Chapter 3: , page 89 (46)

See SCANDINAVIAN STATES: A. D. 1018-1397, and 1397-1527.

CALPULALPAM, Battle of (1860).

See MEXICO: A. D. 1848-1861.

CALPURNIAN LAW, The.

"In this year, B. C. 149, the tribune L. Calpurnius Piso
Frugi, who was one of the Roman writers of annals, proposed
and carried a Lex Calpurnia, which made a great change in the
Roman criminal procedure. Before this time and to the third
Punic war, when a magistratus had misconducted himself in his
foreign administration by oppressive acts and spoliation,
there were several ways of inquiring into his offence. … But
these modes of procedure were insufficient to protect the
subjects of Rome against bad magistratus. … The remedy for
these evils was the establishment of a court under the name of
Quaestio Perpetua de pecuniis repetundis, the first regular
criminal court that existed at Rome. Courts similarly
constituted were afterwards established for the trial of
persons charged with other offences. The Lex Calpurnia defined
the offence of Repetundæ, as it was briefly named, to be the
taking of money by irregular means for the use of a governor.
The name Repetundæ was given to this offence, because the
object of the procedure was to compel the governor to make
restitution. … The court consisted of a presiding judge …
and of a body of judices or jurymen annually appointed. The
number of this body of judices is not known, but they were all
senators. The judge and a jury taken from the body of the
judices tried all the cases which came before them during one
year; and hence came the name Quaestio Perpetua or standing
court, in opposition to the extraordinary commissions which
had hitherto been appointed as the occasion arose. We do not
know that the Lex Calpurnia contained any penalties. As far as
the evidence shows, it simply enabled the complainants to
obtain satisfaction."

_G. Long,
Decline of the Roman Republic,
chapter 2._

CALUSA, The.

See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: TIMUQUANAN FAMILY.

CALVEN, Battle of (1499).

See SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1396-1499.

CALVIN AND THE REFORMATION.

See PAPACY: A. D. 1521-1535;
and GENEVA: A. D. 1536-1564.

CAMARCUM.
The ancient name of the town of Cambrai.

CAMARILLA.

A circle of irresponsible chamber
counsellors—courtiers—surrounding a sovereign with
influences superior to those of his responsible ministers.

CAMBALU, OR CAMBALEC.

See CHINA: A. D. 1259-1294.

CAMBAS, OR CAMPA, OR CAMPO, The.

See BOLIVIA: ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS;
and AMERICAN ABORIGINES: ANDESIANS.

CAMBORICUM.
A Roman town in Britain.

"Camboricum was without doubt a very important town, which
commanded the southern fens. It had three forts or citadels,
the principal of which occupied the district called the
Castle-end, in the modern town of Cambridge, and appears to
have had a bridge over the Cam, or Granta; of the others, one
stood below the town, at Chesterton, and the other above it,
at Granchester. Numerous roads branched off from this town.
… Bede calls the representative of Camboricum, in his time,
a 'little deserted city,' and tells us how, when the nuns of
Ely wanted a coffin for their saintly abbess, Etheldreda, they
found a beautiful sculptured sarcophagus of white marble
outside the city walls of the Roman town."

_T. Wright,
Celt, Roman and Saxon,
chapter 5._

{354}

CAMBRAI: A. D. 1581.
Unsuccessful siege by the Prince of Parma.

See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1581-1584.

CAMBRAI: A. D. 1595-1598.
End of the Principality of governor Balagni.
Siege and capture by the Spaniards.
Retention under the treaty of Vervins.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1593-1598.

CAMBRAI: A. D. 1677.
Taken by Louis XIV.

See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1674-1678.

CAMBRAI: A. D. 1679.
Ceded to France.

See NIMEGUEN, THE PEACE OF.

----------CAMBRAI: End----------

CAMBRAI,
The League of.

See VENICE: A. D. 1508-1509.

CAMBRAI, Peace of.

See ITALY: A. D. 1527-1529.

CAMBRIA.
The early name of Wales.

See KYMRY, and CUMBRIA;
also, BRITAIN: 6TH CENTURY.

CAMBRIDGE,
England, Origin of.

See CAMBORICUM.

CAMBRIDGE, Massachusetts.
The first settlement.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1629-1630.

CAMBRIDGE, Platform, The:

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1646-1651.

CAMBYSES, OR KAMBYSES,
King of Persia, B. C. 529-522.

CAMDEN, Battle of.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1780 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

CAMERONIAN REGIMENT, The.

In 1689, when Claverhouse was raising the Highland clans in
favor of James II., "William Cleland, who had fought with
distinguished bravery at Bothwell, and was one of the few men
whom Claverhouse feared, made an offer to the [Scottish]
Estates to raise a regiment among the Cameronians, under the
colonelcy of the Earl of Angus, and the offer was accepted.
Such was the origin of the Cameronian regiment. Its first
lieutenant-colonel was Cleland; its first chaplain was
Shields. Its courage was first tried at Dunkeld, where these
800 Covenanted warriors rolled back the tide of Celtic
invasion; and since that, undegenerate though changed, it has
won trophies in every quarter of the world."

_J. Cunningham,
Church History of Scotland,
volume 2, chapter 7._

ALSO IN:
_J. Browne,
History of the Highlands,
volume 2, chapter 8._

CAMERONIANS, The.

See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1681-1689.

CAMISARDS, The revolt of the.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1702-1710.

CAMORRA, OR CAMORRISTI, The.

