Chapter IV: , VII (194)

"At this time, according to loose estimates, there may have
been some 36,000 Indians and 60,000 whites in New England;
10,000 of the former fit for war, and 15,000 of the latter
capable of bearing arms. … At the outset, the Narragansetts,
numbering 2,000 warriors, did not actually second Philip's
resistance. But Canonchet, their sachem, might well remember
the death of his father Miantonomo [who, taken prisoner in a
war with the Mohegans, and surrendered by them to the English,
in 1643, with a request for permission to put him to death,
was deliberately returned to his savage captors, on advice
taken from the ministers at Boston—doomed to death without
his knowledge]. … No efforts at conciliation seem to have
been made by either party; for the whites felt their
superiority (were they not 'the Lord's chosen people?'); and
Philip knew the desperate nature of the struggle between
united and well-armed whites, and divided uncontrolled
savages; yet when the emergency came he met it, and never
faltered or plead from that day forth."

_C. W. Elliott,
The New England History,
volume 1, chapter 40._

ALSO IN:
_B. Church,
History of King Philip's War,
(Prince Society Publication 1867)._

_S. G. Drake,
Aboriginal Races of North America,
book 3._

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1675 (July-September).
King Philip's War: Savage successes of the Indian enemy.
Increasing rage and terror among the colonists.

The Nipmucks, into whose country Philip retreated, "had
already commenced hostilities by attacking Mendon. They
waylaid and killed Captain Hutchinson, a son of the famous
Mrs. Hutchinson, and 16 out of a party of 20 sent from Boston
to Brookfield to parley with them. Attacking Brookfield
itself, they burned it, except one fortified house. The
inhabitants were saved by Major Willard, who, on information
of their danger, came with a troop of horse from Lancaster,
thirty miles through the woods, to their rescue. A body of
troops presently arrived from the eastward, and were stationed
for some time at Brookfield. The colonists now found that by
driving Philip to extremity they had roused a host of
unexpected enemies. The River Indians, anticipating an
intended attack upon them, joined the assailants. Deerfield
and Northfield, the northernmost towns on the Connecticut
River, settled within a few years past, were attacked and
several of the inhabitants killed and wounded. Captain Beers,
sent from Hadley to their relief with a convoy of provisions,
was surprised near Northfield and slain, with 20 of his men.
Northfield was abandoned and burned by the Indians. … Driven
to the necessity of defensive warfare, those in command on the
river determined to establish a magazine and garrison at
Hadley. Captain Lathrop, who had been dispatched from the
eastward to the assistance of the river towns, was sent with
80 men, the flower of the youth of Essex county, to guard the
wagons intended to convey to Hadley 3,000 bushels of
unthreshed wheat, the produce of the fertile Deerfield
meadows. Just before arriving at Deerfield, near a small
stream still known as Bloody Brook, under the shadow of the
abrupt conical Sugar Loaf, the southern termination of the
Deerfield mountain, Lathrop fell into an ambush, and, after a
brave resistance, perished there with all his company. Captain
Moseley, stationed at Deerfield, marched to his assistance,
but arrived too late to help him. That town, also, was
abandoned, and burned by the Indians. Springfield, about the
same time, was set on fire, but was partially saved by the
arrival of Major Treat, with aid from Connecticut. Hatfield,
now the frontier town on the north, was vigorously attacked,
but the garrison succeeded in repelling the assailants.
Meanwhile, hostilities were spreading; the Indians on the
Merrimac began to attack the towns in their vicinity; and the
whole of Massachusetts was soon in the utmost alarm. Except in
the immediate neighborhood of Boston, the country still
remained an immense forest, dotted by a few openings. The
frontier settlements … were mostly broken up, and the
inhabitants, retiring towards Boston, spread everywhere dread
and intense hatred of 'the bloody heathen.' Even the praying
Indians, and the small dependent and tributary tribes, became
objects of suspicion and terror. … Not content with
realities sufficiently frightful, superstition, as usual,
added bugbears of her own. Indian bows were seen in the sky,
and scalps in the moon. The northern lights became an object
of terror. Phantom horsemen careered among the clouds, or were
heard to gallop invisible through the air. The howling of
wolves was turned into a terrible omen. The war was regarded
as a special judgment in punishment of prevailing sins. …
About the time of the first collision with Philip, the
Tarenteens, or Eastern Indians, had attacked the settlements
in Maine and New Hampshire, plundering and burning the houses,
and massacring such of the inhabitants as fell into their
hands. This sudden diffusion of hostilities and vigor of
attack from opposite quarters, made, the colonists believe
that Philip had long been plotting and had gradually matured
an extensive conspiracy, into which most of the tribes had
deliberately entered, for the extermination of the whites.
This belief infuriated the colonists, and suggested some very
questionable proceedings. … But there is no evidence of any
deliberate concert; nor, in fact, were the Indians united. Had
they been so, the war would have been far more serious. The
Connecticut tribes proved faithful, and that colony remained
untouched. Even the Narragansetts, the most powerful
confederacy in New England, in spite of so many former
provocations, had not yet taken up arms. But they were
strongly suspected of intention to do so, and were accused,
notwithstanding their recent assurances, of giving aid and
shelter to the hostile tribes."

_R. Hildreth,
History of the United States,
volume 1, chapter 14._

ALSO IN:
_R. Markham,
History of King Philip's War,
chapters 7-8._

_G. H. Hollister,
History of Connecticut,
volume 1, chapter 12._

_M. A. Green,
Springfield, 1636-1886,
chapter 9._

{2312}

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1675 (October-December).
King Philip's War: The crushing of the Narragansetts.

