir T. Munro's Minutes_
(_Memoir_, p. cxxix.) he quotes a letter of Munro's to a friend in
Scotland, written about 1825, which shows him surprisingly before his
age in the matter of Free Trade, speaking with reference to certain
measures of Mr. Huskisson's. The passage ends thus: "India is the
country that has been worst used in the new arrangements. All her
products ought undoubtedly to be imported freely into England, upon
paying the same duties, and no more, which English duties [?
manufactures] pay in India. When I see what is done in Parliament
against India, I think that I am reading about Edward III. and the
Flemings."

Sir A. Arbuthnot adds very appropriately a passage from a note by the
late Prof. H. H. Wilson in his continuation of James Mill's _History
of India_ (1845, vol. i. pp. 538-539), a passage which we also gladly
insert here:

"It was stated in evidence (in 1813) that the cotton and silk goods
of India, up to this period, could be sold for a profit in the
British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent. lower than those
fabricated in England. It consequently became necessary to protect
the latter by duties of 70 or 80 per cent. on their value, or by
positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such
prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and of
Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could hardly
have been again set in motion, even by the powers of steam. They were
created by the sacrifice of the Indian manufactures. Had India been
independent, she would have retaliated; would have imposed preventive
duties upon British goods, and would thus have preserved her own
productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was
not permitted her; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British
goods were forced upon her without paying any duty; and the foreign
manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and
ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not contend on
equal terms."

[224] See details in the _Field_ of Nov. 15, 1884, p. 667, courteously
given in reply to a query from the present writer.

[225] Thomas Rastall or Rastell went out apparently in 1615, in 1616 is
mentioned as a "chief merchant of the fleet at SWALLY Road," and
often later as chief at Surat (see _Sainsbury_, i. 476, and ii.
_passim_).

[226] _Pera o sapal_, _i.e._ 'for the marsh.' We cannot be certain of the
meaning of this; but we may note that in 1543 the King, as a favour
to the city of Goa, and for the commodity of its shipping and the
landing of goods, &c., makes a grant "of the marsh inundated with
sea-water (_do_ sapal _alagado dagoa salgada_) which extends along
the river-side from the houses of Antonio Correa to the houses of
Afonso Piquo, which grant is to be perpetual ... to serve for a
landing-place and quay for the merchants to moor and repair their
ships, and to erect their BANKSHALLS (_bangaçaes_), and never to be
turned away to any other purpose." Possibly the fines went into a
fund for the drainage of this _sapal_ and formation of
landing-places. See _Archiv. Port. Orient._, Fasc. 2, pp. 130-131.

[227] We do not know what word is intended, unless it be a special use of
Ar. _baṭan_, 'the interior or middle of a thing.' Dorn refers to a
note, which does not exist in his book. Bellew gives the title
conferred by the Prophet as "_Pīhtān_ or _Pāthān_, a term which in
the Syrian language signifies a rudder." Somebody else interprets it
as 'a mast.'

[228] P. _pāsbān_ and _nigabān_, both meaning literally 'watch-keeper,' the
one from _pās_, 'a watch,' in the sense of a division of the day, the
other from _nigah_, 'watch,' in the sense of 'heed' or 'observation.'
[_Dusaud_ = _Dosādh_, a low caste often employed as watchmen.]

[229] Favre gives (_Dict. Malay-Français_): "_Duku_" (_buwa_ is = fruit).
"Nom d'un fruit de la grosseur d'un œuf de poule; il parait être une
grosse espèce de _Lansium_." (It is _L. domesticum_.) The _Rambeh_ is
figured by Marsden in Atlas to _Hist. of Sumatra_, 3rd ed. pl. vi.
and pl. ix. It seems to be _Baccaurea dulcis_, Müll. (_Pierardia
dulcis_, Jack).

[230] Müller and (very positively) Fabricius discard Βουτύρου for Βοσμόρου,
which "no fellow understands." A. Hamilton (i. 136) mentions "Wheat,
Pulse, and _Butter_" as exports from _Mangaroul_ on this coast. He
does _not_ mention _Bosmoron_!

[231] This is shown by a 17th century Dutch chart in I.O. to be a creek on
the west side, very little below Diamond Point. It is also shown in
Tassin's _Maps of the R. Hoogly_, 1835; not later.

[232] This also points to the locality of Diamond Harbour, and the Chingrī
Khāl.