"Besides the regular authorities known to and avowed by the
law … there existed under the Bourbon rule at Naples
[overthrown by Garibaldi in 1860] a self-constituted authority
more terrible than either. It was not easy to obtain exact
proof of the operation of this authority, for it was impatient
of question, its vengeance was prompt, and the instrument of
that vengeance was the knife. In speaking of it as one
authority it is possible to err, for different forms or
branches of this secret institution at times revealed their
existence by the orders which they issued. This secret
influence was that of the Camorra, or Camorristi, a sort of
combination of the violence of the middle ages, of the trades
union tyranny of Sheffield, and of the blackmail levy of the
borders. The Camorristi were a body of unknown individuals who
subsisted on the public, especially on the smaller
tradespeople. A man effected a sale of his ware; as the
customer left his shop a man of the people would enter and
demand the tax on the sale for the Camorra. None could escape
from the odious tyranny. It was impalpable to the police. It
did not confine itself to the industry of illicit taxation. It
issued its orders. When the Italian Parliament imposed stamp
duties, that sensibly increased the cost of litigation, that
indispensable luxury of the Neapolitans, the advocates
received letters warning them to cease all practice in the
courts so long as these stamp duties were enforced.
'Otherwise,' continued the mandate, 'we shall take an early
opportunity of arranging your affairs.' Signed by 'the Camorra
of the avvocati.' The arrangement hinted at was to be made by
the knife. … The Italian government, much to its credit,
made a great onslaught on the Camorristi. Many were arrested,
imprisoned or exiled, some even killed one another in prison.
But the total eradication of so terrible a social vice must be
[published in 1867] a work of great difficulty, perseverance
and time."

_The Trinity of Italy;
by an English Civilian,
page 70._

CAMP OF REFUGE AT ELY.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1069-1071.

CAMPAGNA, OR CAMPANIA.

"'The name of Campania,' says Pelligrini, 'which was first
applied to the territory of Capua alone, extended itself by
successive re-arrangements of the Italian provinces over a
great part of Central Italy, and then gradually shrank back
again into its birth-place, and at last became restricted to
the limits of one city only, Naples, and that one of the least
importance in Italy. What naturally followed was the total
disuse of the name.' … The term Campania, therefore, became
obsolete except in the writings of a few mediaeval authors,
whose statements created some confusion by their ignorance of
the different senses in which it had at different times been
used. An impression seems, however, to have prevailed that the
district of Capua had been so named on account of its flat and
fertile nature, and hence every similar tract of plain country
came to be called a campagna in the Italian language. The
exact time when the name, which had thus become a mere
appellative, was applied to the Roman Campagna is not
accurately ascertained. … It will be seen that the term
Roman Campagna is not a geographical definition of any
district or province with clearly fixed limits, but that it is
a name loosely employed in speaking of the tract which lies
round the city of Rome."

_R. Burn,
Rome and the Campagna,
chapter 14, note at end._

ALSO IN:
_Sir W. Gell,
Topography of Rome,
volume 1._

CAMPALDINO, Battle of.

See FLORENCE; A. D. 1289.

CAMPANIANS, The.

See SABINES;
also, SAMNITES.

CAMPBELL, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde),
The Indian Campaign of.

See INDIA: A. D. 1857-1858.

{355}

CAMPBELL'S STATION, Battle of.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1863
(OCTOBER-DECEMBER: TENNESSEE).

CAMPERDOWN, Naval battle of.

See ENGLAND: A. D. 1797.

CAMPO-FORMIO, Peace of.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CAMPO SANTO, Battle of (1743).

See ITALY: A. D. 1741-1743.

CAMPO-TENESE, Battle of (1806).

See FRANCE: A. D. 1805-1806 (DECEMBER-SEPTEMBER).

CAMPUS MARTIUS AT ROME, The.

"The history of the Campus Martius presents us with a series
of striking contrasts. It has been covered in successive ages,
first by the cornfields of the Tarquinian dynasty, then by the
parade ground of the great military republic, next by a forest
of marble colonnades and porticoes, and, lastly, by a confused
mass of mean and filthy streets, clustering round vast
mansions, and innumerable churches of every size and
description. … During the time of the Republic, the whole
Campus seems to have been considered state property and was
used as a military and athletic exercise ground and a place of
meeting for the comitia centuriata."

_R. Burn,
Rome and the Campagna,
chapter 13, part 1._

"We have hitherto employed this name to designate the whole of
the meadow land bounded by the Tiber on one side, and on the
other by the Collis Hortulorum, the Quirinal and the
Capitoline. … But the Campus Martius, strictly speaking, was
that portion only of the flat ground which lies in the angle
formed by the bend of the stream. According to the narrative
of Livy, it was the property of the Tarquins, and upon their
expulsion was confiscated, and then consecrated to Mars; but
Dionysius asserts that it had been previously set apart to the
god and sacrilegiously appropriated by the tyrant. … During
the republic the Campus Martius was employed specially for two
purposes. (1.) As a place for holding the constitutional
assemblies (comitia) especially the Comitia Centuriata, and
also for ordinary public meetings (conciones). (2.) For
gymnastic and warlike sports. For seven centuries it remained
almost entirely open. … In the Comitia, the citizens, when
their votes were taken, passed into enclosures termed septa,
or ovilia, which were, for a long period, temporary wooden
erections."

_W. Ramsay,
Manual of Roman Antiquity,
chapter 1._

CAMULODUNUM.

See COLCHESTER, ORIGIN OF.

CAMUNI, The.

See RHÆTIANS.

CANAAN. CANAANITES.

"Canaan signifies 'the lowlands,' and was primarily the name
of the coast on which the great cities of Phoenicia were
built. As, however, the inland parts of the country were
inhabited by a kindred population, the name came to be
extended to designate the whole of Palestine, just as
Palestine itself meant originally only the small territory of
the Philistines."

_A. H. Sayce,
Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments,
chapter 2._

See PHŒNICIANS: ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY;

Also,
JEWS: THE EARLY HEBREW HISTORY,
and HAMITES.

----------CANAAN: End----------

CANADA.
(NEW FRANCE.)

CANADA:
Names.

