Chapter IV: , VII (140)

Guy de Lusignan, the poor creature whom Sybille, daughter of
King Amaury, married and made king of Jerusalem, lost his
kingdom fairly enough on the battle-field of Tiberias. To win
his freedom from Saladin, moreover, he renounced his claims by
a solemn oath and pledged himself to quit the soil of
Palestine forever. But oaths were of small account with the
Christian Crusaders, and with the priests who kept their
consciences. Guy got easy absolution for the trifling perjury,
and was a king once more,—waiting for the Crusaders to
recover his kingdom. But when, in 1190, his queen Sybille and
her two children died, King Guy's royal title wore a faded
look to most people and was wholly denied by many. Presently,
Conrad of Montferrat, who held possession of Tyre—the best
part of what remained in the actual kingdom of
Jerusalem—married Sybille's sister, Isabella, and claimed the
kingship in her name. King Richard of England supported Guy,
and King Philip Augustus of France, in sheer contrariness,
took his side with Conrad. After long quarreling it was
decided that Guy should wear the crown while he lived, and
that it should pass when he died to Conrad and Conrad's
children. It was Richard's wilfulness that forced this
settlement; but, after all, on quitting Palestine, in 1192,
the English king did not dare to leave affairs behind him in
such worthless hands. He bought, therefore, the abdication of
Guy de Lusignan, by making him king of Cyprus, and he gave the
crown of Jerusalem to the strong and capable Conrad. But
Conrad was murdered in a little time by emissaries of the Old
Man of the Mountain (see ASSASSINS), who accused Richard of
the instigation of the deed, and Count Henry of Champagne,
Richard's nephew, accepted his widow and his crown. Henry
enjoyed his titular royalty and his little hand-breadth of
dominion on the Syrian coast for four years, only. Then he was
killed, while defending Jaffa, and his oft-widowed widow,
Isabella, brought the Lusignans back into Palestinian history
again by marrying, for her fourth husband, Amaury de Lusignan,
who had succeeded his brother Guy, now deceased, as king of
Cyprus. Amaury possessed the two crowns, of Cyprus and
Jerusalem, until his death, when the latter devolved on the
daughter of Isabella, by her second husband, Conrad. The young
queen accepted a husband recommended by the king of France,
and approved by her barons, thus bringing a worthy king to the
worthless throne. This was John de Brienne, a good French
knight, who came to Palestine (A. D. 1210) with a little
following of three hundred knights and strove valiantly to
reconquer a kingdom for his royally entitled bride. But he
strove in vain, and fragment after fragment of his crumbling
remnant of dominion fell away until he held almost nothing
except Acre. In 1217 the king of Hungary, the duke of Austria
and a large army of crusaders came, professedly, to his help,
but gave him none. The king of Hungary got possession of the
head of St. Peter, the right hand of St. Thomas and one of the
wine vessels of the marriage feast at Cana, and hastened home
with his precious relics. The other crusaders went away to
attack Egypt and brought their enterprise to a miserable end.
Then King John de Brienne married his daughter Yolante, or
Iolanta, to the German emperor, or King of the Romans,
Frederick II., and surrendered to that prince his rights and
claims to the kingship of Jerusalem. Frederick, at war with
the Pope, and under the ban of the Church, went to Palestine,
with 600 knights, and contrived by clever diplomacy and
skilful pressure to secure a treaty with the sultan of Egypt
(A. D. 1229), which placed Jerusalem, under some conditions,
in his hands, and added other territory to the kingdom which
he claimed by right of his wife. He entered Jerusalem and
there set the crown on his own head; for the patriarch, the
priests, and the monk-knights, of the Hospital and the Temple,
shunned him and refused recognition to his work. But Frederick
was the only "King of Jerusalem" after Guy de Lusignan, who
wore a crown in the Holy City, and exercised in reality the
sovereignty to which he pretended. Frederick returned to Italy
in 1229 and his kingdom in the East was soon as shadowy and
unreal as that of his predecessors had been.

_W. Besant and E. H. Palmer,
Jerusalem,
chapters 15 and 18._

ALSO IN:
_J. F. Michaud,
History of the Crusades,
books 8-12._

See, also,
CRUSADES: 1188-1192, and 1216-1229;
and CYPRUS: A. D. 1192-1489.

JERUSALEM: A. D. 1242.
Sack and massacre by the Carismians.