"The attitude of the powerful Narragansett tribe was regarded
with anxiety. It was known that, so far from keeping their
compact to surrender such enemies of the English as should
fall into their hands, they had harbored numbers of Philip's
dispersed retainers and allies. While the Federal
Commissioners were in session at Boston [October], Canonchet,
sachem of the Narragansetts, came thither with other chiefs,
and promised that the hostile Indians whom they acknowledged
to be then under their protection should be surrendered within
ten days. But probably the course of events on Connecticut
River emboldened them. At all events, they did not keep their
engagement. The day for the surrender came and went, and no
Indians appeared. If that faithless tribe, the most powerful
in New England, should assume active hostilities, a terrible
desolation would ensue. The Commissioners moved promptly. The
fifth day after the breach of the treaty found them
reassembled after a short recess. They immediately determined
to raise an additional force of 1,000 men for service in the
Narragansett country. They appointed Governor Winslow, of
Plymouth, to be commander-in-chief, and desired the colony of
Connecticut to name his lieutenant. The General was to place
himself at the head of his troops within six weeks, 'a solemn
day of prayer and humiliation' being kept through all the
colonies meanwhile. … Time was thus given to the
Narragansetts to make their peace 'by actual performance of
their covenants made with the Commissioners; as also making
reparation for all damages sustained by their neglect
hitherto, together with security for their further fidelity.'
… It is not known whether Philip was among the Narragansetts
at this time. Under whatever influence it was, whether from
stupidity or from confidence, they made no further attempt at
pacification. … The Massachusetts troops marched from Dedham
to Attleborough on the day before that which had been
appointed by the Commissioners for them to meet the Plymouth
levy at the northeastern corner of the Narragansett country.
The following day they reached Seekonk: A week earlier, the
few English houses at Quinsigamond (Worcester) had been burned
by a party of natives; and a few days later, the house of
Jeremiah Bull, at Pettyquamscott, which had been designated as
the place of general rendezvous for the English, was fired,
and ten men and five women and children, who had taken refuge
in it, were put to death. … The place where the
Narragansetts were to be sought was in what is now the town of
South Kingston, 18 miles distant, in a northwesterly
direction, from Pettyquamscott, and a little further from that
Pequot fort to the southwest, which had been destroyed by the
force under Captain Mason forty years before. According to
information afterwards received from a captive, the Indian
warriors here collected were no fewer than 3,500. They were on
their guard, and had fortified their hold to the best of their
skill. It was on a solid piece of upland of five or six acres,
wholly surrounded by a swamp. On the inner side of this
natural defence they had driven rows of palisades, making a
barrier nearly a rod in thickness; and the only entrance to
the enclosure was over a rude bridge consisting of a felled
tree, four or five feet from the ground, the bridge being
protected by a block-house. The English [whose forces, after a
considerable delay of the Connecticut troops, had been all
assembled at Pettyquamscott on Saturday, December 18],
breaking up their camp [on the morning of the 19th] while it
was yet dark, arrived before the place at one o'clock after
noon. Having passed, without shelter, a very cold night, they
had made a march of 18 miles through deep snow, scarcely
halting to refresh themselves with food. In this condition
they immediately advanced to the attack. The Massachusetts
troops were in the van of the storming column; next came the
two Plymouth companies; and then the force from Connecticut.
The foremost of the assailants were received with a
well-directed fire," and seven of their captains were killed
or mortally wounded. "Nothing discouraged by the fall of their
leaders, the men pressed on, and a sharp conflict followed,
which, with fluctuating success, lasted for two or three
hours. Once the assailants were beaten out of the fort; but
they presently rallied and regained their ground. There was
nothing for either party but to conquer or die, enclosed
together as they were. At length victory declared for the
English, who finished their work by setting fire to the
wigwams within the fort. They lost 70 men killed and 150
wounded. Of the Connecticut contingent alone, out of 300 men
40 were killed and as many wounded. The number of the enemy
that perished is uncertain. … What is both certain and
material is that on that day the military strength of the
formidable Narragansett tribe was irreparably broken."

_J. G. Palfrey,
Compendious History of New England,
book 3, chapter 3 (volume 2)._

ALSO IN:
_S. G. Arnold,
History of Rhode Island,
volume 1, chapter 10._

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1676-1678.
King Philip's War: The end of the conflict.