"The year after the failure of Verrazano's last enterprise,
1525, Stefano Gomez sailed from Spain for Cuba and Florida;
thence he steered northward in search of the long hoped-for
passage to India, till he reached Cape Race, on the
southeastern extremity of Newfoundland. The further details of
his voyage remain unknown, but there is reason to suppose that
he entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and traded upon its
shores. An ancient Castilian tradition existed that the
Spaniards visited these coasts before the French, and having
perceived no appearance of mines or riches, they exclaimed
frequently 'Aca nada' [signifying 'here is nothing']; the
natives caught up the sound, and when other Europeans arrived,
repeated it to them. The strangers concluded that these words
were a designation, and from that time this magnificent
country bore the name of Canada. … Father Hennepin asserts
that the Spaniards were the first discoverers of Canada, and
that, finding nothing there to gratify their extensive desires
for gold, they bestowed upon it the appellation of Capo di
Nada, 'Cape Nothing,' whence by corruption its present name.
… La Potherie gives the same derivation. … This
derivation would reconcile the different assertions of the
early discoverers, some of whom give the name of Canada to the
whole valley of the St. Lawrence; others, equally worthy of
credit, confine it to a small district in the neighbourhood of
Stadacona (now Quebec). … Duponceau, in the Transactions of
the [American] Philosophical Society, of Philadelphia, founds
his conjecture of the Indian origin of the name of Canada upon
the fact that, in the translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew
into the Mohawk tongue, made by Brandt, the Indian chief, the
word Canada is always used to signify a village. The mistake
of the early discoverers, in taking the name of a part for
that of the whole, is very pardonable in persons ignorant of
the Indian language. … The natural conclusion … is, that
the word Canada was a mere local appellation, without
reference to the country; that each tribe had their own
Canada, or collection of huts, which shifted its position
according to their migrations."

_E. Warburton,
The Conquest of Canada,
volume 1, chapter 1, and foot-note._

"Canada was the name which Cartier found attached to the land
and there is no evidence that he attempted to displace it. …
Nor did Roberval attempt to name the country, while the
commission given him by the king does not associate the name
of Francis or any new name therewith. … There seems to have
been a belief in New England, at a later day, that Canada was
derived from William and Emery de Caen (Cane, as the English
spelled it), who were in New France in 1621, and later. Cf.
Morton's 'New English Canaan,' Adam's edition, page 235, and
Josselyn's 'Rarities,' page 5; also, J. Reade, in his history of
geographical names in Canada, printed in New Dominion Monthly,
xi. 344."

_B. F. De Costa,
Jacques Cartier and his Successors
(Narrative and Critical History of America,
volume 4, chapter 2), and Editor's foot-note._

{356}

"Cartier calls the St. Lawrence the 'River of Hochelaga,' or
'the great river of Canada.' He confines the name of Canada to
a district extending from the Isle aux Coudres in the St.
Lawrence to a point at some distance above the site of Quebec.
The country below, he adds, was called by the Indians
Saguenay, and that above, Hochelaga. In the map of Gerard
Mercator (1569) the name Canada is given to a town, with an
adjacent district, on the river Stadin (St. Charles).
Lescarbot, a later writer, insists that the country on both
sides of the St. Lawrence, from Hochelaga to its mouth, bore
the name of Canada. In the second map of Ortelius, published
about the year 1572; New France, Nova Francia is thus
divided:—'Canada,' a district on the St. Lawrence above the
River Saguenay; 'Chilaga' (Hochelaga), the angle between the
Ottawa and the St. Lawrence; 'Saguenai,' a district below the
river of that name; 'Moscosa,' south of the St. Lawrence and
east of the River Richelieu; 'Avacal,' west and south of
Moscosa; 'Norumbega,' Maine and New Brunswick; 'Apalachen,'
Virginia, Pennsylvania, etc.; 'Terra Corterealis,' Labrador;
'Florida,' Mississippi, Alabama, Florida. Mercator confines
the name of New France to districts bordering on the St.
Lawrence. Others give it a much broader application. The use
of this name, or the nearly allied names of Francisca and La
Francisane, dates back, to say the least, as far as 1525, and
the Dutch geographers are especially free in their use of it,
out of spite to the Spaniards. The derivation of the name of
Canada has been a point of discussion. It is, without doubt,
not Spanish, but Indian. … Lescarbot affirms that Canada is
simply an Indian proper name, of which it is vain to seek a
meaning. Belleforest also calls it an Indian word, but
translates it 'Terre,' as does also Thevet."

_F. Parkman,
Pioneers of France in the New World: Champlain,
chapter 1, foot-note._

CANADA:
The Aboriginal inhabitants.

See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: ALGONQUIAN FAMILY;
HURONS; OJIBWAYS; SIOUAN FAMILY;
ATHAPASCAN FAMILY, AND ESKIMAUAN FAMILY.

CANADA: A. D. 1497-1498.
Coast discoveries of the Cabots.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1497 and 1498.

CANADA: A. D. 1500.
Cortereal on the coast.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1500.

CANADA: A. D. 1501-1504.
Portuguese, Norman and Breton fishermen on the Newfoundland
banks.

See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1501-1578.

CANADA: A. D. 1524.
The coasting voyage of Verrazano.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1523-1524.

CANADA: A. D. 1534-1535.
Possession taken by Jacques Cartier for the King of France.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1534-1535.

CANADA: A. D. 1541-1603.
Jacques Cartier's last undertaking.
Unsuccessful French attempts at Colonization.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1541-1603.

CANADA: A. D. 1603-1605.
The Beginning of Champlain's Career in the New World.
Colonization at Port Royal.
Exploration of the New England coast.