After the overthrow of the Khuarezmian (Korasmian or
Carismian) empire by the Mongols, its last prince, Gelaleddin,
or Jalalu-d-Din, implacably pursued by those savage
conquerors, fought them valiantly until he perished, at last,
in Kurdistan. His army, made up of many mercenary bands,
Turkish and other, then scattered, and two, at least, among
its wandering divisions played important parts in subsequent
history. Out of one of those Khuarezmian squadrons rose the
powerful nation of the Ottoman Turks. The other invaded Syria.
"The Mussulman powers of Syria several times united in a
league against the Carismians, and drove them back to the
other side of the Euphrates. But the spirit of rivalry which
at all times divided the princes of the family of Saladin,
soon recalled an enemy always redoubtable notwithstanding
defeats. At the period of which we are speaking, the princes
of Damascus, Carac, and Emessa had just formed an alliance
with the Christians of Palestine; they not only restored
Jerusalem, Tiberias, and the principality of Galilee to them,
but they promised to join them in the conquest of Egypt, a
conquest for which the whole of Syria was making preparations.
The sultan of Cairo, to avenge himself upon the Christians who
had broken the treaties concluded with him, to punish their
new allies, and protect himself from their invasion,
determined to apply for succour to the hordes of Carismia; and
sent deputies to the leaders of these barbarians, promising to
abandon Palestine to them, if they subdued it. This
proposition was accepted with joy, and 20,000 horsemen,
animated by a thirst for booty and slaughter, hastened from
the further parts of Mesopotamia, disposed to be subservient
to the vengeance or anger of the Egyptian monarch. On their
march they ravaged the territory of Tripoli and the
principality of Galilee, and the flames which everywhere
accompanied their steps announced their arrival to the
inhabitants of Jerusalem. Fortifications scarcely commenced,
and the small number of warriors in the holy city, left not
the least hope of being able to repel the unexpected attacks
of such a formidable enemy.
{1886}
The whole population of Jerusalem resolved to fly, under the
guidance of the knights of the Hospital and the Temple. There
only remained in the city the sick and a few inhabitants who
could not make their minds up to abandon their homes and their
infirm kindred. The Carismians soon arrived, and having
destroyed a few intrenchments that had been made in their
route, they entered Jerusalem sword in hand, massacred all
they met, and … had recourse to a most odious stratagem to
lure back the inhabitants who had taken flight. They raised
the standards of the cross upon every tower, and set all the
bells ringing." The retreating Christians were deceived. They
persuaded themselves that a miracle had been wrought; "that
God had taken pity on his people, and would not permit the
city of Christ to be defiled by the presence of a sacrilegious
horde. Seven thousand fugitives, deceived by this hope,
returned to Jerusalem and gave themselves up to the fury of
the Carismians, who put them all to the sword. Torrents of
blood flowed through the streets and along the roads. A troop
of nuns, children, and aged people, who had sought refuge in
the church of the Holy Sepulchre, were massacred at the foot
of the altars. The Carismians finding nothing among the living
to satisfy their fury, burst open the sepulchres, and gave the
coffins and remains of the dead up to the flames; the tomb of
Christ, that of Godfrey of Bouillon, the sacred relics of the
martyrs and heroes of the faith,—nothing was respected, and
Jerusalem then witnessed within its walls such cruelties and
profanations as had never taken place in the most barbarous
wars, or in days marked by the anger of God." Subsequently the
Christians of Palestine rallied, united their forces with
those of the Moslem princes of Damascus and Emessa, and gave
battle to the Carismians on the plains of Gaza; but they
suffered a terrible defeat, leaving 30,000 dead on the field.
Nearly all Palestine was then at the mercy of the savages, and
Damascus was speedily subjugated. But the sultan of Cairo,
beginning to fear the allies he had employed, turned his arms
sharply against them, defeated them in two successive battles,
and history tells nothing more of the career of these last
adventurers of the Carismian or Khuarezmian name.

_J. F. Michaud,
History of the Crusades,
book 13._

ALSO IN:
_C. G. Addison,
The Knights Templars,
chapter 6._

JERUSALEM: A. D. 1291.
The end of the Christian kingdom.
The surviving title of "King of Jerusalem."

"Since the death of the Emperor Frederic II. [A. D. 1250], the
baseless throne of Jerusalem had found a claimant in Hugh de
Lusignan, King of Cyprus, who, as lineally descended from
Alice, daughter of Queen Isabella, was, in fact, the next
heir, after failure of issue by the marriage of Frederic and
Iolanta de Brienne. His claims were opposed by the partisans
of Charles of Anjou, King of the Sicilies,—that wholesale
speculator in diadems. … He rested his claim upon the double
pretensions of a papal title to all the forfeited dignities of
the imperial house of Hohenstauffen, and of a bargain with
Mary of Antioch; whose rights, although she was descended only
from a younger sister of Alice, he had eagerly purchased. But
the prior title of the house of Cyprus was more generally
recognised in Palestine; the coronation of Hugh had been
celebrated at Tyre; and the last idle pageant of regal state
in Palestine was exhibited by the race of Lusignan. At length
the final storm of Mussulman war broke upon the phantom king
and his subjects. It was twice provoked by the aggressions of
the Latins themselves, in plundering the peaceable Moslem
traders, who resorted, on the faith of treaties, to the
Christian marts on the Syrian coast. After a vain attempt to
obtain redress for the first of these violations of
international law, Keladun, the reigning sultan of Egypt and
Syria, revenged the infraction of the existing ten years'
truce by a renewal of hostilities with overwhelming force;
yearly repeated his ravages of the Christian territory; and at
length, tearing the city and county of Tripoli—the last
surviving great fief of the Latin kingdom—from its
dilapidated crown, dictated the terms of peace to its
powerless sovereign (A. D. 1289)." Two years later, a
repetition of lawless outrages on Moslem merchants at Acre
provoked a last wrathful and implacable invasion. "At the head
of an immense army of 200,000 men, the Mameluke prince entered
Palestine, swept the weaker Christian garrisons before him,
and encamped under the towers of Acre (A. D. 1291). That city,
which, since the fall of Jerusalem, had been for a century the
capital of the Latin kingdom, was now become the last refuge
of the Christian population of Palestine. Its defences were
strong, its inhabitants numerous; but any state of society
more vicious, disorderly, and helpless than its condition, can
scarcely be imagined. Within its walls were crowded a
promiscuous multitude, of every European nation, all equally
disclaiming obedience to a general government, and enjoying
impunity for every crime under the nominal jurisdiction of
independent tribunals. Of these there were no less than
seventeen; in which the papal legate, the king of Jerusalem,
the despoiled great feudatories of his realm, the three
military orders, the colonies of the maritime Italian
republics, and the representatives of the princes of the West,
all arrogated sovereign rights, and all abused them by the
venal protection of offenders. … All the wretched
inhabitants who could find such opportunities of escape,
thronged on board the numerous vessels in the harbour, which
set sail for Europe; and the last defence of Acre was
abandoned to about 12,000 men, for the most part the soldiery
of the three military orders. From that gallant chivalry, the
Moslems encountered a resistance worthy of its ancient renown
and of the extremity of the cause for which its triple
fraternity had sworn to die. But the whole force of the
Mameluke empire, in its yet youthful vigour, had been
collected for their destruction." After a fierce siege of
thirty-three days, one of the principal defensive works,
described in contemporary accounts as "the Cursed Tower," was
shattered, and the besiegers entered the city. The cowardly
Lusignan had escaped by a stolen flight the night before. The
Teutonic Knights, the Templars and the Hospitallers stood
their ground with hopeless valor. Of the latter only seven
escaped. "Bursting through the city, the savage victors
pursued to the strand the unarmed and fleeing population, who
had wildly sought a means of escape, which was denied not less
by the fury of the elements than by the want of sufficient
shipping.
{1887}
By the relentless cruelty of their pursuers, the sands and the
waves were dyed with the blood of the fugitives; all who
survived the first horrid massacre were doomed to a hopeless
slavery; and the last catastrophe of the Crusades cost life or
liberty to 60,000 Christians. … The Christian population of
the few maritime towns which had yet been retained fled to
Cyprus, or submitted their necks, without a struggle, to the
Moslem yoke; and, after a bloody contest of two hundred years,
the possession of the Holy Land was finally abandoned to the
enemies of the Cross. The fall of Acre closes the annals of
the Crusades."