"While the overthrow of the Narragansetts changed the face of
things, it was far from putting an end to the war. It showed
that when the white man could find his enemy he could deal
crushing blows, but the Indian was not always so easy to find.
Before the end of January Winslow's little army was partially
disbanded for want of food, and its three contingents fell
back upon Stonington, Boston, and Plymouth. Early in February
the Federal Commissioners called for a new levy of 600 men to
assemble at Brookfield, for the Nipmucks were beginning to
renew their incursions, and after an interval of six months
the figure of Philip again appears for a moment upon the
scene. What he had been doing or where he had been, since the
Brookfield fight in August, was never known. When in February,
1676, he reappeared, it was still in company with his allies
the Nipmucks, in their bloody assault upon Lancaster. On the
10th of that month at sunrise the Indians came swarming into
the lovely village.
{2313}
Danger had already been apprehended, the pastor, Joseph
Rowlandson, the only Harvard graduate of 1652, had gone to
Boston to solicit aid, and Captain Wadsworth's company was
slowly making its way over the difficult roads from
Marlborough, but the Indians were beforehand. Several houses
were at once surrounded and set on fire, and men, women, and
children began falling under the tomahawk. The minister's
house was large and strongly built, and more than forty people
found shelter there until at length it took fire and they were
driven out by the flames. Only one escaped, a dozen or more
were slain, and the rest, chiefly women and children, taken
captive. … Among the captives was Mary Rowlandson, the
minister's wife, who afterward wrote the story of her sad
experiences. … It was a busy winter and spring for these
Nipmucks. Before February was over, their exploit at Lancaster
was followed by a shocking massacre at Medfield. They sacked
and destroyed the towns of Worcester, Marlborough, Mendon, and
Groton, and even burned some houses in Weymouth, within a
dozen miles of Boston. Murderous attacks were made upon
Sudbury, Chelmsford, Springfield, Hatfield, Hadley,
Northampton, Wrentham, Andover, Bridgewater, Scituate, and
Middleborough. On the 18th of April Captain Wadsworth, with 70
men, was drawn into an ambush near Sudbury, surrounded by 500
Nipmucks, and killed with 50 of his men; six unfortunate
captives were burned alive over slow fires. But Wadsworth's
party made the enemy pay dearly for his victory; that
afternoon 120 Nipmucks bit the dust. In such wise, by killing
two or three for one, did the English wear out and annihilate
their adversaries. Just one month from that day, Captain
Turner surprised and slaughtered 300 of these warriors near
the falls of the Connecticut river which have since borne his
name, and this blow at last broke the strength of the
Nipmucks. Meanwhile the Narragansetts and Wampanoags had
burned the towns of Warwick and Providence. After the
wholesale ruin of the great swamp fight, Canonchet had still
some 600 or 700 warriors left, and with these, on the 26th of
March, in the neighbourhood of Pawtuxet, he surprised a
company of 50 Plymouth men, under Captain Pierce, and slew
them all, but not until he had lost 140 of his best warriors.
Ten days later, Captain Denison, with his Connecticut company,
defeated and captured Canonchet, and the proud son of
Miantonomo met the same fate as his father. He was handed over
to the Mohegans and tomahawked. … The fall of Canonchet
marked the beginning of the end. In four sharp fights in the
last week of June, Major Talcott of Hartford slew from 300 to
400 warriors, being nearly all that were left of the
Narragansetts; and during the month of July Captain Church
patrolled the country about Taunton, making prisoners of the
Wampanoags. Once more King Philip, shorn of his prestige,
comes upon the scene. … Defeated at Taunton, the son of
Massasoit was hunted by Church to his ancient lair at Bristol
Neck and there," betrayed by one of his own followers, he was
surprised on the morning of August 12, and shot as he
attempted to fly. "His severed head was sent to Plymouth,
where it was mounted on a pole and exposed aloft upon the
village green, while the meeting-house bell summoned the
townspeople to a special service of thanksgiving. … By
midsummer of 1678 the Indians had been everywhere suppressed,
and there was peace in the land. … In Massachusetts and
Plymouth … the destruction of life and property had been
simply frightful. Of 90 towns, 12 had been utterly destroyed,
while more than 40 others had been the scene of fire and
slaughter. Out of this little society nearly 1,000 staunch men
… had lost their lives, while of the scores of fair women
and poor little children that had perished under the ruthless
tomahawk, one can hardly give an accurate account. … But …
henceforth the red man figures no more in the history of New
England, except as an ally of the French in bloody raids upon
the frontier."

_J. Fiske,
The Beginnings of New England,
chapter 5._

ALSO IN:
_W. Hubbard,
History of the Indian Wars in New England,
edited by S. G. Drake, volume 1._

_Mrs. Rowlandson,
Narrative of Captivity._

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1684-1686.
The overthrow of the Massachusetts charter.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1671-1686.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1685-1687.
The overthrow of the Connecticut charter.

See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1685-1687.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1686.
The consolidation of the "Territory and Dominion of
New England" under a royal governor-general.

"It was … determined in the Privy Council that Connecticut,
New Plymouth, and Rhode Island should be united with
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, and the Narragansett
country, and be made 'one entire government, the better to
defend themselves against invasion.' This was good policy for
England. It was the despotic idea of consolidation. It was
opposed to the republican system of confederation. …
Consolidation was indeed the best mode of establishing in his
colonies the direct government which Charles had adopted in
November, 1684, and which James was now to enforce. … For
more than twenty years James had been trying his "'prentice
hand" upon New York. The time had now come when he was to use
his master hand on New England. … By the advice of
Sunderland, James commissioned Colonel Sir Edmund Andros to be
captain general and governor-in-chief over his 'Territory and
Dominion of New England in America,' which meant Massachusetts
Bay, New Plymouth, New Hampshire, Maine, and the Narragansett
country, or the King's Province. Andros's commission was drawn
in the traditional form, settled by the Plantation Board for
those of other royal governors in Virginia, Jamaica, and New
Hampshire. Its substance, however, was much more despotic.
Andros was authorized, with the consent of a council appointed
by the crown, to make laws and levy taxes, and to govern the
territory of New England in obedience to its sovereign's
Instructions, and according to the laws then in force, or
afterward to be established. … To secure Andros in his
government, two companies of regular soldiers, chiefly Irish
Papists, were raised in London and placed under his orders."

_J. R. Brodhead,
History of the State of New York,
volume 2, chapter 9._

See, also,
MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1671-1686;
and CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1685-1687.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1688.
New York and New Jersey brought under the
governor-generalship of Andros.

See NEW YORK: A. D. 1688.

{2314}

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1689.
The bloodless revolution, arrest of Andros,
and proclamation of William and Mary.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1686-1689.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1689-1697.
King William's War (the First Intercolonial War).

See CANADA: A. D. 1689-1690; and 1692-1697.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1690.
The first Colonial Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1690.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1692.
The charter to Massachusetts as a royal province.
Plymouth absorbed.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1689-1692.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1692.
The Salem Witchcraft madness.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1692; and 1692-1693.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1696-1749.
Suppression of colonial manufactures.
Oppressive commercial policy of England.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1696-1749.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1702-1710.
Queen Anne's War (the Second Intercolonial War):
Border incursions by the French and Indians.
The final conquest of Acadia.