In Pontgravé's expedition of 1603 to New France [see AMERICA:
A. D. 1541-1603], "Samuel de Champlain, a captain in the
navy, accepted a command …. at the request of De Chatte [or
De Chastes]; he was a native of Saintonge, and had lately
returned to France from the West Indies, where he had gained a
high name for boldness and skill. Under the direction of this
wise and energetic man the first successful efforts were made
to found a permanent settlement in the magnificent province of
Canada, and the stain of the errors and disasters of more than
seventy years was at length wiped away. Pontgravé and
Champlain sailed for the St. Lawrence in 1603," explored it as
far as the rapids of St. Louis, and then returned to France.
They found that the patron of their undertaking, De Chastes,
was dead. "Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, had succeeded to
the powers and privileges of the deceased, with even a more
extensive commission. De Monts was a Calvinist, and had
obtained from the king the freedom of religious faith for
himself and his followers in America, but under the engagement
that the Roman Catholic worship should be established among
the natives. … The trading company established by De Chatte
was continued and increased by his successor. With this
additional aid De Monts was enabled to fit out a more complete
armament than had ever hitherto been engaged in Canadian
commerce. He sailed from Havre on the 7th of March, 1604, with
four vessels. Of these, two under his immediate command were
destined for Acadia. Champlain, Poutrincourt, and many other
volunteers, embarked their fortunes with him, purposing to
cast their future lot in the New World. A third vessel was
dispatched under Pontgravé to the Strait of Canso, to protect
the exclusive trading privileges of the company. The fourth
steered for Tadoussac, to barter for the rich furs brought by
the Indian hunters from the dreary wilds of the Saguenay. On
the 6th of May De Monts reached a harbor on the coast of
Acadia;" but, for some reason not to be understood, his
projected colony was quartered on the little islet of St.
Croix, near the mouth of the river of that name, which became
subsequently the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick.
Meantime, the fine harbor, now Annapolis, then named Port
Royal, had been discovered, and was granted, with a large
surrounding territory, by De Monts to De Poutrincourt, who
proposed to settle upon it as its feudal proprietor and lord.
The colony at St. Croix having been housed and put in order,
De Poutrincourt sailed for France, intending to bring his
family and establish himself at Port Royal. De Monts,
Champlain, and those who remained, suffered a winter of
terrible hardships, and thirty-five died before spring. De
Monts now resolved to seek a better site for his infant
settlement, and, finding no other situation so good he resumed
possession of that most desirable Port Royal which he had
granted away to Poutrincourt and removed his colony thither.
Champlain, meanwhile, in the summer of 1605, had explored the
coast southward far down the future home of the English
Puritans, looking into Massachusetts Bay, taking shelter in
Plymouth harbor and naming it Port St. Louis, doubling Cape
Cod (which he called Cap Blanc), turning back at Nausett
Harbor, and gaining on the whole a remarkable knowledge of the
country and its coast. Soon after Champlain's return from this
coasting voyage, De Monts was called home to France, by news
of machinations that were threatening to extinguish his
patent, and Pontgravé was left in command of the colony at
Port Royal.

_E. Warburton,
The Conquest of Canada,
volume 1, chapter 3._

{357}

In De Monts' petition to the king for leave to colonize Acadia
that region was defined "as extending from the 40th to the
46th degree of north latitude, or from Philadelphia to beyond
Montreal."

_F. Parkman,
Pioneers of France in the New World: Champlain,
chapter 3._

ALSO IN:
_E. F. Slafter,
Memoir preface to "Voyages of Samuel de Champlain"
(Prince Society, 1880), chapters 1-5._

CANADA: A. D. 1606-1608.
The fortunes of the Acadian colony.

"De Monts found his pathway in France surrounded with
difficulties. The Rochelle merchants who were partners in the
enterprise desired a return for their investments. The Baron
de Poutrincourt, who was still possessed with the desire to
make the New World his home, proved of assistance to De Monts.
De Poutrincourt returned to Acadia and encouraged the
colonists, who were on the verge of deserting Port Royal. With
De Poutrincourt emigrated at this time a Parisian advocate,
named Mark Lescarbot, who was of great service to the colony.
During the absence of De Poutrincourt on an exploring
expedition down the coast, Lescarbot drained and repaired the
colonists' fort, and made a number of administrative changes,
much improving the condition of the settlers. The following
winter was one of comfort, indeed of enjoyment. … In May,
however, the sad news reached the colony that the company of
the merchants on whom it depended had been broken up. Their
dependence being gone, on the 30th of July most of the
colonists left Acadia for France in vessels sent out for them.
For two years the empty buildings of Port Royal stood, a
melancholy sight, with not a white person in them, but under
the safe protection of Memberton, the Micmak chief, who proved
a trusty friend to the French. The opposition to the company
of Rochelle arose from various causes. In addition to its
financial difficulties the fact of De Monts being a Protestant
was seized on as the reason why nothing was being done in the
colony to christianize the Indians. Accordingly when De Monts,
fired with a new scheme for exploring the northwest passage,
turned over the management of Acadian affairs to De
Poutrincourt, who was a sincere Catholic, some of the
difficulties disappeared. It was not, however, till two years
later that arrangements were made for a new Acadian
expedition."

_G. Bryce,
Short History of the Canadian People,
chapter 4, section 1._

ALSO IN: _J. Hannay, History of Acadia, chapter 4._

CANADA: A. D. 1608-1611.
Champlain's third and fourth expeditions.
His settlement at Quebec, discovery of Lake Champlain, and
first wars with the Iroquois.