_Colonel G. Procter,
History of the Crusades,
chapter 5, section 5._

_J. F. Michaud,
History of the Crusades,
book 15 (volume 3)._

Actual royalty in the legitimate line of the Lusignan family
ends with a queen Charlotte, who was driven from Cyprus in
1464 by her bastard brother James. She made over to the house
of Savoy (one of the members of which she had married) her
rights and the three crowns she wore,—the crown of Armenia
having been added to those of Jerusalem and Cyprus in the
family. "The Dukes of Savoy called themselves Kings of Cyprus
and Jerusalem from the date of Queen Charlotte's settlement;
the Kings of Naples had called themselves Kings of Jerusalem
since the transfer of the rights of Mary of Antioch [see
above], in 1277, to Charles of Anjou; and the title has run on
to the present day in the houses of Spain and Austria, the
Dukes of Lorraine, and the successive dynasties of Naples. …
The Kings of Sardinia continued to strike money as Kings of
Cyprus and Jerusalem, until they became Kings of Italy. There
is no recognized King of Cyprus now; but there are two or
three Kings of Jerusalem; and the Cypriot title is claimed, I
believe, by some obscure branch of the house of Lusignan,
under the will of King James II."

_W. Stubbs,
Seventeen Lectures on the
Study of Medieval and Modern History,
lecture 8._

ALSO IN:
_C. G. Addison,
The Knights Templars,
chapter 6._

JERUSALEM: A. D. 1299.
The Templars once more in the city.

See CRUSADES: A. D. 1299.

JERUSALEM: A. D. 1516.
Embraced in the Ottoman conquests of Sultan Selim.

See TURKS: A. D. 1481-1520.

JERUSALEM: A. D. 1831.
Taken by Mehemed Ali, Pasha of Egypt.

See TURKS: A. D. 1831-1840.

----------JERUSALEM: End----------

JERUSALEM TALMUD, The.

See TALMUD.

JESUATES, The.

"The Jesuates, so called from their custom of incessantly
crying through the streets, 'Praised be Jesus Christ,' were
founded by John Colombino, … a native of Siena. … The
congregation was suppressed … by Clement IX., because some
of the houses of the wealthy 'Padri dell' acqua vite,' as they
were called, engaged in the business of distilling liquors and
practising pharmacy (1668)."

_J. Alzog,
Manual of Universal Church History,
volume 3, page 149._

----------JESUITS: Start--------

JESUITS: A. D. 1540-1556.
Founding of the Society of Jesus.
System of its organization.
Its principles and aims.