"But a few years of peace succeeded the treaty of Ryswick.
First came the contest in Europe over the Spanish succession,"
and then the recognition of "the Pretender" by Louis XIV.
"This recognition was, of course, a challenge to England and
preparations were made for war. William III. died in March,
1702, and was succeeded by Anne, the sister of his wife, and
daughter of James II. War was declared by England against
France, May 15th, 1702. The contest that followed is known in
European history as the War of the Spanish Succession; in
American history it is usually called Queen Anne's 'War; or
the Second Intercolonial War. On one side were France, Spain,
and Bavaria; on the other, England, Holland, Savoy, Austria,
Prussia, Portugal, and Denmark. It was in this war that the
Duke of Marlborough won his fame. To the people of New
England, war between France and England meant the hideous
midnight war-whoop, the tomahawk and scalping-knife, burning
hamlets, and horrible captivity. To provide against it, a
conference was called to meet at Falmouth, on Casco Bay, in
June, 1703, when Governor Dudley, of Massachusetts, met many
of the chiefs of the Abenaquis. The Indians, professing to
have no thought of war, promised peace and friendship by their
accustomed tokens. … But, as usual, only a part of the
tribes had been brought into the alliance," and some lawless
provocations by a party of English marauders soon drove the
Abenaquis again into their old French Alliance. "By August,
500 French and Indians were assembled, ready for incursions
into the New England settlements. They divided into several
bands and fell upon a number of places at the same time.
Wells, Saco, and Casco were again among the doomed villages,
but the fort at Casco was not taken, owing to the arrival of
an armed vessel under Captain Southwick. About 150 persons
were killed or captured in these attacks." In February, the
town of Deerfield, Massachusetts, was destroyed, 47 of the
inhabitants were killed and 112 carried away captive. "On the
30th of July, the town of Lancaster was assailed, and a few
people were killed, seven buildings burned, and much property
destroyed. These and other depredations of war-parties along
the coasts filled New England with consternation. … It was
… resolved to fit out an expedition for retaliation, and as
usual the people of Acadia were selected to expiate the sins
of the Indians and Canadians. Colonel Benjamin Church was put
in command of 550 men, 14 transports, and 36 whale-boats,
convoyed by three ships of war. Sailing from Boston in May,
1704," Church ravaged the lesser French settlements on the
Acadian coast, but ventured no attack on Port Royal. "In 1705,
450 men under Subercase—soldiers, Canadian peasants,
adventurers, and Indians, well armed, and with rations for
twenty days, blankets and tents—set out to destroy the
English settlements in Newfoundland, marching on snow-shoes.
They took Petit Havre and St. John's, and devastated all the
little settlements along the eastern coast, and the English
trade was for the time completely broken up. Subercase was
made Governor of Acadia in 1706. The following spring New
England sent Colonel March to Port Royal with two regiments,
but he returned without assaulting the fort. Governor Dudley
forbade the troops to land when they came back to Boston, and
ordered them to go again. Colonel March was ill, and Colonel
Wainwright took command; but after a pretence of besieging the
fort for eleven days he retired with small loss, the
expedition having cost Massachusetts £2,200. In 1708 a council
at Montreal decided to send a large number of Canadians and
Indians to devastate New England. But after a long march
through the almost impassable mountain region of northern New
Hampshire, a murderous attack on Haverhill, in which 30 or 40
were killed, was the only result. … In 1709 a plan was
formed in England for the capture of New France by a fleet and
five regiments of British soldiers aided by the colonists. But
a defeat in Portugal called away the ships destined for
America, and a force gathered at Lake Champlain under Colonel
Nicholson for a land attack was so reduced by sickness—said
to have resulted from the poisoning of a spring by
Indians—that they burned their canoes and retreated. The next
year, Nicholson was furnished with six ships of war, thirty
transports, and one British and four New England regiments for
the capture of Port Royal. Subercase had only 260 men and an
insufficient supply of provisions." He surrendered after a
short bombardment, "and on the 16th of October the starving
and ragged garrison marched out to be sent to France. For the
last time the French flag was hauled down from the fort, and
Port Royal was henceforth an English fortress, which was
re-named Annapolis Royal, in honor of Queen Anne."

_R. Johnson,
History of the French War,
chapter 8._

"With a change of masters came a change of names. Acadié was
again called 'Nova Scotia'—the name bestowed upon it by James
I. in 1621; and Port Royal, 'Annapolis.'"

_R. Brown,
History of the Island of Cape Breton, letter 8._

ALSO IN:
_P. H. Smith,
Acadia,
pages 108-111._

See, also,
CANADA: A. D. 1711-1713.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1722-1725.
Renewed war with the northeastern Indians.

See NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1713-1730.

{2315}

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1744.
King George's War (the Third Intercolonial War):
Hostilities in Nova Scotia.

"The war that had prevailed for several years between Britain
and Spain [see ENGLAND: A. D. 1739-1741], inflicted upon the
greater number of the British provinces of America no farther
share of its evils than the burden of contributing to the
expeditions of Admiral Vernon, and the waste of life by which
his disastrous naval campaigns were signalized. Only South
Carolina and Georgia had been exposed to actual attack and
danger. But this year [1744], by an enlargement of the hostile
relations of the parent state, the scene of war was extended
to the more northern provinces. The French, though professing
peace with Britain, had repeatedly given assistance to Spain;
while the British king, as Elector of Hanover, had espoused
the quarrel of the emperor of Germany with the French monarch;
and after various mutual threats and demonstrations of
hostility that consequently ensued between Britain and France,
war [the War of the Austrian Succession] was now formally
declared by these states against each other.