"De Monts in no way lost heart, and he resolved to continue in
the career of exploration for settlement. A new, expedition
was determined on, and De Monts selected the Saint Lawrence as
the spot where the effort should be made. Champlain counselled
the change. In Nova Scotia and on the coast of New Brunswick and
Maine he had been struck by the number of ports affording
protection to vessels from sea, and by the small number of
Indians whom he had met. In Nova Scotia he would be exposed to
rival attempts at settlement, and at the same time he could
not see the possibility of obtaining Indian allies. In Canada
the full control would remain with those who first made a
settlement on the Saint Lawrence, and Champlain counted the
native tribes as powerful instruments in carrying out his
policy. We have the key here to his conduct in assisting the
Hurons in their wars. …. In 1608 Champlain started for the
St. Lawrence. Pontgravé was with the expedition. A settlement
was made at Quebec, as the most suitable place. Some ground
was cleared, buildings were commenced, when a conspiracy was
discovered. The ringleader was hanged and three of those
actively implicated were sent back to France with Pontgravé on
his return in the autumn. Matters now went peaceably on. The
summer was passed in completing the 'Abitation de Quebec,' of
which Champlain has left us a sketch. It was situated in the
present Lower Town on the river bank, in the corner where
Notre Dame Street meets Sous le Fort Street. It was here
Champlain laid the foundation for the future city. Winter
came, the scurvy carrying off twenty of their number. … In
June, Des Marais, Pontgravé's son-in-law, arrived, telling him
that Pontgravé was at Tadousac. Champlain proceeded thither.
The question had then to be discussed, what policy should be
followed with the Indians? Should they be aided by what force
Champlain could command, in the expedition which they had
resolved to make against the Iroquois? It is plain that no
advance in discovery could have been made without their
assistance, and that this assistance could only have been
obtained by rendering them service. … With the view of
making explorations beyond the points then known by Europeans,
Champlain in the middle of June ascended the St. Lawrence.
About a league and a half west of the river Saint Anne, they
were joined by a party of Algonquins who were to form a part
of the expedition. Champlain tells us of their mortal feud
with the Iroquois, a proof that in no way he created it. They
all returned to Quebec, where there was festivity for some
days. It was brought to a close and the war parties started;
Champlain with nine men, Des Marais and a pilot, joined it
[them?]. With his Indian allies he ascended the Richelieu and
reached Lake Champlain, the first white man who saw its
waters: subsequently for 165 years to be the scene of contest
between the Indian and white man, the French and English, the
revolted Colonies and the Mother Country. … The advance up
Lake Champlain was made only by night. They reached Crown
Point. They were then in the Iroquois domain; very shortly
they knew of the presence of the enemy." On the 30th of July
the invaders fought a battle with the Iroquois, who fled in
terror before the arquebuse of Champlain, which killed two of
their chiefs and wounded a third. Soon after his return to
Quebec from this expedition—the beginning of the long war of
the French with the Iroquois—Champlain was summoned to
France. The patent of De Monts had been revoked and he could
not obtain its renewal. "Nevertheless, De Monts, with his
associates decided to continue their efforts, and, in March,
1610, Champlain again started for Canada." After reaching
Quebec his stay this time was short. He joined his Indian
allies in another expedition of war, and helped them to win
another victory over the Iroquois, at a place on the
Richelieu, one league above Sorel. On returning he got news of
the assassination of Henry IV. and started at once for France.
{358}
"The death of Henry IV. exercised great influence on the
fortunes of Canada. He had personally taken interest in
Champlain's voyages, and his energetic mind was well qualified
to direct the fortunes of a growing colony. Louis XIII. was
not then ten years old. Mary of Medecis was under the control
of her favourites, Leonora Galigai, and her husband, Concino
Concini. Richelieu had not then appeared on the scene. … The
Jesuits were becoming all-powerful at Court. … France was
unsettled and disordered. The Protestants, not without
provocation, were acting with passion and without judgment.
The assassination of the King had alarmed them. The whole
kingdom was threatened with convulsion and anarchy, and Canada
was to pass out of the notice of those in power: and, in the
sense of giving aid, half a century was to elapse before the
French Government could comprehend the duty of taking part in
the defence of the country, and of protecting the persons of
those living in New France. The ground was to be regarded
simply as a field for the active trader, side by side with the
devoted missionary. Thus the Government fell virtually under
the control of the Jesuits, who, impatient of contra aimed
only at the establishment of their authority, which was to
bring the colony to the verge of destruction." Champlain
returned to his colony in the spring of 1611, facing its
prospects with such courage as he found in his own stout
heart.

_W. Kingsford,
History of Canada,
book 1, chapters 3, 4 (volume 1)._

ALSO IN:
_E. B. O'Callaghan, editor.,
Doc. History of New York,
volume 3, pages 1-9._

CANADA: A. D. 1610-1613.
The Acadian colony revived, but destroyed by the English of
Virginia.

Port Royal was left uninhabited till 1610, when Poutrincourt
returned at the instance of the king to make the new
settlement a central station for the conversion of the
Indians,—a work which made some Jesuit missionaries prominent
in the history of the New World. His son followed in 1611,
with fathers Pierre Biard, and Enemond Masse. Madame la
Marquise de Guercheville, a pious Catholic, to whom De Monts
had ceded his title to Acadia, and to whom afterwards the
French king granted the whole territory now covered by the
United States, was the chief patroness of these voyages.
Desiring to make another settlement, she despatched a vessel
in 1613 with two more Jesuits, father Quentin and Gilbert Du
Thet, and forty-eight men under La Saussaye. "When they
arrived at Port Royal, they only found five persons—fathers
Biard and Masse, their servant, the apothecary Hébert, and
another. All the rest were absent, either hunting or trading.
They showed the Queen's letter to Hébert, who represented
Biencourt in his absence, and taking the two Jesuits, with
their servant and luggage aboard, again set sail. It was their
intention to establish the colony at Pentagoet, which father
Biard had visited the year previous, but when off Grand Manan
a thick fog came on, which lasted for two days, and when it
became clear, they put into a harbor on the eastern side of
Mount Desert Island, in Maine. The harbor was deep, secure and
commodious, and they judged this would be a favorable site for
the colony, and named the place St. Sauveur. … La Saussaye
was advised by the principal colonists to erect a sufficient
fortification before commencing to cultivate the soil, but he
disregarded this advice, and nothing was completed in the way
of defence, except the raising of a small palisaded structure,
when a storm burst upon the colony, which was little expected
by its founders. In 1607 a company of London merchants had
founded a colony on the James River, in Virginia, where, after
suffering greatly from the insalubrity of the climate and want
of provisions, they had attained a considerable degree of
property. In 1613 they sent a fleet of eleven vessels to fish
on the coast of Acadia, convoyed by an armed vessel under the
command of Captain Samuel Argal, who had been connected with
the colony since 1609. Argal was one of those adventurers
formed in the school of Drake, who made a trade of piracy, but
confined themselves to the robbery of those who were so
unfortunate as not to be their own countrymen. … When Argal
arrived at Mount Desert, he was told by the Indians that the
French were there in the harbor with a vessel. Learning that
they were not very numerous, he at once resolved to attack
them. All the French were ashore when Argal approached, except
ten men, most of whom were unacquainted with the working of a
ship. Argal attacked the French with musketry, and at the
second discharge Gilbert Du Thet fell hack, mortally wounded;
four others were severely injured, and two young men, named
Lemoine and Neveau, jumped overboard and were drowned. Having
taken possession of the vessel, Argal went ashore and informed
La Saussaye that the place where they were was English
territory, and included in the charter of Virginia, and that
they must remove; but, if they could prove to him that they
were there under a commission from the crown of France, he
would treat them tenderly. He then asked La Saussaye to show
him his commission; but, as Argal, with unparalleled
indecency, had abstracted it from his chest while the vessel
was being plundered by his men, the unhappy governor was of
course unable to produce it. Argal then assumed a very lofty
tone. … When Argal arrived in Virginia, he found that his
perfidious theft of the French governor's commission was
likely to cause his prisoners to be treated as pirates. They
were put into prison and in a fair way of being executed, in
spite of Argal's remonstrances, until struck with shame and
remorse, he produced the commission which he had so
dishonestly filched from them, and the prisoners were set
free. But the production of this document, while it saved the
lives of one set of Frenchmen, brought ruin upon all the
others who remained in Acadia. The Virginia colonists …
resolved to send Argal to destroy all the French settlements
in Acadia, and erase all traces of their power. … The only
excuse offered for this piratical outrage of Argal—which was
committed during a period of profound peace—was the claim
which was made by England to the whole continent of North
America, founded on the discoveries of the Cabots more than a
century before. That claim might, perhaps, have been of some
value if followed by immediate occupancy, as was the case with
the Spaniards in the South, but that not having been done, and
the French colony being the oldest, it was entitled to, at
least, as much consideration as that of Virginia. Singularly
enough, this act produced no remonstrance from France."