"Experience had shown that the old monastic orders were no
longer sufficient. … About 1540, therefore, an idea began to
be entertained at Rome that a new order was needed; the plan
was not to abolish the old ones, but to found new ones which
should better answer the required ends. The most important of
them was the Society of Jesus. But in this case the moving
cause did not proceed from Rome. Among the wars of Charles V.
we must recur to the first contest at Navarra, in 1521. It was
on this occasion, in defending Pamplona against the French,
that Loyola received the wound which was to cause the monkish
tendency to prevail over the chivalrous element in his nature.
A kind of Catholicism still prevailed in Spain which no longer
existed anywhere else. Its vigour may be traced to the fact
that during the whole of the Middle Ages it was always in
hostile contact with Islam, with the Mohammedan infidels. The
crusades here had never come to an end. … As yet untainted
by heresy, and suffering from no decline, in Spain,
Catholicism was as eager for conquest as it had been in all
the West in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It was from
the nation possessing this temperament that the founder of the
order of the Jesuits sprang. Ignatius Loyola (born 1491) was a
Spanish knight, possessing the two-fold tendencies which
distinguish the knighthood of the Middle Ages. He was a
gallant swordsman, delighting in martial feats and romantic
love adventures; but he was at the same time animated by a
glowing enthusiasm for the Church and her supremacy, even
during the early period of his life. These two tendencies were
striving together in his character, until the event took place
which threw him upon a bed of suffering. No sooner was he
compelled to renounce his worldly knighthood, than he was sure
that he was called upon to found a new order of spiritual
knighthood, like that of which he had read in the chivalrous
romance, 'Amadis.' Entirely unaffected by the Reformation,
what he understood by this was a spiritual brotherhood in the
true mediæval sense, which should convert the heathen in the
newly-discovered countries of the world. With all the zeal of
a Spaniard he decided to live to the Catholic Church alone; he
chastised his body with penances and all kinds of privations,
made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and, in order to complete his
defective education, he visited the university of Paris; it
was among his comrades there that he formed the first
associations out of which the order was afterwards formed.
Among these was Jacob Lainez; he was Loyola's
fellow-countryman, the organizing head who was to stamp his
impress upon the order. … Then came the spread of the new
doctrines, the mighty progress of Protestantism. No one who
was heartily attached to the old Church could doubt that there
was work for such an association, for the object now in hand
was not to make Christians of the aboriginal inhabitants of
Central America, but to reconquer the apostate members of the
Romish Church. About 1539 Loyola came with his fraternity to
Rome. He did not find favour in all circles; the old orders
regarded the new one with jealousy and mistrust; but Pope Paul
III. (1534-49) did not allow himself to be misled, and in 1540
gave the fraternity his confirmation, thus constituting
Loyola's followers an order, which, on its part, engaged 'to
obey in all things the reigning Pope—to go into any country,
to Turks, heathen, or heretics, or to whomsoever he might send
them, at once, unconditionally, without question or reward.'
It is from this time that the special history of the order
begins.
{1888}
During the next year Loyola was chosen the first general of
the order, an office which he held until his death (1541-56).
He was succeeded by Lainez. He was less enthusiastic than his
predecessor, had a cooler head, and was more reasonable; he
was the man for diplomatic projects and complete and
systematic organization. The new order differed in several
respects from any previously existing one, but it entirely
corresponded to the new era which had begun for the Romish
Church. … The construction of the new order was based and
carried out on a monarchical-military system. The territories
of the Church were divided into provinces; at the head of each
of these was a provincial; over the provincials, and chosen by
them, the general, who commanded the soldiers of Christ, and
was entrusted with dictatorial power, limited only by the
opinions of three judges, assistants or admonitors. The
general has no superior but the Pope, with whom he
communicates directly; he appoints and dismisses all
officials, issues orders as to the administration of the
order, and rules with undisputed sway. The absolute monarchy
which was assigned to the Pope by the Council of Trent, was
conferred by him on the general of the Jesuits. Among the four
vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and subjection to the
Pope, obedience was the soul of all. To learn and practise
this physically and mentally, up to the point where, according
to the Jesuit expression, a man becomes 'tanquam lignum et
cadaver,' was the ruling principle of the institution. …
Entire renunciation of the will and judgment in relation to
everything commanded by the superior, blind obedience,
unconditional subjection, constitute their ideal. There was
but one exception, but even in this there was a reservation.
It was expressly stated that there can be no obligation 'ad
peccatum mortale vel veniale,' to sinful acts of greater or
less importance, 'except when enjoined by the superior, in the
name of Jesus Christ,' 'vel in virtute obedientiæ,'—an
elastic doctrine which may well be summed up in the dictum
that 'the end justifies the means.' Of course, all the members
of this order had to renounce all ties of family, home, and
country, and it was expressly enjoined. … Of the vow of
poverty it is said, in the 'Summarium' of the constitution of
the order, that it must be maintained as a 'murus religionis.
No one shall have any property; everyone must be content with
the meanest furniture and fare, and, if necessity or command
require it, he must be ready to beg his bread from door to
door ('ostiatim mendicare'). The external aspect of members of
the order, their speech and silence, gestures, gait, garb, and
bearing shall indicate the prescribed purity of soul. … On
all these and many other points, the new order only laid
greater stress on the precepts which were to be found among
the rules of other orders, though in the universal
demoralisation of the monastic life they had fallen into
disuse. But it decidedly differed from all the others in the
manner in which it aimed at obtaining sway in every sphere and
every aspect of life. Himself without home or country, and not
holding the doctrines of any political party, the disciple of
Jesus renounced everything which might alienate him among
varying nationalities, pursuing various political aims. Then
he did not confine his labours to the pulpit and the
confessional; he gained an influence over the rising
generation by a systematic attention to education, which had
been shamefully neglected by the other orders. He devoted
himself to education from the national schools up to the
academic chair, and by no means confined himself to the sphere
of theology. This was a principle of immense importance. …
It is a true saying, that 'he who gains the youth possesses
the future'; and by devoting themselves to the education of
youth, the Jesuits secured a future to the Church more surely
than by any other scheme that could have been devised. What
the schoolmasters were for the youth, the confessors were for
those of riper years; what the clerical teachers were for the
common people, the spiritual directors and confidants were for
great lords and rulers—for the Jesuits aspired to a place at
the side of the great, and at gaining the confidence of kings.
It was not long before they could boast of astonishing
success."