[233] These ingots were called _saum_. Ibn Batuta says: "At one day's
journey from Ukak are the hills of the Rūs, who are Christians; they
have red hair and blue eyes, they are ugly in feature and crafty in
character. They have silver mines, and they bring from their country
_saum_, _i.e._ ingots of silver, with which they buy and sell in that
country. The weight of each ingot is five ounces."—ii. 414. Pegolotti
(c. 1340), speaking of the land-route to Cathay, says that on
arriving at Cassai (_i.e._ _Kinsay_ of Marco Polo or Hang-chau-fu)
"you can dispose of the _sommi_ of silver that you have with you ...
and you may reckon the _sommo_ to be worth 5 golden florins" (see in
_Cathay_, &c., ii. 288-9, 293). It would appear from Wasāf, quoted by
Hammer (_Geschichte der Goldenen Horde_, 224), that gold ingots also
were called _sum_ or _saum_. The ruble is still called _sūm_ in
Turkestan.

[234] The term _Sonaut_ rupees, which was of frequent occurrence down to
the reformation and unification of the Indian coinage in 1833, is one
very difficult to elucidate. The word is properly _sanwāt_, pl. of
Ar. _sana(t)_, a year. According to the old practice in Bengal, coins
deteriorated in value, in comparison with the rupee of account, when
they passed the third year of their currency, and these rupees were
termed _Sanwāt_ or _Sonaut_. But in 1773, to put a stop to this
inconvenience, Government determined that all rupees coined in future
should bear the impression of the 19th _san_ or year of Shāh 'Alam
(the Mogul then reigning). And in all later uses of the term _Sonaut_
it appears to be equivalent in value to the Farrukhābād rupee, or the
modern "Company's Rupee" (which was of the same standard).

[235] Like the Βαιτύλιον which the Greeks got through the Semitic nations.
In Photius there are extracts from Damascius (_Life of Isidorus the
Philosopher_), which speak of the stones called _Baitulos_ and
_Baitulion_, which were objects of worship, gave oracles, and were
apparently used in healing. These appear, from what is stated, to
have been meteoric stones. There were many in Lebanon (see _Phot.
Biblioth._, ed. 1653, pp. 1047, 1062-3).

[236] "It is curious that without any allusion to this work, another on the
Veterinary Art, styled _Sálotari_, and said to comprise in the
Sanskrit original 16,000 _slokas_, was translated in the reign of
Sháh Jahán ... by Saiyad 'Abdulla Khán Bahádur Firoz Jang, who had
found it among some other Sanskrit books which ... had been plundered
from Amar Singh, Ráná of Chitor."

[237] Of the birch-tree, Sansk. _bhurja_, _Betula Bhojpattra_, Wall., the
exfoliating outer bark of which is called _tōz_.

[238] In a Greek translation of Shakspere, published some years ago at
Constantinople, _this line is omitted_!

[239] _Corvina_ is applied by Cuvier, Cantor and others to fish of the
genus _Sciaena_ of more recent ichthyologists.

[240] "_Cybium_ (_Scomber_, Linn.) _guttatum_."—_Tennent._

[241] Not a general officer, but a letter from the body of the Council.

[242] On another B.M. copy of an earlier edition than that quoted, and
which belonged to Jos. Scaliger, there is here a note in his
autograph: "Id est _Caesar_, non est vox Tatarica, sed Vindica seu
Illyrica, ex Latino detorta."

"At pueri ludentes, _Rex eris_, aiunt,
Si recte facies."—_Hor. Ep._ I. i.

[244] On the probable indication of Great and Little used in this fashion,
see remarks in notes on _Marco Polo_, bk. iii. ch. 9.

[245] In both written alike, but the final _t_ in Arabic is generally
silent, giving _sharba_, in Persian _sharbat_. So we get _minaret_
from Pers. and Turk. _munārat_, in Ar. (and in India) _munāra_
[_manār_, _manāra_].

[246] "SEWALICK is the term, according to the common acceptation; but Capt.
Kirkpatrick proves, from the evident etymology of it, that it should
be SEWA-LUCK."—_Note by Rennell._

[247] This is apparently a mistake. The proposals were certainly original
with Mr. Yule.

[248] Here is an instance in which scarlet is used for 'scarlet
broadcloth':

c. 1665.—"... they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth ...
partly in Silken Stuffs streaked with Gold and Silver, to make Vests
and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English SCARLET, to make two Arabian
Vests of for their King...."—_Bernier_, E.T. 43; [ed. _Constable_,
139].

[249] Togrul Beg, founder of the Seljuk dynasty, called by various Western
writers _Tangrolipix_, and (as here) _Strangolipes_.

[250] "... hum rio ... que corta do mar todo aquelle terço de terra."... We
are not quite sure how to translate. Crawfurd renders: "This (river)
intersects the whole island from sea to sea," which seems very free.
But it is true, as we have said, that several old maps show Java and
Sunda thus divided from sea to sea.

[251] Apparently 30,000 quintals _every two years_.

[252] Sunda Kalapa was the same as Jacatra, on the site of which the Dutch
founded Batavia in 1619.