_J. Hannay,
History of Acadia,
chapter 5._

ALSO IN:
_W. C. Bryant and S. H. Gay,
Popular History of the United States,
volume 1, chapter 12._

{359}

CANADA: A. D. 1611-1616.
The founding of Montreal.
Champlain's invasion of the Iroquois in New York.

"In 1611 Champlain again returned to America … and on the
28th of May proceeded in search of his allies, whom he was to
meet by appointment. Not finding them he employed his time in
choosing a site for a new settlement, higher up the river than
Quebec. After a careful survey, he fixed upon an eligible spot
in the vicinity of Mont Royal. His choice has been amply
justified by the great prosperity to which this place, under
the name of Montreal, has subsequently risen. Having cleared a
considerable space of ground, he fenced it in by an earthen
ditch and planted grain in the enclosure. At length, on the
13th of June, three weeks after the time appointed, a party of
his Indian friends appeared. … As an evidence of their good
will they imparted much valuable information respecting the
geography of this continent, with which they seemed to be
tolerably well acquainted as far south as the Gulf of Mexico.
They readily agreed to his proposal to return shortly with 40
or 50 of his people to prosecute discoveries and form
settlements in their country if he thought proper. They even
made a request that a French youth should accompany them, and
make observations upon their territory and tribe. Champlain
again returned to France, with a view of making arrangements
for more extensive operations; but this object was now of very
difficult accomplishment. De Monts, who had been appointed
governor of Saintonge, was no longer inclined to take the lead
in measures of this kind, and excused himself from going to
court by stating the urgency of his own affairs. He therefore
committed the whole conduct of the settlement to Champlain,
advising him, at the same time, to seek some powerful
protector, whose influence would overcome any opposition which
might be made to his plans. The latter was so fortunate as to
win over, almost immediately, the Count de Soissons to aid him
in his designs. This nobleman obtained the title of
lieutenant-general of New France; and, by a formal agreement,
transferred to Champlain all the functions of that high
office. The Count died soon after, but Champlain found a still
more influential friend in the Prince of Conde, who succeeded
to all the privileges of the deceased, and transferred them to
him in a manner equally ample. These privileges, including a
monopoly of the fur trade, gave great dissatisfaction to the
merchants; but Champlain endeavored to remove their principal
objection, by permitting as many of them as chose to accompany
him to the New World, and to engage in this traffic. In
consequence of this permission, three merchants from Normandy,
one from Rochelle, and one from St. Malo, accompanied him.
They were allowed the privileges of a free trade on
contributing six men each to assist in projects of discovery,
and giving one-twentieth of their profits towards defraying
the expenses of the settlement. In the beginning of March
[1613] the expedition sailed from Harfleur, and on the 7th of
May arrived at Quebec. Champlain now engaged in a new
project." His new project was a voyage of exploration up the
Ottawa River, which he accomplished with great difficulty,
through the aid of his Indian allies, but from which he
returned disappointed in the hope he had entertained of
discovering the northern sea and a way to India thereby. The
next summer found Champlain again in France, where "matters
still continued favorable for the colony. The Prince of Conde
retained his influence at Court, and no difficulty was
consequently found in equipping a small fleet, to carry out
settlers and supplies from Rouen and St. Malo. On board of
this fleet came four fathers of the order of the Recollets,
whose benevolence induced them to desire the conversion of the
Indians to Christianity. These were the first priests who
settled in Canada. Champlain arrived safely, on the 25th of
May, at Tadoussac, whence he immediately pushed forward to
Quebec, and subsequently to the usual place of Indian
rendezvous, at the Lachine Rapids. Here he found his Algonquin
and Huron allies full of projects of war against the Iroquois,
whom they now proposed to assail among the lakes to the
westward, with a force of 2,000 fighting men."