_L. Häusser,
The Period of the Reformation,
chapter 20._

"The Society, in 1556, only 16 years after its commencement,
counted as many as twelve provinces, 100 houses, and upwards
of 1,000 members, dispersed over the whole known world. Their
two most conspicuous and important establishments were the
Collegio Romano and the German College. They already were in
possession of many chairs, and soon monopolised the right of
teaching, which gave them a most overwhelming influence."

_G. B. Nicolini,
History of the Jesuits,
page 90._

ALSO IN:
_I. Taylor,
Loyola and Jesuitism in its Rudiments._

S_. Rose,
Ignatius Loyola and the Early Jesuits._

_T. Hughes,
Loyola and the Educational System of the Jesuits._

See, also, EDUCATION, RENAISSANCE.

JESUITS: A. D. 1542-1649.
The early Jesuit Missionaries and their labors.

"In 1542, Xavier landed at Goa, the capital of the Portuguese
colony, on the western coast of Hindostan. He took lodgings at
the hospital, and mingled with the poor. He associated also
with the rich, and even played with them at cards, acting
piously upon the motto of the order, 'Ad majorem Dei gloriam.'
Having thus won good-will to himself, he went into the
streets, with his hand-bell and crucifix, and, having rung the
one, he held up the other, exhorting the multitudes to accept
that religion of which it was the emblem. His great facility
in acquiring foreign languages helped him much. He visited
several times the pearl-fisheries on the Malabar coast,
remaining at one time thirteen months, and planting forty-five
churches. Cape Comorin, Travancore, Meliapore, the Moluccas,
Malacca, and other ports of India, and finally the distant
island of Japan—where Christianity was [accepted—see JAPAN:
A. D. 1540-1686] … —received his successive visits. Leaving
two Jesuits on the island, he returned to settle some matters
at Goa, which done, he sailed for China, but died at the
island of Sancian, a few leagues from the city of Canton, in
1552—ten years only after his arrival in India. He had in
this time established an inquisition and a college at Goa.
Numbers of the society, whom he had wisely distributed, had
been sent to his aid; and the Christians in India were
numbered by hundreds of thousands before the death of this
'Apostle of the Indies.' It has even been said, that he was
the means of converting more persons in Asia than the church
had lost by the Reformation in Europe.
{1889}
The empire of China, which Xavier was not allowed to enter,
was visited, half a century later, by the Jesuit Matthew
Ricci, who introduced his religion by means of his great skill
in science and art, especially mathematics and drawing [see
CHINA: A. D. 1294-1882]. He assumed the garb of a mandarin
—associated with the higher classes—dined with the
Emperor—allowed those who received Christianity to retain any
rites of their own religion to which they were attached—and
died in 1610, bequeathing and recommending his policy to
others. This plan of accommodation was far more elaborately
carried out by Robert Nobili, who went to Madura, in southern
Hindostan, as a missionary of the order in 1606. He had
observed the obstacle which caste threw in the way of
missionary labor, and resolved to remove it. He presented
himself as a foreign Brahmin, and attached himself to that
class. They had a tradition, that there once had been four
roads to truth in India, one of which they had lost. This he
professed to restore. He did no violence to their existing
ideas or institutions, but simply gave them other
interpretations, and in three years he had seventy converted
Brahmins about him. From this time he went on gathering crowds
of converts, soon numbering 150,000. This facile policy,
however, attracted the notice of the other religious orders,
was loudly complained of at Rome, and, after almost an entire
century of agitation, was condemned in 1704 by a special
legation, appointed by Clement XI. to inquire into the matter
of complaint. … The attention of the society was early
directed to our own continent, and its missions everywhere
anticipated the settlements. The most remarkable missions were
in South America. Missionaries had been scattered over the
whole continent, everywhere making converts, but doing nothing
for the progress of the order. Aquaviva was general. This
shrewd man saw the disadvantage of the policy, and at once
applied the remedy. He directed, that, leaving only so many
missionaries scattered over the continent as should be
absolutely necessary, the main force should be concentrated
upon a point. Paraguay was chosen. The missionaries formed
what were called reductions—that is, villages into which the
Indians were collected from their roving life, taught the
ruder arts of civilization, and some of the rites and duties
of the Christian religion. These villages were regularly laid
out with streets, running each way from a public square,
having a Church, work-shops and dwellings. Each family had a
small piece of land assigned for cultivation, and all were
reduced to the most systematic habits of industry and good
order. … The men were trained to arms, and all the elements
of an independent empire were fast coming into being. In 1632,
thirty years after the starting of this system, Paraguay had
twenty reductions, averaging 1,000 families each, which at a
moderate estimate, would give a population of 100,000, and
they still went on prospering until three times this number
are, by some, said to have been reached. The Jesuits started,
in California, in 1642, the same system, which they fully
entered upon in 1679. This, next to Paraguay, became their
most successful mission."