[253] These are mentioned in a copper tablet inscription of A.D. 1136; see
_Blochmann_, as quoted further on, p. 226.

[254] Basandhari is also mentioned by Mr. James Grant (1786) in his _View
of the Revenues of Bengal_, as the Pergunna of _Belia-bussendry_; and
by A. Hamilton as a place on the Damūdar, producing much good sugar
(_Fifth Report_, p. 405; _A. Ham._ ii. 4). It would seem to have been
the present Pergunna of Balia, some 13 or 14 miles west of the
northern part of Calcutta. See _Hunter's Bengal Gaz._ i. 365.

[255] So called in the German version which we use; but in the Dutch
original he is _Schouten_.

[256] This affair is alluded to in one of the extracts in _Long_ (p. 342):
"Agreed ... that the Fakiers who were made prisoners at the retaking
of Dacca may be employed as Coolies in the repair of the
Factory."—_Procgs. of Council at Ft. William_, Dec. 5, 1769.

[257] Williams (_Skt. Dict._ s.v.) gives SŪRPĀRAKA as "the name of a
mythical country"; but it was real enough. There is some ground for
believing that there was another _Sūrpāraka_ on the coast of Orissa,
Σιππάρα of Ptolemy.

[258] Ῥογχὸ perhaps is Tam. _lanha_, 'coco-nut.'

[259] MANGALORE (q.v.) on this coast, no doubt called _Sorathī_ Mangalor to
distinguish it from the well-known Mangalor of Canara.

[260] But it is worthy of note that in the Island of Bali one manner of
accomplishing the rite is called SATIA (Skt. _satyā_, 'truth,' from
_sat_, whence also _satī_). See _Crawfurd, H. of Ind. Archip._ ii.
243, and _Friedrich_, in _Verhandelingen van het Batav. Genootschap._
xxiii. 10.

[261] The same poet speaks of Evadne, who threw herself at Thebes on the
burning pile of her husband Capaneus (I. xv. 21), a story which Paley
thinks must have come from some early Indian legend.

[262] _Hoggiae_ is of course Khwājas (see COJA). But in the B. Museum there
is a copy of Leunclavius, ed. of 1588, with MS. autograph remarks by
Joseph Scaliger; and on the word in question he notes as its origin
(in Arabic characters): "_Ḥujja(t)_ Disputatio"—which is manifestly
erroneous.

[263] These are sheets of the _Atlas of India_, within Bhawalpur and
Jeysalmīr, on the borders of Bikaner.

[264] Mr. Major, in his Introduction to Parke's _Mendoza_ for the Hak. Soc.
says of this embassy, that at their halt in the desert 12 marches
from Su-chau, they were regaled "with a variety of strong liquors,
_together with a pot of Chinese tea_." It is not stated by Mr. Major
whence he took the account; but there is nothing about tea in the
translation of M. Quatremère (_Not. et Ext._ xiv. pt. 1), nor in the
Persian text given by him, nor in the translation by Mr. Rehatsek in
the _Ind. Ant._ ii. 75 _seqq._

[265] Queen Catharine.

[266] This book was printed in England, whilst the author was in India;
doubtless he was innocent of this quaint error.

[267] This refers to an Arab legend that Samarkand was founded in very
remote times by Tobba'-al-Akbar, Himyarite King of Yemen, (see _e.g._
_Edrisi_, by _Jaubert_, ii. 198), and the following: "The author of
the _Treatise on the Figure of the Earth_ says on this subject: "This
is what was told me by Abu-Bakr-Dimashkī—'I have seen over the great
gate of Samarkand an iron tablet bearing an inscription, which,
according to the people of the place, was engraved in Himyarite
characters, and as an old tradition related, had been the work of
"Tobba."'"—_Shihābuddīn Dimashkī_, in _Not. et Ext._ xiii. 254.

[268] [Col. Temple notes that the pronunciation has always been twofold. At
present in Burma it is usual to pronounce it like _tickle_, and in
Siam like _tacawl_. He regards it as certain that it comes from
_takā_ through Talaing and Peguan _t'ke_.]

[269] Sir H. Rawlinson gives _tigra_ as old Persian for an arrow (see
_Herod._ vol. iii. p. 552). Vüllers seems to consider it rather an
induction than a known word for an arrow. He says: "Besides the name
of that river (Tigris) _Arvand_, which often occurs in the
_Shāhnāma_, and which properly signifies 'running' or 'swift';
another Medo-persic name _Tigra_ is found in the cuneiform
inscriptions, and is cognate with the Zend word _tedjao_, _tedjerem_,
and Pehlvi _tedjera_, _i.e._ 'a running river,' which is entered in
Anquetil's vocabulary. And these, along with the Persian _tej_ 'an
arrow,' _tegh_ 'a sword,' _tekh_ and _teg_ 'sharp,' are to be
referred to the Zend root _tikhsh_, Skt. _tij_, 'to sharpen.' The
Persian word _tīr_, 'an arrow,' may be of the same origin, since its
primitive form appears to be _tīgra_, from which it seems to come by
elision of the _g_, as the Skt. _tīr_, 'arrow,' comes from _tīvra_
for _tīgra_, where _v_ seems to have taken the place of _g_. From the
word _tīgra_ ... seem also to be derived the usual names of the river
Tigris, Pers. _Dizhla_, Ar. _Dijlah_" (Vüllers, s.v. _tīr_).