_J. MacMullen,
History of Canada,
chapter 1_

"Champlain found the Hurons and their allies preparing for an
expedition against their ancient enemies, the Iroquois.
Anxious to reconnoitre the hostile territory, and also to
secure the friendship of the Canadian savages, the gallant
Frenchman resolved to accompany their warriors. After visiting
the tribes at the head waters of the Ottawa, and discovering
Lake Huron [at Georgian Bay], which, because of its 'great
extent,' he named 'La Mer Douce,' Champlain, attended by an
armed party of ten Frenchmen, accordingly set out toward the
south, with his Indian allies. Enraptured with the 'very
beautiful and pleasant country' through which they passed, and
amusing themselves with fishing and hunting, as they descended
the chain of 'Shallow Lakes,' which discharge their waters
through the River Trent, the expedition reached the banks of
Lake Ontario. Crossing the end of the lake, 'at the outlet of
the great River of Saint Lawrence,' and passing by many
beautiful islands on the way, the invaders followed the
eastern shore of Ontario for fourteen leagues, toward their
enemy's country. … Leaving the shores of the lake, the
invaders continued their route inland to the southward, for 25
or 30 leagues." After a journey of five days, "the expedition
arrived before the fortified village of the Iroquois, on the
northern bank of the Onondaga Lake, near the site of the
present town of Liverpool. The village was inclosed by four
rows of palisades, made of large pieces of timber closely
interlaced. The stockade was 30 feet high, with galleries
running around like a parapet." In the siege which followed
the Iroquois were dismayed by the firearms of Champlain and
his men, and by the operation of a moveable tower with which
he advanced to their stockade and set fire to it. But his
Indian allies proved incapable of acting in any rational or
efficient way, or to submit to the least direction, and the
attack was abortive. After a few days the invading force
retreated, carrying Champlain with them and forcing him to
remain in the Huron country until the following spring (1616),
when he made his way back to Montreal.

_J. R. Brodhead,
History of the State of New York,
volume 1, chapter 3._

{360}

The above account, which fixes on Onondaga Lake the site of
the Iroquois fort to which Champlain penetrated, does not
agree with the views of Parkman, O'Callaghan, and some other
historians, who trace Champlain's route farther westward in
New York; but it accepts the conclusions reached by O. H.
Marshall, J. V. H. Clark, and other careful students of the
question. Mr. MacMullen, in the "History of Canada" quoted
above, finds an extraordinary route for the expedition via
Lakes Huron and St. Clair, to the vicinity of Detroit.

_J. V. H. Clark,
History of Onondaga._

ALSO IN:
_O. H. Marshall,
Champlain's Expedition against the Onondagas.
Champlain's Voyages (Prince Society). 1880._

_E. B. O'Callaghan, editor,
Doc. History of New York,
volume 3, pages 10-24._

CANADA: A. D. 1616-1628.
Champlain and the fur traders.
The first Jesuit mission.
Creation of the Company of the Hundred Associates.

"The exploration in the distant Indian territories which we
have just described in the preceding pages was the last made
by Champlain. He had plans for the survey of other regions yet
unexplored, but the favorable opportunity did not occur.
Henceforth he directed his attention more exclusively than he
had hitherto done to the enlargement and strengthening of his
colonial plantation, without such success, we regret to say,
as his zeal, devotion and labors fitly deserved. The obstacles
that lay in his way were insurmountable. The establishment or
factory, we can hardly call it a plantation, at Quebec, was
the creature of a company of merchants. They had invested
considerable sums in shipping, buildings, and in the
employment of men, in order to carry on a trade in furs and
peltry with the Indians, and they naturally desired
remunerative returns. This was the limit of their purpose in
making the investment. … Under these circumstances,
Champlain struggled on for years against a current which he
could barely direct, but by no means control. … He succeeded
at length in extorting from the company a promise to enlarge
the establishment to 80 persons, with suitable equipments,
farming implements, all kinds of seeds, and domestic animals,
including cattle and sheep. But when the time came, this
promise was not fulfilled. Differences, bickerings and feuds
sprang up in the company. Some wanted one thing, and some
wanted another. The Catholics wished to extend the faith of
their church into the wilds of Canada, while the Huguenots
desired to prevent it, or at least not to promote it by their
own contributions. The company, inspired by avarice and a
desire to restrict the establishment to a mere trading post,
raised an issue to discredit Champlain. It was gravely
proposed that he should devote himself exclusively to
exploration, and that the government and trade should
henceforth be under the direction and control of Pont Gravé.
But Champlain … obtained a decree ordering that he should
have the command at Quebec, and at all other settlements in
New France, and that the company should abstain from any
interference with him in the discharge of the duties of his
office." In 1620 the Prince de Condé sold his viceroyalty to
the Duke de Montmorency, then high-admiral of France, who
commissioned Champlain anew, as his lieutenant, and supported
him vigorously. Champlain had made voyages to Canada in 1617
and 1618, and now, in 1620, he proceeded to his post again. At
Quebec he began immediately the building of a fort, which he
called fort St. Louis. The company of associates opposed this
work, and so provoked the Duke of Montmorency by their conduct
that "in the spring of 1621, he summarily dissolved the
association of merchants, which he denominated the 'Company of
Rouen and St. Malo,' and established another in its place. He
continued Champlain in the office of lieutenant, but committed
all matters relating to trade to William de Caen, a merchant
of high standing, and to Émeric de Caen, the nephew of the
former, a good naval captain." In the course of the following
year, however, the new and the old trading companies were
consolidated in one. "Champlain remained at Quebec four years
before again returning to France. His time was divided between
many local enterprises of great importance. His special
attention was given to advancing the work on the unfinished
fort, in order to provide against incursions of the hostile
Iroquois, who at one time approached the very walls of Quebec,
and attacked unsuccessfully the guarded house of the
Recollects on the St. Charles." In the summer of 1624
Champlain returned again to France, where the Duke de
Montmorency was just selling, or had sold, his viceroyalty to
the Duke de Ventadour. "This nobleman, of a deeply religious
cast of mind, had taken holy orders, and his chief purpose in
obtaining the viceroyalty was to encourage the planting of
Catholic missions in New France. As his spiritual directors
were Jesuits, he naturally committed the work to them. Three
fathers and two lay brothers of this order were sent to Canada
in 1625, and others subsequently joined them. … Champlain
was reappointed lieutenant, but remained in France two years."
Returning to Quebec in July, 1626, he found, as usual, that
everything but trade had suffered neglect in his absence. Nor
was he able, during the following year, to improve much the
prospects of the colony. As a colony, "it had never prospered.
The average number composing it had not exceeded about 50
persons. At this time it may have been somewhat more, but did
not reach a hundred. A single family only appears to have
subsisted by the cultivation of the soil. The rest were
sustained by supplies sent from France. … The company as a
mere trading association, was doubtless successful. … The
large dividends that they were able to make, intimated by
Champlain to be not far from forty per centum yearly, were, of
course, highly satisfactory to the company. … Nearly twenty
years had elapsed since the founding of Quebec, and it still
possessed only the character of a trading post, and not that
of a colonial plantation. This progress was satisfactory
neither to Champlain, to the Viceroy, nor to the Council of
State. In the view of these several interested parties, the
time had come for a radical change in the organization of the
company. Cardinal de Richelieu had risen by his extraordinary
ability as a statesman, a short time anterior to this, into
supreme authority. … He lost no time in organizing measures.
… The company of merchants whose finances had been so
skilfully managed by the Caens was by him at once dissolved. A
new one was formed, denominated 'La Compagnie de la
Nouvelle-France,' consisting of a hundred or more members, and
commonly known as the Company of the Hundred Associates. It
was under the control and management of Richelieu himself.
{361}
Its members were largely gentlemen in official positions. …
Its authority extended over the whole domain of New France and
Florida. … It entered into an obligation … within the
space of 15 years to transport 4,000 colonists to New France.
… The organization of the company … was ratified by the
Council of State on the 6th of May, 1628."