_A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits
(Putnam's Magazine, September, 1856)._

In 1632 the Jesuits entered on their mission work in Canada,
or New France, where they supplanted the Récollet friars. "In
1640 Montreal, the site of which had been already indicated by
Champlain in 1611, was founded, that there might be a nearer
rendezvous than Quebec for the converted Indians. At its
occupation a solemn mass was celebrated under a tent, and in
France itself the following February a general supplication
was offered up that the Queen of Angels would take the Island
of Montreal under her protection. In the August of this year a
general meeting of French settlers and Indians took place at
Montreal, and the festival of the Assumption was solemnised at
the island. The new crusading spirit took full possession of
the enthusiastic French people, and the niece of Cardinal
Richelieu founded a hospital for the natives between the
Kennebec and Lake Superior, to which young and nobly-born
hospital nuns from Dieppe offered their services. Plans were
made for establishing mission posts, not only on the north
amongst the Algonkins, but to the south of Luke Huron, in
Michigan and at Green Bay, and so on as far as the regions to
the west. The maps of the Jesuits prove that before 1660 they
had traced the waters of Lake Erie and Lake Superior and had
seen Lake Michigan. The Huron mission embraced principally the
country lying between Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay, building
its stations on the rivers and shores. But the French
missionaries, however much they might desire it, could not
keep outside the intertribal strifes of the natives around
them. Succeeding to Champlain's policy, they continued to aid
the Algonkins and Hurons against their inveterate enemies the
Iroquois. The Iroquois retaliated by the most horrible cruelty
and revenge. There was no peace along the borders of this wild
country, and missionaries and colonists carried their lives in
their hands. In 1648 St. Joseph, a Huron mission town on the
shores of Lake Simcoe, was burned down and destroyed by the
Iroquois, and Père Daniel, the Jesuit leader, killed under
circumstances of great atrocity. In 1649 St. Ignace, a station
at the corner of Georgian Bay, was sacked, and there the pious
Brebeuf met his end, after having suffered the most horrible
tortures the Indians could invent. Brebeuf, after being hacked
in the face and burnt all over the body with torches and
red-hot iron, was scalped alive, and died after three hours'
suffering. His companion, the gentle Gabriel Lallemand,
endured terrible tortures for seventeen hours."

_W. P. Greswell,
History of the Dominion of Canada,
chapter 6. _

The Hurons were dispersed and their nation destroyed by these
attacks of the Iroquois. "With the fall of the Hurons fell the
best hope of the Canadian mission. They, and the stable and
populous communities around them, had been the rude material
from which the Jesuit would have formed his Christian empire
in the wilderness; but, one by one, these kindred peoples were
uprooted and swept away, while the neighboring Algonquins, to
whom they had been a bulwark, were involved with them in a
common ruin. The land of promise was turned to a solitude and
a desolation. There was still work in hand, it is true,—vast
regions to explore, and countless heathens to snatch from
perdition; but these, for the most part, were remote and
scattered hordes, from whose conversion it was vain to look
for the same solid and decisive results. In a measure, the
occupation of the Jesuits was gone.
{1890}
Some of them went home, 'well resolved,' writes the Father
Superior, 'to return to the combat at the first sound of the
trumpet'; while of those who remained, about twenty in number,
several soon fell victims to famine, hardship, and the
Iroquois. A few years more, and Canada ceased to be a mission;
political and commercial interests gradually became ascendant,
and the story of Jesuit propagandism was interwoven with her
civil and military annals."

_F. Parkman,
The Jesuits in North America,
chapter 34._

See, also,
CANADA: A. D. 1634-1652.

JESUITS: A. D. 1558.
Mission founded in Abyssinia.

See ABYSSINIA: A. D. 15TH-19TH CENTURIES.

JESUITS: A. D. 1572-1603.
Persecution in England under Elizabeth.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1572-1603.

JESUITS: A. D. 1573-1592.
Change in the statutes of the Order on demands from Spain.