See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1718-1738, and after.

The French colonists in America, having been apprized of this
event before it was known in New England, were tempted to
improve the advantage of their prior intelligence by an
instant and unexpected commencement of hostilities, which
accordingly broke forth without notice or delay in the quarter
of Nova Scotia. … On the island of Canso, adjoining the
coast of Nova Scotia, the British had formed a settlement,
which was resorted to by the fishermen of New England, and
defended by a small fortification garrisoned by a detachment
of troops from Annapolis. … Duquesnel, the governor of Cape
Breton, on receiving intelligence of the declaration of war
between the two parent states, conceived the hope of
destroying the fishing establishments of the English by the
suddenness and vigor of an unexpected attack. His first blow,
which was aimed at Canso, proved successful (May 13, 1744).
Duvivier, whom he despatched from his headquarters at
Louisburg, with a few armed vessels and a force of 900 men,
took unresisted possession of this island, burned the fort and
houses, and made prisoners of the garrison and inhabitants.
This success Duquesnel endeavoured to follow up by the
conquest of Placentia in Newfoundland, and of Annapolis in
Nova Scotia; but at both these places his forces were
repulsed. In the attack of Annapolis, the French were joined
by the Indians of Nova Scotia; but the prudent forecast of
Shirley, the governor of Massachusetts, had induced the
assembly of this province, some time before, to contribute a
reinforcement of 200 men for the greater security of the
garrison of Annapolis; and to the opportune arrival of the
succour thus afforded the preservation of the place was
ascribed. … The people of New England were stimulated to a
pitch of resentment, apprehension, and martial energy, that
very shortly produced an effort of which neither their friends
nor their enemies had supposed them to be capable, and which
excited the admiration of both Europe and America. … War was
declared against the Indians of Nova Scotia, who had assisted
in the attack upon Annapolis; all the frontier garrisons were
reinforced; new forts were erected; and the materials of
defence were enlarged by a seasonable gift of artillery from
the king. Meanwhile, though the French were not prepared to
prosecute the extensive plan of conquest which their first
operations announced, their privateers actively waged a
harassing naval warfare that greatly endamaged the commerce of
New England. The British fisheries on the coast of Nova Scotia
were interrupted; the fishermen declared their intention of
returning no more to their wonted stations on that coast; and
so many merchant vessels were captured and carried into
Louisburg in the course of this summer, that it was expected
that in the following year no branch of maritime trade would
be pursued by the New England merchants, except under the
protection of convoy."

_J. Grahame,
History [Colonial] of the United States,
book 10, chapter 1 (volume 2)._

ALSO IN:
_P. H. Smith,
Acadia,
pages 123-128._

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1745.
King George's War.
The taking of Louisburg.

"Louisburg, on which the French had spent much money [see CAPE
BRETON ISLAND: A. D. 1720-1745], was by far the strongest fort
north of the Gulf of Mexico. But the prisoners of Canso,
carried thither, and afterward dismissed on parole, reported
the garrison to be weak and the works out of repair. So long
as the French held this fortress, it was sure to be a source
of annoyance to New England, but to wait for British aid to
capture it would be tedious and uncertain, public attention in
Great Britain being much engrossed by a threatened invasion.
Under these circumstances, Shirley proposed to the General
Court of Massachusetts the bold enterprise of a colonial
expedition, of which Louisburg should be the object. After six
days' deliberation and two additional messages from the
governor, this proposal was adopted by a majority of one vote.
A circular letter, asking aid and co-operation, was sent to
all the colonies as far south as Pennsylvania. In answer to
this application, urged by a special messenger from
Massachusetts, the Pennsylvania Assembly … voted £4,000 of
their currency to purchase provisions. The New Jersey Assembly
… furnished … £2,000 toward the Louisburg expedition, but
declined to raise any men. The New York Assembly, after a long
debate, voted £3,000 of their currency; but this seemed to
Clinton a niggardly grant, and he sent, besides, a quantity of
provisions purchased by private subscription, and ten
eighteen-pounders from the king's magazine. Connecticut voted
500 men, led by Roger Wolcott, afterward governor, and
appointed, by stipulation of the Connecticut Assembly, second
in command of the expedition. Rhode Island and New Hampshire
each raised a regiment of 300 men; but the Rhode Island troops
did not arrive till after Louisburg was taken. The chief
burden of the enterprise, as was to be expected, fell on
Massachusetts. In seven weeks an army of 3,250 men was
enlisted, transports were pressed, and bills of credit were
profusely issued to pay the expense. Ten armed vessels were
provided by Massachusetts, and one by each of the other New
England colonies. The command in chief was given to William
Pepperell, a native of Maine, a wealthy merchant, who had
inherited and augmented a large fortune acquired by his father
in the fisheries; a popular, enterprising, sagacious man,
noted for his universal good fortune, but unacquainted with
military affairs; except as a militia officer. … The
enterprise … assumed something of the character of an
anti-Catholic crusade. One of the chaplains, a disciple of
Whitfield, carried a hatchet, specially provided to hew down
the images in the French churches.
{2316}
Eleven days after embarking at Boston [April, 1745], the
Massachusetts armament assembled at Casco, to wait there the
arrival of the Connecticut and Rhode Island quotas, and the
melting of the ice by which Cape Breton was environed. The New
Hampshire troops were already there; those from Connecticut
came a few days after. Notice having been sent to England and
the West Indies of the intended expedition, Captain Warren
presently arrived with four ships of war, and, cruising before
Louisburg, captured several vessels bound thither with
supplies. Already, before his arrival, the New England
cruisers had prevented the entry of a French thirty-gun ship.
As soon as the ice permitted, the troops landed and commenced
the siege, but not with much skill, for they had no engineers.
… Five unsuccessful attacks were made, one after another,
upon an island battery which protected the harbor. In that
cold, foggy climate, the troops, very imperfectly provided
with tents, suffered severely from sickness, and more than a
third were unfit for duty. But the French garrison was feeble
and mutinous, and when the commander found that his supplies
had been captured, he relieved the embarrassment of the
besiegers by offering to capitulate. The capitulation [June
17] included 650 regular soldiers, and near 1,300 effective
inhabitants of the town, all of whom were to be shipped to
France. The island of St. John's presently submitted on the
same terms. The loss during the siege was less than 150, but
among those reluctantly detained to garrison the conquered
fortress ten times as many perished afterward by sickness. In
the expedition of Vernon and this against Louisburg perished a
large number of the remaining Indians of New England,
persuaded to enlist as soldiers in the colonial regiments.
Some dispute arose as to the relative merits of the land and
naval forces, which had been joined during the siege by
additional ships from England. Pepperell, however, was made a
baronet, and both he and Shirley were commissioned as colonels
in the British army. Warren was promoted to the rank of rear
admiral. The capture of this strong fortress, effected in the
face of many obstacles, shed, indeed, a momentary luster over
one of the most unsuccessful wars in which Britain was ever
engaged."