_E. F. Slafter,
Memoir of Champlain
(Voyages: Prince Society, 1880, volume 1),
chapter 9._

ALSO IN:
_Père Charlevoix,
History of New France,
translated by J. G. Shea,
book 4 (volume 2)._

CANADA: A. D. 1628-1635.
Conquest and brief occupation by the English.
Restoration to France.

"The first care of the new Company was to succor Quebec, whose
inmates were on the verge of starvation. Four armed vessels,
with a fleet of transports commanded by Roquemont, one of the
associates, sailed from Dieppe with colonists and supplies in
April, 1628; but nearly at the same time another squadron,
destined also for Quebec, was sailing from an English port.
War had at length broken out in France. The Huguenot revolt
had come to a head. Rochelle was in arms against the king; and
Richelieu, with his royal ward, was beleaguering it with the
whole strength of the kingdom. Charles I. of England, urged by
the heated passions of Buckingham, had declared himself for
the rebels, and sent a fleet to their aid. … The attempts of
Sir William Alexander to colonize Acadia had of late turned
attention in England towards the New World; and, on the
breaking out of the war, an expedition was set on foot, under
the auspices of that singular personage, to seize on the
French possessions in North America. It was a private
enterprise, undertaken by London merchants, prominent among
whom was Gervase Kirke, an Englishman of Derbyshire, who had
long lived at Dieppe, and had there married a Frenchwoman.
Gervase Kirke and his associates fitted out three small armed
ships, commanded respectively by his sons David, Lewis and
Thomas. Letters of marque were obtained from the king, and the
adventurers were authorized to drive out the French from
Acadia and Canada. Many Huguenot refugees were among the
crews. Having been expelled from New France as settlers, the
persecuted sect were returning as enemies." The Kirkes reached
the St. Lawrence in advance of Roquemont's supply ships,
intercepted the latter and captured or sank the whole. They
then sailed back to England with their spoils, and it was not
until the following summer that they returned to complete
their conquest. Meantime, the small garrison and population at
Quebec were reduced to starvation, and were subsisting on
acorns and roots when, in July 1629, Admiral David Kirke, with
his three ships, appeared before the place. Champlain could do
nothing but arrange a dignified surrender. For three years
following, Quebec and New France remained under the control of
the English. They were then restored, under a treaty
stipulation to France. "It long remained a mystery why Charles
consented to a stipulation which pledged him to resign so
important a conquest. The mystery is explained by the recent
discovery of a letter from the king to Sir Isaac Wake, his
ambassador at Paris. The promised dowry of Queen Henrietta
Maria, amounting to 800,000 crowns, had been but half paid by
the French government, and Charles, then at issue with his
Parliament and in desperate need of money, instructs his
ambassador that, when he receives the balance due, and not
before, he is to give up to the French both Quebec and Port
Royal, which had also been captured by Kirke. The letter was
accompanied by 'solemn instruments under our hand and seal' to
make good the transfer on fulfilment of the condition. It was
for a sum equal to about $240,000 that Charles entailed on
Great Britain and her colonies a century of bloody wars. The
Kirkes and their associates, who had made the conquest at
their own cost, under the royal authority, were never
reimbursed, though David Kirke received the honor of
knighthood, which cost the king nothing,"—and also the grant
of Newfoundland. On the 5th of July, 1632, Quebec was
delivered up by Thomas Kirke to Émery de Caen, commissioned by
the French king to reclaim the place. The latter held command
for one year, with a monopoly of the fur trade; then Champlain
resumed the government, on behalf of the Hundred Associates,
continuing in it until his death, which occurred on Christmas
Day, 1635.

_F. Parkman,
Pioneers of France in the New World: Champlain,
chapters 16-17._

ALSO IN:
_Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series, 1574-1660,
pages 96-143._

_D. Brymuer,
Report on Canadian Archives,
pages xi-xiv, and note D._

_H. Kirke,
First English Conquest of Canada._

See, also,
NEWFOUNDLAND, A. D. 1610-1655.

CANADA: A. D. 1634-1652.
The Jesuit missions and their fate.