"At the first establishment of the Order, the elder and
already educated men, who had just entered it, were for the
most part Spaniards; the members joining it from other nations
were chiefly young men, whose characters had yet to be formed.
It followed naturally that the government of the society was,
for the first ten years, almost entirely in Spanish hands. The
first general congregation was composed of twenty-five
members, eighteen of whom were Spaniards. The first three
generals belonged to the same nation. After the death of the
third, Borgia, in the year 1573, it was once more a Spaniard,
Polanco, who had the best prospect of election. It was however
manifest that his elevation would not have been regarded
favourably, even in Spain itself. There were many new converts
in the society who were Christianized Jews. Polanco also
belonged to this class, and it was not thought desirable that
the supreme authority in a body so powerful, and so
monarchically constituted, should be confided to such hands.
Pope Gregory XIV., who had received certain intimations on
this subject, considered a change to be expedient on other
grounds also. When a deputation presented itself before him
from the congregation assembled to elect their general,
Gregory inquired how many votes were possessed by each nation;
the reply showed that Spain held more than all the others put
together. He then asked from which nation the generals of the
order had hitherto been taken. He was told that there had been
three, all Spaniards. 'It will be just, then,' replied
Gregory, 'that for once you should choose one from among the
other nations.' He even proposed a candidate for their
election. The Jesuits opposed themselves for a moment to this
suggestion, as a violation of their privileges; but concluded
by electing the very man proposed by the pontiff. This was
Eberhard Mercurianus. A material change was at once perceived,
as the consequence of this choice. Mercurianus, a weak and
irresolute man, resigned the government of affairs, first
indeed to a Spaniard again, but afterwards to a Frenchman, his
official admonitor; factions were formed, one expelling the
other from the offices of importance, and the ruling powers of
the Order now began to meet occasional resistance from its
subordinate members. But a circumstance of much higher moment
was, that on the next vacancy—in the year 1581—this office
was conferred on Claudius Acquaviva, a Neapolitan, belonging
to a house previously attached to the French party, a man of
great energy, and only thirty-eight years old. The Spaniards
then thought they perceived that their nation, by which the
society had been founded and guided on its early path, was now
to be forever excluded from the generalship. Thereupon they
became discontented and refractory, and conceived the design
of making themselves less dependent on Rome. … They first
had recourse to the national spiritual authority of their own
country—the Inquisition. … One of the discontented Jesuits,
impelled, as he affirmed, by a scruple of conscience, accused
his order of concealing, and even remitting, transgressions of
the kind so reserved, when the criminal was one of their
society. The Inquisition immediately caused the Provincial
implicated, together with his most active associates, to be
arrested. Other accusations being made in consequence of these
arrests, the Inquisition commanded that the statutes of the
order should be placed before it, and proceeded to make
further seizures of parties accused. … The Inquisition was,
however, competent to inflict a punishment on the criminal
only: it could not prescribe changes in the regulations of the
society. When the affair, therefore, had proceeded thus far,
the discontented members applied to the king also, assailing
him with long memorials, wherein they complained of the
defects in their constitution. The character of this
constitution had never been agreeable to Philip II.; he used
to say that he could see through all the other orders, but
that the order of Jesuits he could not understand. … He at
once commanded Manrique, bishop of Carthagena, to subject the
Order to a visitation, with particular reference to these
points. … The character of Sixtus V. made it particularly
easy for Acquaviva to excite the antipathies of that pontiff
against the proceedings of the Spaniards. Pope Sixtus had
formed the hope, as we know, of rendering Rome, more decidedly
than it ever yet was, the metropolis of Christendom. Acquaviva
assured him, that the object really laboured for in Spain was
no other than increased independence of Rome. Pope Sixtus
hated nothing so much as illegitimate birth; and Acquaviva
caused him to be informed that Manrique, the bishop selected
as 'Visitator' of the Jesuits, was illegitimate. These were
reasons sufficient to make Sixtus recall the assent he had
already given to the visitation. He even summoned the case of
the provincial before the tribunals of Rome. From his
successor, Gregory XIV., the general succeeded in obtaining a
formal confirmation of the rule of the order. But his
antagonists also were unyielding and crafty. They perceived
that the general must be attacked in the court of Rome itself.
They availed themselves of his momentary absence. … In the
summer of 1592, at the request of the Spanish Jesuits and
Philip II., but without the knowledge of Acquaviva, the
pontiff commanded that a general congregation should be held.
Astonished and alarmed, Acquaviva hastened back. To the
generals of the Jesuits these 'Congregations' were no less
inconvenient than were the Convocations of the Church to the
popes; and if his predecessors were anxious to avoid them, how
much more cause had Acquaviva, against whom there prevailed so
active an enmity! But he was soon convinced that the
arrangement was irrevocable; he therefore resumed his
composure and said, 'We are obedient sons; let the will of the
holy father be done.' …
{1891}
Philip of Spain had demanded some changes, and had
recommended others for consideration. On two things he'
insisted: the resignation of certain papal privileges; those
of reading forbidden books, for example, and of granting
absolution for the crime of heresy; and a law, by virtue of
which every novice who entered the order should surrender
whatever patrimonial rights he might possess, and should even
resign all his benefices. These were matters in regard to
which the order came into collision with the Inquisition and
the civil government. After some hesitation, the demands of
the king were complied with, and principally through the
influence of Acquaviva himself. But the points recommended by
Philip for consideration were of much higher moment. First of
all came the questions, whether the authority of the superiors
should not be limited to a certain period; and whether a
general congregation should not be held at certain fixed
intervals? The very essence and being of the institute, the
rights of absolute sovereignty, were here brought into
question. Acquaviva was not on this occasion disposed to
comply. After an animated discussion, the congregation
rejected these propositions of Philip; but the pope, also, was
convinced of their necessity. What had been refused to the
king was now commanded by the pope. By the plenitude of his
apostolic power, he determined and ordained that the superiors
and rectors should be changed every third year; and that, at
the expiration of every sixth year, a general congregation
should be assembled. It is, indeed, true that the execution of
these ordinances did not effect so much as had been hoped from
them. … It was, nevertheless, a very serious blow to the
society, that it had been compelled, by internal revolt and
interference from without, to a change in its statutes."

_L. Ranke,
History of the Popes,
book 6, section 9 (volume 2)._

JESUITS: A. D. 1581-1641.
Hostility of the Paulistas of Brazil.
Opposition to enslavement of the Indians.

See BRAZIL: A. D. 1531-1641.

JESUITS: A. D. 1595.
Expulsion from Paris.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1593-1598.

JESUITS: A. D. 1606.
Exclusion from Venice for half a century.

See PAPACY: A. D. 1605-1700.

JESUITS: A. D. 1653-1660.
First controversy and conflict with the Jansenists.

See PORT ROYAL AND THE JANSENISTS: A. D. 1602-1660.

JESUITS: A. D. 1702-1715.
The renewed conflict with Jansenism in France.
The Bull Unigenitus.

See PORT ROYAL AND THE JANSENISTS: A. D. 1702-1715.