[270] Some notice of Major Yule, whose valuable Oriental MSS. were
presented to the British Museum after his death, will be found in Dr.
Rieu's Preface to the _Catalogue of Persian MSS._ (vol. iii. p.
xviii.).

[271] _St. Julien et P. Champion, Industries Anciennes et Modernes de
l'Empire Chinois_, 1869, p. 75. Wells Williams says: "The _peh-tung_
argentan, or white copper of the Chinese, is an alloy of copper 40.4,
zinc 25.4, nickel 31.6, and iron 2.6, and occasionally a little
silver; and these proportions are nearly those of German
silver."—_Middle Kingdom_, ed. 1883, ii. 19.

[272] The Pers. _partala_ is always used for a 'waist-belt' in India, but
in Persia also for a turban.

[273] Busbecq (1554) says: "... ingens ubique florum copia offerebatur,
Narcissorum, Hyacinthorum, et eorum quos Turcae TULIPAN
vocant."—_Epist._ i. Elzevir ed. p. 47.

[274] It must be kept in mind that though Rumphius (George Everard Rumpf)
died in 1693, his great work was not printed till nearly fifty years
afterwards (1741).

[275] Foersch was a surgeon of the third class at Samarang in the year
1773.—_Horsfield_, in _Bat. Trans._ as quoted below.

[276] This distance is probably a clerical error. It is quite inconsistent
with the other two assigned.

[277] Leschenault also gives the description of another and still more
powerful poison, used in a similar way to that of the _Antiaris_,
viz. the _tieute_, called sometimes _Upas Raja_, the plant producing
which is a _Strychnos_, and a creeper. Though, as we have said, the
name _Upas_ is generic, and is applied to this, it is not _the_ Upas
of English metaphor, and we are not concerned with it here. Both
kinds are produced and prepared in Java. The _Ipo_ (a form of _Upas_)
of Macassar is the _Antiaris_; the _ipo_ of the Borneo Dayaks is the
_Tieute_.

[278] I remember when a boy reading the whole of Foersch's story in a
fascinating book, called _Wood's Zoography_, which I have not seen
for half a century, and which, I should suppose from my recollection,
was more sensational than scientific.—_Y._

[279] Compare this vivid description with a modern notice of the same
pagoda:

1855. "This meridian range ... 700 miles from its origin in the Naga
wilds ... sinks in the sea hard by Negrais, its last bluff crowned by
the golden Pagoda of Modain, gleaming far to seaward, a Burmese
Sunium."—_Yule, Mission to Ava_, 272. There is a small view of it in
this work.

[280] So wrote A. B. I cannot find the book in the B. Museum Library.—_Y._
[A bibliographical account of this book will be found in "_Le Traité
des Trois Imposteurs, et précédé d'une notice philologique et
bibliographique par Philomneste Junior_ (_i.e._ Brunet), Paris and
Brussels, 1867. Also see 7 Ser. _N. &. Q._ viii. 449 _seqq._; 9 Ser.
ix. 55. The passage about the Vedas seems to be the following: "Et
Sectarii istorum, ut et _Vedae_ et Brachmanorum ante MCCC retro
secula obstant collectanea, ut de Sinensibus nil dicam. Tu, qui in
angulo Europae hic delitescis, ista neglegis, negas; quam bene videas
ipse. Eadem facilitate enim isti tua negant. Et quid non miraculorum
superesset ad convincendos orbis incolas, si mundum ex Scorpionis ovo
conditum et progenitum terramque Tauri capiti impositam, et rerum
prima fundamentis ex prioribus III. Vedae libris constarent, nisi
invidus aliquis Deorum filius haec III. prima volumina furatus
esset!"]

[281] This last remark is due to A. B.

[282] [The first part of this word is _thera_, Skt. _sthavira_. Hardy (_E.
Monachism_, p. 11) says the superior priests were called
_térunnánses_, from Pali _thero_, "an elder."]

[283] Ποηφάγος, whence no doubt Gray took his name for the genus.

[284] The tails usually brought for sale are those of the tame Yak, and are
_white_. The tail of the wild Yak is black, and of much greater size.