_R. Hildreth,
History of the United States,
chapter 25 (volume 2)._

"As far as England was concerned, it [the taking of Louisburg]
was the great event of the war of the Austrian succession.
England had no other success in that war to compare with it.
As things turned out, it is not too much to say that this
exploit of New England gave peace to Europe."

_J. G. Palfrey,
History of New England,
book 5, chapter 9 (volume 5)._

"Though it was the most brilliant success the English achieved
during the war, English historians scarcely mention it."

_R. Johnson,
History of the French War,
chapter 9._

ALSO IN:
_T. C. Haliburton,
Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia,
chapter 3 (volume 1)._

_R. Brown,
History of Cape Breton, letters 12-14._

_S. A. Drake,
The Taking of Louisburg._

_U. Parsons,
Life of Sir William Pepperell,
chapters 3-5._

_F. Parkman,
The Capture of Louisbourg
(Atlantic Monthly, March-May, 1891)._

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1745-1748.
King George's War: The mortifying end.
Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
and restoration of Louisburg to France.

"Elated by their success [at Louisburg], the Provincials now
offered to undertake the conquest of Canada; but the Duke of
Bedford, to whom Governor Shirley's plan had been submitted,
disapproved of it, as exhibiting to the colonists too plainly
their own strength. … He therefore advised to place the
chief dependence on the fleet and army to be sent from
England, and to look on the Americans as useful only when
joined with others. Finally, the Whigs determined to send a
powerful fleet to Quebec, at the same time that an army should
attack Montreal, by the route of Lake Champlain; and so late
as April, 1746, orders were issued to the several governors to
levy troops without limitation, which, when assembled on the
frontiers, the king would pay. From some unknown cause, the
plan was abandoned as soon as formed. The general appointed to
the chief command was ordered not to embark, but the
instructions to enlist troops had been transmitted to America,
and were acted on with alacrity. Massachusetts raised 3,500
men to co-operate with the fleet, which, however, they were
doomed never to see. After being kept a long time in suspense,
they were dispersed, in several places, to strengthen
garrisons which were supposed to be too weak for the defenses
assigned them. Upward of 3,000 men, belonging to other
colonies, were assembled at Albany, undisciplined, without a
commissariat, and under no control. After the season for
active operations was allowed to pass away, they disbanded
themselves, some with arms in their hands demanding pay of
their governors, and others suing their captains. In addition
to this disgraceful affair, the Provincials had the
mortification to have a large detachment of their men cut off
in Lower Horton, then known as Minas, situated nearly in the
centre of Nova Scotia. The Canadian forces, which had traveled
thither to co-operate with an immense fleet expected from
France, determining to winter in that province, rendered it a
subject of continued anxiety and expense to Massachusetts.
Governor Shirley resolved, after again reinforcing the
garrison at Annapolis, to drive them from the shores of Minas
Basin, where they were seated; and in the winter of the year
1746, a body of troops was embarked at Boston for the former
place. After the loss of a transport, and the greatest part of
the soldiers on board, the troops arrived, and reembarked for
Grand Pré in the district of Minas, in the latter end of
December. … The issue was, that being cantoned at too great
distances from each other, La Corne, a commander of the
French, having intelligence of their situation, forced a march
from Schiegnieto, through a most tempestuous snow-storm, and
surprised them at midnight. After losing 160 of their men, in
killed, wounded and prisoners, the party were obliged to
capitulate, not, however, on dishonorable terms, and the
French, in their turn, abandoned their post. On the 8th of
May, 1749, peace was proclaimed at Boston [according to the
terms of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, concluded October 7,
1748], much to the mortification of the Provincials; Cape
Breton was restored to France; and Louisburg, which had
created so much dread, and inflicted such injuries on their
commerce, was handed over to their inveterate enemies, to be
rendered still stronger by additional fortifications. The
French also obtained the islands of St. Pierre and Michelon,
on the south coast of Newfoundland, as stations for their
fisheries." England reimbursed the colonies to the extent of
£183,000 for the expenses of their vain conquest of Louisburg,
and £135,000 for their losses in raising troops under the
orders that were revoked.

_T. C. Haliburton,
Rule and Misrule of the English in America,
book 3, chapter 1._

ALSO IN:
_J. Hannay,
History of Acadia,
chapter 19._

_S. G. Drake,
Particular History of the Five Years French and Indian War,
chapters 6-9._

_J. G. Palfrey,
History of New England,
book 5, chapter 10 (volume 5)._

See, also,
AIX-LA-CHAPELLE: THE CONGRESS.