JESUITS: A. D. 1757-1773.
Suppression of the Society in Portugal and the Portuguese
dominions.

In 1757, a series of measures intended to break the power, if
not to end the existence, of the Society of Jesus, in Portugal
and the Portuguese dominions, was undertaken by the great
Portuguese minister, Carvalho, better known by his later title
as the Marquis of Pombal. "It is not necessary to speculate on
the various motives which induced Carvalho to attack the
Jesuits, but the principal cause lay in the fact that they
were wealthy and powerful, and therefore a dangerous force in
an absolutist monarchy. It must be remembered that the Jesuits
of the 18th century formed a very different class of men to
their predecessors. They were no longer intrepid missionary
pioneers, but a corporation of wealthy traders, who made use
of their spiritual position to further the cause of their
commerce. They had done a great work in America by opening up
the interior of Brazil and converting the natives, and their
administration of Paraguay, one of the most interesting
achievements in the whole history of Christianity, was without
doubt a blessing to the people. But by the middle of the 18th
century they had gone too far. It was one thing to convert the
natives of Brazil, and another to absorb much of the wealth of
that country, in doing which they prejudiced not only the
Crown but the Portuguese people, whom they kept from settling
in the territory under their rule. Whether it was a sufficient
reason for Carvalho to attack the order, because it was
wealthy and powerful, and had departed from its primitive
simplicity, is a question for everyone to decide for
themselves, but that this was the reason, and that the various
excuses alleged by the admirers of the great minister are
without foundation, is an undoubted fact. On September 19,
1757, the first important blow was struck, when the king's
Jesuit confessor was dismissed, and all Jesuits were forbidden
to come to Court. Carvalho, in the name of the King of
Portugal, also formally denounced the order at Rome, and
Benedict XIV., the then Pope, appointed the Cardinal de
Saldanha, a friend of the minister, Visitor and Reformer of
the Society of Jesus. The cardinal did not take long in making
up his mind, and May 15, 1758, he forbade the Jesuits to
engage in trade. An attempt upon the king's life, which
shortly followed this measure, gave the minister the
opportunity he wanted for urging the suppression of the famous
society. The history of the Tavora plot, which culminated in
this attempt, is one of the most mysterious affairs in the
whole history of Portugal. … The three leaders of the plot
were the Duke of Aveiro, a descendant of John II., and one of
the greatest noblemen in Portugal, the Marquis of Tavora, who
had filled with credit the post of Governor-general of India,
and the Count of Atouguia, a descendant of the gallant Dom
Luis de Athaide, the defender of Goa; but the heart and soul
of the conspiracy was the Marchioness of Tavora, a beautiful
and ambitious woman, who was bitterly offended because her
husband had not been made a duke. The confessor of this lady
was a Jesuit named Gabriel Malagrida. … The evidence on all
sides is most contradictory, and all that is certain is that
the king was fired at and wounded on the night of September 3,
1758; and that in the following January, the three noblemen
who have been mentioned, the Marchioness of Tavora, Malagrida
with seven other Jesuits, and many other individuals of all
ranks of life, were arrested as implicated in the attempt to
murder. The laymen had but a short trial and, together with
the marchioness, were publicly executed ten days after their
arrest. King Joseph certainly believed that the real culprits
had been seized, and in his gratitude he created Carvalho
Count of Oeyras, and encouraged him to pursue his campaign
against the Jesuits. On January 19, 1759, the estates
belonging to the society were sequestrated; and on September
3rd, all its members were expelled from Portugal, and
directions were sent to the viceroys of India and Brazil to
expel them likewise. The news of this bold stroke was received
with admiration everywhere, except at Rome, and it became noised
abroad that a great minister was ruling in Portugal. …
{1892}
In 1764 the Jesuit priest Malagrida was burnt alive, not as a
traitor but as a heretic and imposter, on account of some
crazy tractates he had written. The man was regarded as a
martyr, and all communication between Portugal and the Holy
See was broken off for two years, while the Portuguese
minister exerted all his influence with the Courts of France
and Spain to procure the entire suppression of the society
which he hated. The king supported him consistently, and after
another attempt upon his life in 1769, which the minister as
usual attributed to the Jesuits, King Joseph created his
faithful servant Marquis of Pombal, by which title he is best
known to fame. The prime ministers of France and Spain
cordially acquiesced in the hatred of the Jesuits, for both
the Duc de Choiseul and the Count d'Aranda had something of
Pombal's spirit in them, and imitated his policy; in both
countries the society, which on its foundation had done so
much for Catholicism and Christianity, was proscribed, and the
worthy members treated with as much rigour as the unworthy;
and finally in 1773 Pope Clement XIV. solemnly abolished the
Society of Jesus. King Joseph did not long survive this
triumph of his minister, for he died on February 24, 1777, and
the Marquis of Pombal, then an old man of 77, was at once
dismissed from office."

_H. M. Stephens,
The Story of Portugal,
chapter 16._

ALSO IN:
_G. B. Nicolini,
History of the Jesuits,
chapter 15._

_T. Griesinger,
The Jesuits,
book 6, chapter 4 (volume 2)._

JESUITS: A. D. 1761-1769.
Proceedings against the Order in the Parliament of Paris.
Suppression in France, Spain, Bavaria, Parma, Modena, Venice.
Demands on the Pope for the abolition of the Society.