{2317}

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1750-1753.
Dissensions among the colonies at the
opening of the great French War.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1750-1753.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1754.
The Colonial Congress at Albany.
Franklin's Plan of Union.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1754.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1755-1760.
The last Intercolonial, or French and Indian War,
and English conquest of Canada.

See CANADA: A. D. 1750-1753, to 1760;
NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1749-1755, 1755;
OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1748-1754, 1754, 1755;
CAPE BRETON ISLAND: A. D. 1758-1760.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1761.
Harsh enforcement of revenue laws.
The Writs of Assistance and Otis' speech.

See MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1761.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1763-1764.
Enforcement of the Sugar (or Molasses) Act.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1763-1764.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1765-1766.
The Stamp Act.
Its effects and its repeal.
The Stamp Act Congress.
The Declaratory Act.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1765: and 1766.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1766-1768.
The Townshend duties.
The Circular Letter of Massachusetts.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1766-1767;
and 1767-1768.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1768-1770.
The quartering of troops in Boston.
The "Massacre," and the removal of the troops.

See BOSTON: A. D. 1768; and 1770.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1769-1785.
The ending of Slavery.

See SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1638-1781; 1769-1785; and 1774.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1770-1773.
Repeal of the Townshend duties except on Tea.
Committees of Correspondence instituted.
The Tea Ships and the Boston Tea-party.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1770, and 1772-1773;
and BOSTON: A. D. 1773.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1774.
The Boston Port Bill, the Massachusetts Act,
and the Quebec Act.
The First Continental Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1774.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1775.
The beginning of the War of the American Revolution.
Lexington.
Concord.
The country in arms and Boston under siege.
Ticonderoga.
Bunker Hill.
The Second Continental Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1775-1783.
The War of the Revolution.
Independence achieved.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1775 (APRIL), to 1783.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1787-1789.
Formation and adoption of the Federal Constitution.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1787; and 1787-1789.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1808.
The Embargo and its effects.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1804-1809; and 1808.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1812-1814.
Federalist opposition to the war with England.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1812.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1814.
The Hartford Convention.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1814 (DECEMBER) THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1824-1828.
Change of front on the tariff question.

See TARIFF LEGISLATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1816-1824;
and 1828.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1831-1832.
The rise of the Abolitionists.

See SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1828-1832.

NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1861-1865.
The war for the Union.

See, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1861 (APRIL), and after.

----------NEW ENGLAND: End----------

NEW FOREST.

To create a new royal hunting ground in his English dominion,
William the Conqueror ruthlessly demolished villages, manors,
chapels, and parish churches throughout thirty miles of
country, along the coast side of Hampshire, from the Avon on
the west to Southampton Water on the east, and called this
wilderness of his making, The New Forest. His son William
Rufus was killed in it—which people thought to be a
judgment. The New Forest still exists and embraces no less
than 66,000 acres, extending over a district twenty miles by
fifteen in area, of woodland, heath, bog and rough pasture.

_J. C. Brown,
Forests of England,
part 1, chapter 2, D._

NEW FRANCE.

See CANADA.

NEW GRANADA.

See COLOMBIAN STATES.

----------NEW HAMPSHIRE: Start--------

NEW HAMPSHIRE:
The aboriginal inhabitants.
See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: ALGONQUIAN FAMILY.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1623-1631.
Gorges' and Mason's grant and the division of it.
First colonies planted.
The naming of the province.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1621-1631.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1641-1679.
The claims of Massachusetts asserted and defeated.

According to its terms, the Massachusetts patent embraced a
territory extending northward three miles beyond the
head-waters of the Merrimack, and covered, therefore, the
greater part of Mason's New Hampshire grant, as well as that
of Gorges in Maine. In 1641, when this fact had been
ascertained, the General Court of Massachusetts "passed an
order (with the consent of the settlers at Dover and
Strawberry-bank, on the Piscataqua), 'That from thenceforth,
the said people inhabiting there are and shall be accepted and
reputed under the Government of the Massachusetts,' etc. Mason
had died, and confusion ensued, so that the settlers were
mostly glad of the transfer. A long controversy ensued between
Mason's heirs and Massachusetts as to the right of
jurisdiction. The history of New Hampshire and Maine at this
period was much the same. In 1660, at the time of the
Restoration, the heirs of Mason applied to the
Attorney-General in England, who decided that they had a good
title to New Hampshire. The Commissioners who came over in
1664 attempted to re-establish them; but as the settlers
favored Massachusetts, she resumed her government when they
left. Mason's heirs renewed their claim in 1675, and in 1679
it was solemnly decided against the claim of the Massachusetts
Colony, although their grant technically included all lands
extending to three miles north of the waters of the Merrimack
river. John Cutt was the first President in New Hampshire, and
thenceforward, to the American Revolution, New Hampshire was
treated as a Royal province, the Governors and
Lieutenant-Governors being appointed by the King, and the laws
made by the people being subject to his revision."

_C. W. Elliott,
The New England History,
volume 1, chapter 26._

ALSO IN:
_G. Barstow,
History of New Hampshire,
chapters 2-5._

_J. Belknap,
History of New Hampshire,
volume 1, chapters 2-9._

_N. Adams,
Annals of Portsmouth,
pages 28-64._

See, also,
NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1640-1644.

{2318}

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1675.
Outbreak of the Taranteens.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1675.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1744-1748.
King George's War and the taking of Louisburg.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1744; 1745; and 1745-1748.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1749-1774.
Boundary dispute with New York.
The grants in Vermont, and the struggle of the
"Green Mountain Boys" to defend them.

See VERMONT: A. D. 1749-1774.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1754.
The Colonial Congress at Albany,
and Franklin's Plan of Union.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1754.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1755-1760.
The French and Indian War, and conquest of Canada.

See CANADA: A. D. 1750-1753, to 1760;
NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1749-1755, 1755;
OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1748-1754, 1754, 1755;
CAPE BRETON ISLAND: A. D. 1758-1760.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1760-1766.
The question of taxation by Parliament.
The Sugar Act.
The Stamp Act and its repeal.
The Declaratory Act.
The Stamp Act Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1760-1775; 1763-1764; 1765; and 1766.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1766-1768.
The Townshend duties.
The Circular Letter of Massachusetts.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1766-1767; and 1767-1768.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1768-1770.
The quartering of troops in Boston.
The "Massacre" and the removal of the troops.

See BOSTON: A. D. 1768; and 1770.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1770-1773.
Repeal of the Townshend duties except on Tea.
Committees of Correspondence instituted.
The Tea Ships and the Boston Tea-party.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1770, and 1772-1773;
and BOSTON: A. D. 1773.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1774.
The Boston Port Bill, the Massachusetts Act,
and the Quebec Act.
The First Continental Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1774.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1775.
The beginning of the War of the American Revolution.
Lexington.
Concord.
The country in arms and Boston beleaguered.
Ticonderoga.
Bunker Hill.
The Second Continental Congress.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1775.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1775-1776.
The end of royal government.
Adoption of a constitution.
Declaration of Independence.

The New Hampshire Assembly, called by Governor Wentworth, came
together June 12, 1775, in the midst of the excitements
produced by news of Lexington and Ticonderoga. Meantime, a
convention of the people had been called and was sitting at
Exeter. Acting on a demand from the latter, the assembly
proceeded first to expel from its body three members whom the
governor had called by the king's writ from three new
townships, and who were notorious royalists. "One of the
expelled members, having censured this proceeding, was
assaulted by the populace, and fled for shelter to the
governor's house. The people demanded him, and, being refused,
they pointed a gun at the governor's door; whereupon the
offender was surrendered and carried to Exeter. The governor
retired to the fort, and his house was pillaged. He afterwards
went on board the Scarborough and sailed for Boston. He had
adjourned the assembly to the 28th of September. But they met
no more. In September, he issued a proclamation from the Isles
of Shoals, adjourning them to April next. This was the closing
act of his administration. It was the last receding step of
royalty. It had subsisted in the province 95 years. The
government of New Hampshire was henceforth to be a government
of the people. … The convention which had assembled at
Exeter was elected but for six months. Previous to their
dissolution in November, they made provisions, pursuant to the
recommendations of congress, for calling a new convention,
which should be a more full representation of the people. They
sent copies of these provisions to the several towns, and
dissolved. The elections were forthwith held. The new
convention promptly assembled, and drew up a temporary form of
government. Having assumed the name of 'House of
Representatives,' they adopted a constitution [January, 1776],
and proceeded to choose twelve persons to constitute a
distinct and a co-ordinate branch of the legislature, by the
name of a Council." The constitution provided for no
executive. "The two houses assumed to themselves the executive
duty during the session, and they appointed a committee of
safety to sit in the recess, varying in number from six to
sixteen, vested with executive powers. The president of the
council was president of the executive committee. … On the
11th of June, 1776, a committee was chosen by the assembly,
and another by the council of New Hampshire, 'to make a
draught of a declaration of the independence of the united
colonies.' On the 15th, the committees of both houses reported
a 'Declaration of Independence,' which was adopted
unanimously, and a copy sent forthwith to their delegates in
congress."

_G. Barstow,
History of New Hampshire,
chapter 9._

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1776.
The ending of Slavery.

See SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1769-1785.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1776-1783.
The War of Independence.
Peace with England.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776, to 1783.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1783.
Revision of the State constitution.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776-1779.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1788.
Ratification of the Federal constitution.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1787-1789.

NEW HAMPSHIRE: A. D. 1814.
The Hartford Convention.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1814 (DECEMBER) THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.

----------NEW HAMPSHIRE: End--------

----------NEW HAVEN: Start--------

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1638.
The planting of the Colony and the founding of the City.

See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1638.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1639.
The Fundamental Agreement.

See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1639.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1640-1655.
The attempts at colonization on the Delaware.

See NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1640-1655.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1643.
Progress and state of the colony.
The New England Confederation.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1643.

{2319}

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1660-1664.
The protection of the Regicides.

See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1660-1664.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1662-1664.
Annexation to Connecticut.

See CONNECTICUT: A. D. 1662-1664.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1666.
The migration to Newark, N.J.

See NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1664-1667.

NEW HAVEN: A. D. 1779.
Pillaged by Tryon's marauders.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1778-1779
WASHINGTON GUARDING THE HUDSON.

----------NEW HAVEN: End--------

NEW HOPE CHURCH, Battle of.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1864 (MAY-SEPTEMBER: GEORGIA).

----------NEW JERSEY: Start--------

NEW JERSEY:
The aboriginal inhabitants.

See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: DELAWARES.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1610-1664.
The Dutch in possession.
The Patroon colony at Pavonia.

See NEW YORK: A. D. 1610-1614; and 1621-1646.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1620.
Embraced in the patent of the Council for New England.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1620-1623.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1634.
Embraced in the Palatine grant of New Albion.

See NEW ALBION.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1635.
Territory assigned to Lord Mulgrave on the dissolution
of the Council for New England.

See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1635.

NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1640-1655.
The attempted colonization from New Haven, on the Delaware.